State Studies

"Hedging" and Other State Strategies in the Contemporary International System: A Comparative Reintroduction

Roohollah Talebi Arani

Volume 11, Issue 42 , September 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.86891.1684

Abstract

Introduction Introduction: International politics is a sphere shaped by the foreign policy of individual states. Meanwhile, the foreign policy of states proceeds according to the strategy or strategies prescribed to advance it. On the other hand, the mindset of the states' decision-makers, the historical ... Read More Introduction Introduction: International politics is a sphere shaped by the foreign policy of individual states. Meanwhile, the foreign policy of states proceeds according to the strategy or strategies prescribed to advance it. On the other hand, the mindset of the states' decision-makers, the historical evolution of their international relations, the interactions they have had with each other, and the experiences they have accumulated through these interactions have played a significant role in the states' decision to choose and change different strategies. In this framework, states have usually used one of the strategies of "neutrality, isolationism, alliance, and non-alignment" to advance their foreign policy, strategies that are known as "traditional strategies" of states and have been formed in their historical and empirical context. Accordingly, the issue addressed in this article is to examine the differences and similarities between hedging as an emerging strategy in the foreign policy of states and other traditional strategies, such as alliances, neutrality, isolationism, and non-alignment, which have been pursued throughout the history of international relations. Thus, many works have been written throughout the life of international relations as an academic discipline focusing on state strategies. These works have either considered strategies within the framework of foreign policy, which is examined in terms of the field of "Foreign Policy Analysis" and accordingly, strategy selection is placed under policymaking, or they have been viewed during the Cold War in the field of Strategic Studies and thereafter in the newly established field of "Security Studies", and from this perspective, they are discussed in relation to the phenomenon of war and its probability of occurrence, and are placed above military operations. In this article, state strategies are considered within the framework of their foreign policy. Aim and Discussion: This article attempts to present a comparative analysis between containment on the one hand and other traditional state strategies, namely alliance, neutrality, isolationism, and non-alignment, on the other, in order to explain the position of hedging as a foreign policy strategy. Furthermore, given that hedging is very new, both as a concept in the academic world and as an explicit and prominent strategy in the foreign policymaking of states in the international system, it seems necessary to recognize its similarities and differences with other foreign policy strategies of states that, on the one hand, are prevalent in both the fields of International Relations and Foreign Policy Analysis, and on the other hand, have a long-standing history in the discourse of national and international politicians and diplomats. Method: In doing so, the data collection method is through library and internet searches based on the use of secondary data, focusing on their theoretical and conceptual issues. We aim to show the similarities and differences between them by using a comparative method based on content analysis of qualitative data contained in texts on foreign policy analysis in order to arrive at a proper assessment on the place of hedging in Foreign Policy Analysis. Findings: Hedging has significant differences from all traditional strategies; unlike all other strategies, it is not related to threats but to risks; it can incorporate all other strategies and cover their behavioral aspects; it is a strategy for managing one's own situation, not a strategy for controlling the actions of others or external events; it involves a kind of continuous and comprehensive cooperation in the international environment; it is not conflict-generating and does not have the prospect of conflict; it has a positive view of the international arena and requires that states be proactive rather than reactive; and finally, it is never based on a mental assumption about the intentions of others; in such a way that the hedger state always calculates its circumstantial contingencies.

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International Relations

Modeling the Speeches of Iranian Presidents at the UNGA (1980–2024)

Sajjad Sadeghi

Volume 11, Issue 42 , September 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.84425.1628

Abstract

Introduction It is customary for heads of state or their delegates to deliver speeches at the opening of each regular annual session of the General Assembly, addressing the most pressing current international issues that affect their national interests. These speeches typically outline their government’s ... Read More Introduction It is customary for heads of state or their delegates to deliver speeches at the opening of each regular annual session of the General Assembly, addressing the most pressing current international issues that affect their national interests. These speeches typically outline their government’s perspective on global developments and propose solutions aimed at resolving crises and promoting sustainable regional and global peace and security. Analyzing the speeches delivered by heads of state at the UNGA provides valuable insights: first, into the foundations of their view on the international order; second, into the key global issues as seen through their foreign policy lens; and finally, into their proposed actions for overcoming crises through global partnership, as articulated in official policy statements. Since 1980, when then-Prime Minister Mohammad Ali Rajaee attended the UNGA and presented the Islamic Republic of Iran’s positions on global affairs, Iranian presidents have participated in the General Assembly 24 times up to the 79th session in 2024. They have consistently used this platform to articulate the Foreign Policy Doctrine of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI). This trend has been particularly notable since tensions surrounding Iran’s nuclear program escalated, with Iranian presidents leveraging the UNGA stage to convey the overarching principles of the IRI’s foreign policy to the international community. The relevant Persian-language studies generally examine the speeches from two main perspectives: 1) discourse analysis from a linguistic perspective, and 2) content analysis based on international relations concepts. It is worth noting that some research in the field of international relations addresses aspects of presidential speeches at the UN as part of broader studies on foreign policy. However, these works bear little relevance to the present research. When considering studies that focus specifically on individual presidents, Hassan Rouhani’s speeches have received the most attention from researchers. Overall, the existing literature shows that none of these studies is comparable to the current work in terms of scope or final approach, nor have they attempted to develop a comprehensive foreign policy model based on the policies declared by the presidents. In this respect, the present research aimed to examine the 45-year trajectory of the IRI’s foreign policy and develop a model for future research on Iran’s foreign policy behavior. Materials and Methods This research adopted the method of modeling based on inductive content analysis. Content analysis aims to uncover underlying linguistic meanings within a text. When applied qualitatively, this method can develop conceptual models and frameworks by systematically combining themes, indicators, and specialized metaphorical concepts. From a broader perspective, it can also identify and categorize recurring elements within the text, thereby enabling the qualitative formulation of specialized metaphors. Results and Discussion The analysis helped identify several common features in the foreign policy doctrine of successive IRI’s administrations. These include a negative and pessimistic perception of the great powers and a prevailing view that international organizations—particularly the United Nations and its Security Council—are ineffective and in need of fundamental reform and transformation. The international system is perceived as characterized by a continuous confrontation between two primary forces: the protectors and supporters of the status quo and the agents of change. Over the past two decades, this dynamic has gradually evolved toward what can be described as a Neo-Cold War order. The IRI’s administrations also believe that a new international order is emerging, one that is in fundamental conflict with the existing system. Given their strong desire for systemic change, they seek to define themselves as agents of change within this emerging international order. Furthermore, they regard the current international system as an unjust system of domination. Taken together, these findings indicated that the core and enduring principle of the IRI’s foreign policy is the doctrine of change-seeking within the current international system. Conclusion According to the findings, the fundamental principle shaping the IRI’s foreign policy framework is the concept and trend of revolutionism or change-seeking in opposition to the status quo. In the context of foreign relations and the international system, this can be defined as an approach of revolutionism against the current international order. This principle explains the consistent alignment in the foreign policy of successive administrations over the past 45 years, despite differences in domestic political orientations. Therefore, change-seeking based on the negation of the system of domination—which has evolved into change-seeking against the current international system within the IRI’s foreign policy doctrine—can be considered the foundation for the IRI’s foreign policy behavior. In this regard, two propositions can be made from the futures studies perspective. First, the foreign policy of the IRI will support any international actor, coalition—whether bilateral or multilateral—or process that contributes to altering the existing international order. Second, and in contrast, the IRI’s foreign policy will resist and oppose any trend, process, actor, or coalition within the international system that seeks to reinforce or maintain the status quo.

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The State

Analysis of the System of Problems in Digital Government Transformation in Iran Using the Soft Systems Methodology (SSM)

Razieh Mehrabi Koushki; Mohammadreza Hamidi

Volume 11, Issue 42 , September 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.75064.1444

Abstract

Problem Statement & BackgroundWith the advent of the digital era and the rapid advancement of ICT technologies such as cloud computing, artificial intelligence, blockchain, and IoT, the foundational structures and governance mechanisms of governments are undergoing profound transformation. This change, ... Read More Problem Statement & BackgroundWith the advent of the digital era and the rapid advancement of ICT technologies such as cloud computing, artificial intelligence, blockchain, and IoT, the foundational structures and governance mechanisms of governments are undergoing profound transformation. This change, often encapsulated under the term "digital transformation of government," encompasses shifts not just in technology but also in institutional behavior, public service delivery, legal frameworks, and citizen expectations. The global move from e-government to more integrated models like agile government, transformational government, and open governance illustrates the growing complexity of digital-era governance.Iran, like many other developing countries, faces multifaceted challenges in adapting to these paradigms. Issues such as political resistance, fragmented data governance, outdated legal frameworks, insufficient financial and technical resources, and a lack of coordinated planning hinder effective transformation. The central question this research addresses is: What are the systemic issues hindering digital government transformation in Iran, and how can these challenges be identified and addressed through structured methodologies?Research ObjectiveThe primary aim of the study is to investigate and articulate the system of problems ("Nizam-e-Masael") surrounding the digital transformation of government in Iran. Using a structured interpretive methodology—Soft Systems Methodology (SSM)—the research seeks to:Identify key conceptual and operational barriers to digital transformation.Capture perspectives of key stakeholders and experts within Iran’s digital ecosystem.Develop conceptual models that reflect stakeholder understandings and identify actionable changes.Suggest institutional, legal, managerial, and technological reforms necessary to achieve transformative digital governance. MethodologyThis study employs Soft Systems Methodology (SSM), a qualitative, interpretive method developed by Peter Checkland, suitable for analyzing complex, ill-structured, human-centered problems where multiple stakeholders and perspectives exist.Key steps included:- Unstructured Problem Exploration – through semi-structured interviews with 11 national experts from government, academia, private sector, and civil society.- Stakeholder Identification – mapping all key actors, including executive bodies (ministries, councils), judiciary, parliament, private tech sector, and citizens.- Root Definitions using CATWOE – structured definitions of the situation from multiple perspectives using the CATWOE tool (Customers, Actors, Transformation process, Worldview, Owners, Environmental constraints).- Conceptual Model Building – building models to represent ideal systems based on each major stakeholder’s worldview.- Real-World Comparison – comparing models with current practices to identify gaps.- Feasible and Desirable Changes – suggesting policy and structural changes.FindingsThe study identifies that Iran’s digital transformation is constrained by challenges across four domains:Political Challenges:Resistance to structural change due to fear of transparency and loss of control.Political factionalism causing instrumental use or obstruction of large-scale digital projects.Data silos and institutional security-centric data ownership models obstructing integration.Economic Challenges:Severe underfunding and lack of financial prioritization due to broader fiscal crises.Lack of digital infrastructure, such as cloud platforms and broadband access.No coherent roadmap or leadership for multi-sectoral funding and execution.Social Challenges:Concerns about the societal effects of digital technologies (e.g., on family, youth).Mixed perceptions of ICT’s impact, with some blaming digitalization for rising divorce or unemployment, while others cite benefits like transparency and remote work.Legal and Regulatory Challenges:Outdated laws incompatible with emerging technologies (e.g., AI, Metaverse).Lack of enabling legislation for cross-agency digital integration.No prioritization of digital transformation in high-level legislative or strategic documents.SSM-Based Stakeholder Findings:Executive Branch: Lacks coherent leadership and budget alignment. Coordination across ministries is absent or fragmented.Judiciary: Digitization efforts are sporadic and lack systemic support or coordination.Parliament: Limited awareness of digital transformation imperatives. Legislative inertia blocks innovation.Supreme Cyberspace Council: Weak coordination authority; recommendations often lack enforcement power.Conceptual Models: Each of these stakeholder groups had tailored conceptual models reflecting:Key activities (e.g., legislation drafting, budget allocation, program implementation).Ideal vs. actual performance assessments.Interdependencies and feedback loops.Identified Gaps:Lack of central vision: No unified national transformation roadmap exists.Ineffective coordination mechanisms: Overlapping mandates and institutional silos dominate.No performance tracking: There are no KPIs, monitoring tools, or learning systems.________________________________________Conclusion and RecommendationsDigital transformation of government is not a choice but a necessity for countries facing socio-economic, demographic, and political pressures. Iran’s journey from basic e-government toward full digital governance is impeded by structural, political, economic, and cultural barriers. While technologies are available, their adoption is hindered by outdated processes, limited awareness, and fragmented leadership.The study recommends:National Strategy Formulation: Develop and ratify a high-level digital transformation policy endorsed by all three branches of power.Legal Overhaul: Revisit all major legal codes (data privacy, cybersecurity, digital services) with digital transformation in mind.Institutional Reform: Designate a lead digital transformation agency with executive authority.Capacity Building: Train government staff and lawmakers in digital governance principles.Public Participation and Transparency: Establish feedback mechanisms to involve citizens and civil society in shaping digital policies.Performance Measurement: Develop a national digital governance index and integrate it into annual government performance reports.

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Political Sociology

Pathology of the Bureaucratic Environment in Iran from the Perspective of Political Development: A Meta-Synthesis Analysis

Mohammad Bagher Khorramshad; Tahereh Karamzadeh

Volume 11, Issue 42 , September 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.72134.1382

Abstract

Introduction A main requirement for the advancement of a society is the existence of dynamic and high-quality institutions and organizations. Such institutions can promote a sociopolitical system through their performance and minimize damages and shocks during any probable developments, challenges, ... Read More Introduction A main requirement for the advancement of a society is the existence of dynamic and high-quality institutions and organizations. Such institutions can promote a sociopolitical system through their performance and minimize damages and shocks during any probable developments, challenges, or crises based on their strengths and consistency. On the other hand, societies removed from the indicators of political development struggle with challenges like institutional inefficiency. A major sector of each society that acts as a criterion for the assessment of political development indicators is its bureaucracy. Bureaucracy, through its efficient performance, can contribute to the improvement of political development indicators, while its inefficiency can pose challenges to political development. Previous studies on bureaucracy in Iran have been heavily influenced by managerial and economic perspectives, and have rarely addressed the issue from the standpoint of social sciences and political development. therefore, approaches to the study of bureaucracy in Iran, from the perspective of political science, have been overlooked, or more precisely, have not received adequate attention. Therefore, given the existing literature, this study seeks to analyze the bureaucratic environment in Iran from the perspective of political development using the meta-synthesis method. In this regard, the present study aimed to determine the issues facing Iran’s bureaucratic environment from a political development perspective according to the views offered by a group of experts. After the initial coding and the synthesis of the concepts were carried out, the findings indicated that the issues of the bureaucratic system could be categorized into the concepts of historical authoritarianism, inefficient bureaucracy, the weak rule of law, rentier state, the over-politicization of the administrative system, defective institutionalization, and anti-development state. Methodology The present study utilized the seven-stage method of Sandelowski and Barroso to synthesize the data. The seven-stage method includes the following stages: Formulate the research questions, 2. Conduct a systematic review of the related literature, 3. Search and select suitable texts, 4. Extract information from the texts, 5. Analyze and synthesize the findings of the texts, 6. Conduct a quality control procedure, and 7. Report the findings (Sandelowski & Barroso, 2003, p. 121). Based on the research question mentioned in the introduction section, a set of keywords, including political development, bureaucratic environment, administrative system, and the relationship between bureaucracy and development, was implemented to detect the relevant studies in the Ensani portal, the Scientific Information Database (SID), and Noor Specialized Magazines (Noormags). This process led to the identification of 658 articles, out of which 129 articles matched the topic of the study in terms of their titles, abstracts, and methodologies. However, 59studies were eliminated as they did not match the investigated period. Then, the abstracts were screened according to environmental pathology and the relationship between bureaucracy and political development, and, ultimately, 37 relevant articles were evaluated as suitable based on the relevance of their topics, the number of downloads, and their citations. Results and Discussion The themes and concepts resulting from the existing analyses on the pathology of the environmental status of Iran’s bureaucracy were extracted and specified as the main codes after reviewing the selected articles in a meticulous manner. Altogether, 206 codes were extracted using the open coding technique by analyzing the concepts within the selected 37 articles. Generally speaking, codes like the authoritarian historical and political structure, the transformation of a state into a rentier one, the over-politicization of the administrative system, and the inefficiency of the bureaucratic system were more prevalent than others in the investigated articles. Thus, the concepts deduced from the selected 37 articles were considered the codes of the study. The findings of the study obtained through the process of the conceptual classification of the codes showed seven general codes that could all be analyzed in relation to the central concept of political development. In other words, it was shown that the immaturity of Iran’s political development and the existence of a mixture of underdevelopment elements in the country influenced the bureaucratic structure and received mostly negative reviews from researchers in the field. To increase the reliability of the study, first, the researchers reviewed the process of the study based on the selected articles, and the performed coding was investigated once more. Then, two external reviewers were recruited to administer a secondary control over the stages of meta-synthesis, including access to accurate and expressive samples, coding, and the synthesis of the codes. Finally, a third expert was asked to control the extracted concepts so that the quality of the stages and data extraction could be confirmed. Conclusion At the political level, extensive political interventions in the administrative sphere and the imposition of extra-legal demands have prevented the administrative system from following its natural course and, as a result, it has become entangled in daily discussions and is no longer able to perform its regular and assigned tasks. On the other hand, the weakness of the rule of law, which has both historical reasons and is rooted in the wide-ranging political interventions in the bureaucracy, has led to the lack of a proper perspective on the state of the administrative system. In addition, inappropriate merit-based selection processes and ambiguity in promotion processes and weak training have created a form of inefficient bureaucracy that has been mentioned in all articles related to the phenomenon of bureaucracy in Iran without exception. The above factors all point to the need to redesign the bureaucracy based on the independence of the administrative system from political groups and to pay attention to educational and motivational mechanisms to attract and promote the most qualified individuals.

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International Relations

Analysis of the Foreign Policy of the Gulf Cooperation Council Countries towards the Gaza War from the Perspective of Neoclassical Realism, with an Emphasis on Unit-level Government Variables

Amirroham Shojaie; Reza Simbar

Volume 11, Issue 42 , September 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.80132.1532

Abstract

IntroductionThe Gaza crisis, which turned into a full-scale war after the events of October 7, 2023, became the center of international attention. Different countries of the world, according to their internal and external requirements, adopted different approaches to this crisis and played a role according ... Read More IntroductionThe Gaza crisis, which turned into a full-scale war after the events of October 7, 2023, became the center of international attention. Different countries of the world, according to their internal and external requirements, adopted different approaches to this crisis and played a role according to these approaches. Meanwhile, the countries of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain, Oman, and Kuwait, each of them, according to their own interests and their attitude towards this crisis, has followed certain policies, the variety of which has sometimes been very different among these six countries. Among these diverse orientations, support for Hamas and other Palestinian groups, neutrality, support for Israel, etc., can be seen. Considering the diversity of foreign policies of this country in response to the extraordinary crisis, it seems that a single-level analysis is not suitable for explanation. Therefore, in this article, using the theory of neoclassical realism, which brings the tool of multilevel analysis and explains the differences. The central research question of this study is: What factors have influenced the foreign policy of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries toward the Gaza crisis (October 7, 2023), how have these factors manifested, and how can they be explained?The findings underscore the significant role of domestic variables, particularly the perceptions and interpretations of political leaders and elites. This study adopts an analytical-explanatory methodology, drawing upon the most recent academic and media sources. Given the complexity of the current conflict in Gaza, the study argues that a multi-causal analytical framework is more effective in explaining the foreign policy behavior of GCC countries. Such a framework simultaneously considers structural pressures at the systemic level and internal dynamics at the unit level—including leadership perceptions and state-society relations.One of the core contributions of neoclassical realism lies in its capacity to explain variations in the foreign policies of different states by incorporating both systemic-level factors and domestic-level dynamics. This theoretical framework is therefore particularly well-suited for analyzing complex cases. The Middle East, as a region characterized by deep-seated geopolitical, ideological, religious, and ethnic cleavages—alongside the involvement of extra-regional powers—presents a uniquely intricate environment for political analysis. The interplay of these multi-layered and often conflicting elements makes it especially challenging to interpret and predict foreign policy behavior in this context.In the meantime, the relations between the Zionist regime and the Persian Gulf countries have had many ups and downs and are always influenced by various factors such as the Palestinian issue, their relations with America, the economic and political interests of these countries, the internal ideology and perceptions of the elites, and ... have been. Among these factors, the issue of Palestine is an important issue that the countries of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council are forced to take a stand against. In this regard, the relations of the Gulf Cooperation Council countries with Israel have historically been affected by the Palestinian-Israeli peace process, and the lack of an agreement between Palestine and Israel has played an important role in the non-normalization of the relations between these actors (Niakoui and Haji, 2019: 231).The Al-Aqsa Storm operation came as a shock to the international community. Arguably, its most defining feature was the element of surprise. The Gaza war erupted at a time when significant shifts were anticipated in Arab-Israeli relations. Before the conflict, indicators suggested that the regional balance of power was tilting, particularly with the anticipated normalization of relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel—a development perceived as unfavorable to Iran. However, the outbreak of the war at least temporarily halted this trajectory. From a broader perspective, the crisis has exposed the diverse and divergent responses of the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. These responses range from support for Hamas and other Palestinian factions to neutrality, and in some cases, overt or tacit support for Israel. This variation underscores a critical point: understanding the foreign policy behavior of GCC states amid the ongoing Gaza conflict necessitates a multifaceted analytical approach—one that accounts for both unit-level (domestic) and system-level (international) factors.Materials and MethodsThe research method is analytical-explanatory and relies on up-to-date library and media sources. The theory of neoclassical realism has also been used to analyze the foreign policy of the actors.Results and DiscussionIn a general division, it can be said that the general and common approach of each of these six countries was based on opposing the killing of civilians, opposing human rights violations by Israel, and opposing the spread of conflicts to other parts of the region. Meanwhile, Qatar, Oman, and Kuwait have openly opposed Israel and its inhumane actions, and Qatar, as the main mediator between the warring parties, has sought to elevate its regional and international role. The attitude of each of these six countries towards Hamas has also been one of the factors affecting their approach in this war.Saudi Arabia's policy regarding this war has also been affected by several factors, including: the special prestige that Saudi Arabia has for itself among Arab countries (the need to take a stand in favor of the people of Gaza), opposition to Hamas on the one hand, and establishing a relationship with Israel on the other. general agreement with the destruction of Hamas, a growing economy, and de-traditionalization (to achieve which the spread of war in the region must be stopped). The United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, however, have shown different positions compared to other countries of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, the reason for which can be found in the normalization of relations between these two actors with Israel under the name of the Ibrahim Accords.ConclusionIn a general summary, it should be said that the approach of the six Arab countries mentioned to the ongoing war in Gaza has been affected by both systemic and internal factors. In relation to this issue, neoclassical realism can well explain the politics of these countries. Meanwhile, it seems that domestic and state-level factors (Unit-Level Government Variables) have played a significant role in shaping the foreign policy of these countries regarding the Gaza crisis.

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The evolution of the concept of power in the view of Shiite jurists: From delegitimization to legitimization

Mohammad Reza Vizheh; Ali Estiri

Volume 11, Issue 42 , September 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2023.66920.1234

Abstract

Introduction and Statement of the Problem: Historical disputes over political authority after the Prophet and the emergence of sharp divisions among Muslims, along with the Shiite position that a political ruler must be appointed by God and the minority status of this view, gave rise to an approach ... Read More Introduction and Statement of the Problem: Historical disputes over political authority after the Prophet and the emergence of sharp divisions among Muslims, along with the Shiite position that a political ruler must be appointed by God and the minority status of this view, gave rise to an approach among Shiite jurists that was generally delegitimizing toward worldly political authority. In the presence of the Imam, Shiites considered the present Imam the only person qualified to assume political power. Given new circumstances, such an approach required reexamination during the occultation. The first changes began with modifications in juristic rulings, and with the formation of the theory of general deputization (niyābat ‘āmma), efforts were made to ease the life of Shiites; this continued until Shiite rulers came to power. With the formation of the first Shiite centers of power, the role of jurists became more pronounced. This development marks a turning point in the evolution of jurists’ political and theological theories and created a space for putting theological and juristic ideas into practice. The theory of political power in Shiism is the result of centuries of juristic intellectual struggle. The jurists’ thought can be divided into two stages: Delegitimizing customary political power and legitimizing it. By scrutinizing the changes that have occurred in Shiite juristic rulings, its developmental trajectory is examined, and the process of transition from delegitimization to legitimization is formulated based on primary sources. The passage from a theoretical orientation centered on disinterest in customary political power and lack of a coherent theory about it toward a situation in which that power becomes a theoretical concern and object of jurists’ attention is examined under two main concepts: delegitimizing and legitimizing. Research Background: In previous studies, the prevailing intellectual tradition in Shiism and Shiite political jurisprudence has generally been described as the development and formation of the theory of general deputization. It has been regarded as the authentic and sole theory put forward by jurists in Shiite jurisprudence without attention to how it formed and was established or the historical context in which it emerged and spread. However, referring to jurisprudential texts compiled in early periods shows that the widespread and initially accepted historical theory was delegitimization of power; from the Middle Ages and with the rise to power of Shiite rulers, the dominant discourse shifted toward legitimizing customary political power. Understanding the theory of general deputization in its current articulation is not possible without a careful consideration of the earlier theory. Research Objective: This study discusses the theory of general deputization and the currently prevalent theory in Shiite political jurisprudence as the intellectual development connected to its antithetical theory—namely, the delegitimization of customary political power—as a historically prior political theory, relying on texts composed by jurists and on how it was completed and developed. Research Method: The present research uses a library-based method and examines books authored by Shiite jurists in historical continuity. Conclusion: By closely examining jurists’ theories, which were historically analyzed from the earliest authoritative jurists in Shiism to the present, it can be argued that their primary intellectual concern was preserving the identity of the Shiite sect in accordance with the governing principles of their theological and juristic beliefs. At one period, given the social circumstances and the need to preserve the communal life of Shiites, their view of political power was negative, permitting interaction between adherents of the sect and political authority only out of necessity At another period, owing to changed social conditions, jurists’ theories moved toward defining a specific political position for the jurist as an active political and legitimizing agent in social and political dimensions and as one who carries out religious duties. Although these ideas have not always been expressed uniformly, we currently face two differing approaches: a minority and a majority approach. The minority approach believes in delegitimizing political power and limits the legitimization of it to restricted matters, viewing the jurist solely as an overseer. The majority approach, also referred to as general deputization, especially with the development and formulation of the theory of the jurist’s absolute guardianship (wilāyat-i mutlaqah al-faqīh), regards the jurist as the legitimate ruler and executor of the sect in all affairs. An idea that formed in the early period of jurisprudence, through the development of theological and juristic concepts, gradually became one of the most important political theories in Shiite political theology, managing to formulate a theory in accordance with the necessities of the lives of adherents that, for the first time, defined and preserved Shiite political and religious identity together in its present form. One key reason for the change in juristic thought and the examination of the capacities present in hadith texts for forming elements that legitimize power is their increasing engagement with political institutions. After several centuries, the growth of the Shiite population and the establishment of political powers by them made outright denial impossible; continuing the previous approach of absolute rejection would have been self-defeating and would have created difficulties for Shiite life. Therefore, jurists—especially after the Safavid shahs came to power—sought, by rethinking hadith texts and discovering new capacities, to provide some form of legitimation for customary power, to preserve the newly established and widespread Shiite power, and to consolidate the existence of Shiites, who until then had been struggling to assert themselves within the political community.

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Political Sociology

Investigating the Interaction Between the State and the Society during the Period of the Islamic Republic of Iran: Policymaking from the Perspective of the Network Society

Mohsen Dianat; Mohammad Laelalizadeh

Volume 11, Issue 42 , September 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.72744.1396

Abstract

The government, as a special political institution that plays a role in political and social developments and the development of societies, its interaction with society is always emphasized. Meanwhile, the interaction between the government and the society, the distribution of power and the influence ... Read More The government, as a special political institution that plays a role in political and social developments and the development of societies, its interaction with society is always emphasized. Meanwhile, the interaction between the government and the society, the distribution of power and the influence of different groups and institutions is one of the issues that have been defined in different ways among thinkersIn this research, with a sociological approach and in the framework of Joel Migdal's theoretical model of the government in society and the network society and in the form of a descriptive-analytical method by collecting documents and library information related to the relationship between society and the government during the Islamic Revolution., it was determined that in the form of a qualitative method and understanding of the interaction between the government and society in Iran after the Islamic revolution and the collection of documentary and library information; It was found that in the interaction between the government and the society after the Islamic revolution, the government in the components of the ability to influence the society; And the distribution/allocation of resources has not performed successfully, however, it has been successful in the component of resource extraction and has also performed relatively successfully in social control. Despite the formation of a networked society, its hard and impenetrable shell has caused the government to resort to tough institutions such as the military and security agencies, and a strong and developmental government is not being formed towards change and transformation. Therefore, the relationship between the state and society and the link between society and power in the policy-making process is determined. By analyzing the Migdal network society, a model of policy making in the period after the Islamic Revolution is proposed. There are various theories about the relationship between the state and society, which can be considered in the form of theories of rentier government, absolute patrimonial government, authoritarian bureaucratic government, theory of oriental tyranny, theory of Sultanate systems, theories of development and modernization. Many existing approaches to understanding social and political transformations in the third world have underestimated the conflict between the state and society (especially in modernization theories), or ignored certain types of conflict that only occasionally have a class basis (such as Marxist content) or Those who are blind to the most important dynamics within the society (such as the theories of dependence and the world system). The current research may suggest a new model to help overcome the traditional (modernist) understanding of the hegemonic role of the state to control society. Such a paradigm can show the vital role of religious networks and other civil society organizations in development. This study proposes Joel Migdal's (1994) government-in-society approach, which conceptualizes the government (a political organization) and other agents of community development as competing social forces in different arenas of society. According to Migdal, the state is neither an organic entity nor an ontological status, because it does not exist outside or beyond society, but it is a part of society, like other factors affecting development. The current research, considering the theoretical framework of Joel Migdal's network society, intends to deal with the type of interaction between the Iranian government and society after the Islamic Revolution. Knowing this relationship and how the government interacts with society is an important factor in understanding the country's position in the path of development. With the formation of these power networks and groups, the gap between the government and society has deepened so much that the society has been able to confront the government; But this capability of the society does not mean its strengthening, but rather the weakening of the government, which could not have the ability to influence the society and respond to the demands of the society according to the resources at its disposal and within the framework of the regulation of desirable social relations. The society has become extremely hard and impenetrable, and the government has resorted to hard and efficient institutions such as parties, the military, and security agencies to implement its decisions, as a result of which the distance between the government and society has increased. In fact, the existence of a powerful and stable government is indeed necessary for political development, but the existence of an active civil society, which consists of political, social, and trade union institutions and organizations independent of the government, is also one of the most essential elements of political development. Conclusion: The findings and data analysis of the Islamic Republic period based on Migdal's point of view, indicate that the focus has changed from the government as a structural approach based on an independent and centralized organization to a process-oriented and network view of the government and society. Therefore, according to this perspective, the policy model regarding the government and society can also be reviewed with a new perspective.

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The Roots of the Arab Spring and the Domino Effect of Collapsing Arab Regimes; the Determining Role of Short-Run Factors and Political Management

Volume 3, Issue 11 , December 2017, , Pages 1-26

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2017.8102

Abstract

Between 2010 and 2013, during what was called the Arab Spring, the Arab world witnessed a wave of popular uprisings that led to the overthrow of four governments (in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen), serious difficulties for three states (in Bahrain, Jordan and to some extent, Saudi Arabia), and a civil ... Read More

State and Environment: From the Non-State to the Participatory Approaches

Volume 2, Issue 8 , March 2017, , Pages 59-80

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2017.7198

Abstract

n the case of the relationship between government and environmental obligations there are different views in public law theory. At least three approaches can be mentioned in the context of general task to which principle 50 of constitution refers. The first approach is based on the centrality of the ... Read More

Gender Policy in Contemporary Iran: The Role of State in Changing the Status and Rights of Women (1891–2013)

Volume 7, Issue 27 , December 2021, , Pages 59-87

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2021.43143.710

Abstract

Gender policy in contemporary Iran has experienced many fluctuations, but it has generally brought about significant changes in the status of women. The question of this article is focused on political factors, especially the role of state, in these changes. Using a historical–comparative method, ... Read More

Military Diplomacy: A New Strategy for States in Pursuit the Foreign Policy Goals

Volume 6, Issue 23 , December 2020, , Pages 219-256

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2020.39753.653

Abstract

For a long time, the only solution to ending disputes between countries was war on the battlefield and military option. In the midst of these wars, the most important military strategies were born and often used in other battles. But over time, states have found that warfare is a very costly activity, ... Read More

Securitization of the Corona Virus and Adopting State Restrictive Measures in the Fight against the viral Pandemic (Case Study of the United Kingdom, Germany, and Australia)

Volume 6, Issue 22 , September 2020, , Pages 107-140

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2021.56706.1023

Abstract

Various governments around the world have put tough restrictive measures on the agenda to combat the outbreak of the Covid-19 virus. Actions that are unbearable for people under normal circumstances. These restrictive measures and extraordinary means have so far been accepted by the public (despite popular ... Read More

Welfare State, and the Binary of Social Democracy/Liberal Democracy

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 21 May 2020

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2020.11253

Abstract

In recent modernity era, especially between big war and the annihilation of communism, the most important political division in democratic countries has been the duality of Right/Left. Often the two biggest rival parties, apart from their different names, have been representing two tendencies, the social ... Read More

The Dialectical Dilemma of the Iranian Intellectual: Statism or Anti-statism

Seyed Majid Hosseini; Vahid Asadzadeh

Articles in Press, Corrected Proof, Available Online from 20 February 2020

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2020.10924

Abstract

In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development ... Read More

The Relationship between Political Structure and Political Development in the First Pahlavi Period Based on Bernard Crick's Model

Morteza Manshadi; Sara Akbari

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 21 May 2020

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2020.11257

Abstract

Political development, in the sense of expanding partnerships and ideological competition in the political arena, at least at the elite level, requires institutions, organizations and developments in the structure of traditional society. In the first Pahlavi period the programs for the modernization ... Read More

The Legal Personality of State in the Sassanid Era

Parham Mehraram; Mohammad Seyed Fatemi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 20 February 2020

Abstract

< p >There has been valuable research on the socio-political structure of the Sassanid era. Most have described Sassanid society as an example of feudal or authoritarian Eastern societies. But the historical evidence is not entirely consistent with these two theories. It seems that the existence of a ... Read More

The Constitutionalist States: Study of New Division of Constitution and the Concept of Dual Freedoms

Masoud Raei Dahaghi; Alireza Asadpour Tehrani

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 22 May 2019

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2017.10034

Abstract

Due to the developments in social relations in modern societies, and in particular the importance of restrictions on the political power of governments, the rule of people and the protection of individual rights and public freedoms as the foundations of constitutionalism and constitutional rule, it seems ... Read More

The place of ethics in the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes

Behzad Yazdani; Hossein Ali Nozari

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 09 March 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.73323.1408

Abstract

AbstractThe purpose of this article is to examine the place of ethics in the system of political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes, the English political philosopher of the 17th century. Although, according to political thought researchers, he has been considered the first great modern political philosopher; ... Read More AbstractThe purpose of this article is to examine the place of ethics in the system of political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes, the English political philosopher of the 17th century. Although, according to political thought researchers, he has been considered the first great modern political philosopher; However, the prominence of his original and influential political philosophy has not been able to hide his moral philosophy from the eyes of today's prominent researchers. Hobbes, who is the author of the theory of political ruler with absolute power, how can he have a moral theory? Undoubtedly, Hobbes's concern was order, peace and security, and therefore, by combining moral philosophy (natural laws) and political philosophy (civil laws) and presenting an ethical view of human self-preservation, he creates a system consisting of dos and don'ts based on description. Human nature to form a peaceful government based on the theory of social contract. The origin of his moral philosophy is the theory of natural law, which includes the theory of natural rights.Natural law and natural rights are the two foundations on which Hobbes based his theory of ethics and politics, respectively. Hobbes's moral philosophy is the fundamental starting point from which his political philosophy developed. He claims in Leviathan that he has provided the only correct and true moral philosophy.Hobbes' thoughts in the field of moral philosophy have received less attention from thinkers, the main reason for which is the ambiguity in his moral philosophy. In this sense, in Hobbes's moral philosophy, on the one hand, there are defenses of a type of personal relativism, and on the other hand, there are defenses of the divine command theory; In one place, Hobbes defends the theory of the general principle of principled egoism, and in another place, he defends pious ethics. As a result of the paradoxical content of Hobbes's moral philosophy, there has been a difference of opinion among experts in the field of moral philosophy.On the other hand, many research texts and articles in research and specialized magazines have dealt with the political aspect and political theory of Thomas Hobbes in their analysis, and due to the influence of Hobbes's thoughts on the politics of Western countries and the exclusive and authoritarian interpretations of the thoughts of this influential thinker. It is important to examine the difference between his moral theory and the political sphere of his thoughts and to emphasize that he has a moral theory. In this way, until today, no comprehensive research has been done on Hobbes's thoughts on the place of ethics in his political philosophy, The approach and reciprocity of prominent political and moral philosophers is doubled with the beginning and rereading of Hobbes' thoughts. The political, economic and social situation of the 20th and 21st century justifies the return to Hobbes, at least in the sense that he tries to find a cure and solution for the political and social crises of his time. In addition to everything that can be said about his philosophical system and the coherence of his philosophical foundation, the most important of them is his methodological value in establishing the deep relationship between science, politics and ethics with the basis of realism. Hobbes's most important criticism of his predecessors was their idealism (idealistic approach) in the field of politics and ethics.The path taken by Hobbes and his contemporaries has been a gateway to return to man and his place in the world; Because before this, human being in the face of church-centered eschatology and idealistic virtue (meaningless and vague attempt to create a utopia that never existed in the history of color from Plato's effort in the Republic to Osho at the end of the 20th century) which, according to Hobbes, is a dream and a dream. It has not been more, it has been sacrificed. Hobbes showed how despite the relativism resulting from skepticism in the fields of culture (politics, ethics, society and spirituality), it is possible to establish natural laws in political society, natural rights (human freedom) and the insatiable desire of man to gain power and His self-control has been curbed and with an agreement based on the social contract and giving up some of his freedoms, peace and tranquility can be brought under the shadow of total authority.He showed that political legitimacy can be obtained from the selection and selection of people to have satisfaction resulting from the modernization and well-being of humans in the society and the order resulting from political security. A very important point is that justice and rationality are two wings of political and social peace and tranquility; Although the basis of human decisions is based on emotions, feelings and sensual inactions.His pessimistic view of human nature is based on the informative point that if man is left alone and there are no political and moral arrangements, the acquisition of power, fame and honor will undoubtedly lead to endless war, and in the meantime, he tries , to create a mental plan and a logical scenario in which the human being has fallen into a pre-political and social situation where the risk of violent death, poverty, poverty, unhappiness and short life will be the immediate result and no one will be safe.

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From Acceptance to Resistance: Examining Iranian Society’s Strategies in Response to Political dichotomy between the State and Society

mahmoudreza rahbarqazi; zahra sadeghinaghdali

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 07 April 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.81415.1554

Abstract

The central aims of this study encompass the identification and analysis of the elements that affect the emergence and escalation of political dichotomy between the state and society in Iran, the investigation of societal strategies employed in reaction to this phenomenon, the assessment of its social ... Read More The central aims of this study encompass the identification and analysis of the elements that affect the emergence and escalation of political dichotomy between the state and society in Iran, the investigation of societal strategies employed in reaction to this phenomenon, the assessment of its social and political ramifications, and the provision of recommendations to address and alleviate its detrimental impacts. This research employs a qualitative methodology, grounded in the Strauss and Corbin framework, which entails conducting comprehensive and semi-structured interviews.The data for this study were obtained through in-depth and semi-structured interviews that were carried out with 24 experts, comprising mostly academic scholars with doctoral degrees. These interviews aimed to gather from them their experiences, perspectives, and methods regarding political bifurcation. For further data validation, relevant reports and documents dealing with political bifurcation were also used.Qualitative content analysis was carried out on the data. First, open coding was done in order to identify key concepts. Then, using focused coding, these key concepts were systematically compared and analyzed to discover the connections between them. Finally, selective coding was used in order to identify the central code and to detect meaningful patterns. This methodology allowed for a deep and comprehensive analysis of the origins, approaches, and implications of political dichotomy, which improved our understanding of the elements that contribute to this phenomenon.Validity and reliability of the data were critical components of this study. In addition to credibility, precision was ensured through the internal validation strategies of cross-checking and recoding. Furthermore, the preliminary analytical findings were continuously checked and confirmed through the involvement of experts and stakeholders, thus assuring the data reliability and accuracy of the analysis.The study suggests that "structural and cultural divides" come into being as the leading code, stemming from the complex interaction of causal, contextual, and intervening variables, which have deepened the political rift in Iran. The causal variables include social and economic inequality as well as ideological conflicts, which serve as the critical structure for this gap. These challenges arise out of unequal power relations and the uneven distribution of resources, resulting in a great deal of dissatisfaction among various groups in society. Situational factors that increase this division relate to the political and social culture within society, which, through institutions like the family and the education system, passes on conflicting political ideologies. This culture, instead of bridging the gaps, strengthens and reinforces them. Finally, intervening factors such as media and social networks further fuel political polarization by creating echo chambers and spreading misinformation. Moreover, ineffective political decisions and changes in legislation have often inflamed these tensions rather than reduced them, thus contributing to the crystallization of this divide.The theoretical framework developed in this study reveals that the political cleavage existing in society has caused the development of two basic strategies among the people: acceptance and resistance. Acceptance, as one of the responses to the political rift between the state and society in Iran, reflects a part of the population's willingness to adapt to the existing conditions and accept the hegemonic order. This strategy is generally adopted by groups that lack the motivation either to change the status quo or, because of conservatism, inability to access power, or uncertainty about what might result from change, opt for the maintenance of the status quo. Acceptance can either be passive, without open protest or resistance, or active, through attempts to use the existing conditions for the betterment of oneself or one's group. In this approach, both individuals and collectives strive to adjust to the prevailing conditions while maximizing the opportunities available in the system to assert their place. While acceptance may provide temporary relief from social tensions and bring about political stability, it can also work to reinforce inequalities and further entrench political polarization, as the social and economic disparities continue to exist and can even exacerbate.On the other hand, resistance is an alternative strategy characterized by the actions of part of society to challenge the status quo and bridge the gap between the state and society. This type of resistance may be carried out in different ways: public protest, oppositional political activities, acts of civil disobedience, and so on. People who apply this strategy usually are not satisfied with current conditions and would like to make significant changes in political, social, or economic structures. The notion of resistance often arises from perceptions of injustice, inequality, and discrimination within political and social ideologies. In contrast to acceptance, which tends to consolidate the prevailing order, resistance seeks to challenge and change the system for the betterment of disadvantaged and disenfranchised people. However, resistance can increase tensions and sharpen political polarization, particularly when it hits the wall or otherwise fails to gain support across the board. Ultimately, resistance lies at the very core of the formation of political and social dynamics and can serve as a catalyst for broader changes.The theoretical framework demonstrates that such a political dichotomy between society and the state is a complex and multifarious phenomenon with huge implications for Iran's social, political, and economic frameworks. An exploration of these implications reveals that such political dichotomy has deepened social and political cleavages, practically bifurcating society into two often hostile and rival camps. These divisions have fueled a rise in polarization and growing social and political unrest, which, in turn, further amplifies the sense of inequality and discrimination among some quarters. From such an environment, political and economic instability has emerged as the most likely outcome. Severe market volatility, lower investment, capital flight, and continued political unrest are just some of the results of this bifurcation and the failure to achieve national cohesion. Furthermore, rising public discontent is another major consequence, as clearly seen in widespread protests, growing feelings of injustice, and increased pessimism about the future. These complaints have fostered an atmosphere of increased violence and social unrest, driving society into street confrontations, political instability, and cyber attacks on social media platforms.Concomitant with these developments, a major issue that has emerged is the marked decline in trust in government institutions. Citizens have gradually lost confidence in democratic processes and state institutions; hence, there is a growing sense of powerlessness and political apathy. This precarious situation has posed a direct threat to national cohesion, evidenced by the weakening of social bonds, deepening ethnic and religious divides, and a decrease in participation in national affairs. Lastly, political polarization has also contributed much to the aggravation of emigration and brain drain. Part of the intellectual and cultural elite of the country, disillusioned by the local situation and dissatisfied with the prevalent conditions, are leaving the country, which may further weaken Iran's human capital and undermine its development potential. This only goes to prove that the political divide between state and society tends to jeopardize stability and progress in a society, which eventually leads to further crises due to increased divides and growing unrest among the citizens of such society.

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Chinese Harmony and International Order in the 21st century

Fariborz Arghavani Pirsalami; Sajjad karimian

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 03 May 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.79725.1517

Abstract

One of the most important attentions to international affairs as well as the category of power and order is giving importance to ideas, values and concepts. The importance of ideas, values and concepts in formulating and presenting the best options for order creation in the international arena is always ... Read More One of the most important attentions to international affairs as well as the category of power and order is giving importance to ideas, values and concepts. The importance of ideas, values and concepts in formulating and presenting the best options for order creation in the international arena is always considered. In this context, values, concepts and intellectual ideals act as raw materials for building the international order. With Deng Xiaopeng coming to power and adopting a different foreign policy, China's economic growth dazzled the eyes. As a result of economic growth, China's military growth accelerated. In recent years, these two fields have attracted so much attention of international relations researchers that the third field, namely Chinese culture, is on the sidelines of international attention and is paid less attention to it. Considering the increasing power of this country and also being among the great international powers, the importance of the ideas, thoughts and ideals of this country in building order is taken into consideration.According to what was said, what are China's ideals and ideals for the desired order of this country? Paying attention to ancient history and thought in this country is one of the basic requirements to answer this question. When China's long and deep history turns its pages, one of the most important and basic ideas of Chinese human life is the category of "harmony". This issue is so broad and deep that it is not far from reality if I say that the central signifier of social discourse in China is the concept of "harmony". Accordingly, the main research question is what is the nature of Chinese international order under the concept of coordination? In other words, how does the concept of coordination shape the Chinese international order? This article, relying on the descriptive-analytical method and using intellectual propositions in the context of Chinese history, asserts that the Chinese order does not seek uniformity and pursues a balance achieved through recognizing differences. Therefore, the Chinese international order reflects this meaning in the international system.Chinese worldview is a unique and exceptional worldview among the attitudes of different people in today's world. Apart from the five thousand years of historical continuity of China, in the philosophical perspective of this country, there is no existence of a creator that is outside of world creation. This feature makes this worldview completely naturalistic, self-sufficient and self-generating. Accordingly, good and evil do not exist in the mental geometry of Chinese people, and instead there is balance and harmony in contrast to disharmony. Balance has been the guiding light of man and Chinese society throughout the history of this society, and this harmony has emerged as the central sign of various thoughts in China. One of the most important of these ideas is Confucius and Taoism, which is several thousand years old.According to Confucius, the main goal of government is to create harmony, and the last step in achieving this goal is to achieve harmony at the global level. The three basic principles of moral force, empathic understanding and harmony with differences were recognized as the foundations of creating harmony in the international arena. Taoism, like Confucius, pays special attention to the concept of harmony and order. However, Taoism has a different view on the category of harmony and interprets it as cosmic. In this view, the category of order has a place to organize order in the cosmic system. The important and common Taoist principles are isolation, simplicity and harmony with nature.The emphasis of Chinese culture is on fostering harmony not only between different people, but also between people and the fundamental world. The four basic characteristics of harmony are balance in the whole, harmony in difference, order in complexity, and unity in diversity. It was on this basis that certain viewpoints were created to explain and describe the category of harmony in Chinese philosophy, which had a special application in the field of domestic and foreign politics, and therefore are highly contextual and historical. Based on this, the representation of the concept of harmony and social balance in the political sphere of China can be seen in the creation of political constructions such as the Son of Heaven, a strong family system and orderly social hierarchies. These structures, which have always declined and risen for many years, are not the only representations of the concept of harmony emanating from Confucian and Taoist thoughts in China's domestic political sphere. The history of China's political history makes it clear that China has been characterized by the growth and expansion of the hierarchical structure and the formation of the Confucian bureaucracy and, as a result, a powerful political system. In general, the ontology of Chinese man and all aspects of his social and individual life cannot be imagined outside of the concept of under the sky. Accordingly, the inclusion of the concept of harmony includes all areas of Chinese human life.In the Chinese intellectual geometry and the concept of harmony arising from mutual recognition and deepening it is not to meet needs but to create harmony and prevent distance from a balanced world. Based on this, it can be said that order based on demand from the concept of hegemony and geometry in Chinese thought is fundamentally different from Western order in terms of ontology and epistemology, and its nature and essence does not seek to create uniformity and equalization; Rather, it seeks to recognize diversity and at the same time build a world based on mutual understanding. Based on this, it can be concluded that from the point of view of the geometry of Chinese thought and harmony, the role of China is benign. In this way, according to the aforementioned, this country seeks to create a balance at the world level with an emphasis on harmony.Based on the Chinese point of view, order should be based on the deep expansion of China's relations with all countries of the world. In such a way that the final result of these relations should lead to the improvement of the level of world peace and prosperity. Another characteristic of this type of international relations is that it leads to the production of power relations for each side of these relations. The most important examples of promoting coordination and balance in China's international order in the fields of institutions, security and international economy are the Belt and Road Initiative, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Asian Development and Infrastructure Bank. In terms of rules and regulations and the degree of China's presence and authority in them, each of them reflects the category of international coordination and the resulting order in the international arena.

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Political subjectivity and the semantic turn of justice

مرتضی پرویزن; jafar hezarjaribi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 13 July 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.79837.1524

Abstract

پروسه مدرنیته سیاسی به‌موازات تحول در ایده‌های بنیادی دولت وسیاست (عدالت، آزادی، برابری و...) منجر به اهمیت تجلی اراده عمومی در سازوکار سیاسی گردید و چالش مشروعیت بخشی ... Read More پروسه مدرنیته سیاسی به‌موازات تحول در ایده‌های بنیادی دولت وسیاست (عدالت، آزادی، برابری و...) منجر به اهمیت تجلی اراده عمومی در سازوکار سیاسی گردید و چالش مشروعیت بخشی منجر به برجسته‌شدن نقش هژمونی اخلاقی سیاسی و اقناع عمومی گردید. سازوکار ایدئولوژیک دولت با فراخوانی هیجانات و عواطف جامعه و هم‌ارز کردن معانی مدنظر با دال‌های متعالی و اسطوره ای، موقعیت‌های سوژگانی را تثبیت گرداند؛ لذا تألیف موقعیت‌های سوژگانی و دلالت مندی میل در پرتو گفتمان و سیطره بخشی آن در بستر ایدئولوژی امری اجتناب‌ناپذیر برای قدرت تلقی می‌شود. . سیال بودن انگاره عدالت سبب شده که بسیاری از پژوهش‌گران از تعمق و اندیشیدن در خصوص ماهیت آن امتناع ورزند و به دنبال ابداع دسته‌بندی‌های مختلف و شاخص‌سازی باشند. همین امر سبب تقلیل‌گرایی، انسداد شناختی ایده عدالت، انقطاع هستی اجتماعی مفهوم و دسته‌بندی‌های تحلیلی(اونتیک) می‌گردد. عدالت مفهومی اونتولوژیک هست و مانع تعین بخشی سوژگی در هژمونی اخلاقی جامعه می‌شود و با توجه به ابهامات روزافزون در حوزه‌ی بسامد و تحولات معنایی ایده عدالت، ضرورت نگاه هستی‌شناختی به عدالت به‌عنوان بنیاد تجربه اخلاقی و سیاسی موردتوجه کمی قرار گرفته و همین امر سبب شده که انگاره عدالت درنهایت به منطقی کلیشه‌ای و محدود به ارزیابی سیاست‌گذاری‌ها فروکاسته شود. عدالت آرمان همزیستی مسالمت‌آمیز و تحقق کامل ظرفیت‌های انسانی را به‌واسطه‌ی تکثر امر سیاسی به پیش می‌راند، لذا سلب عدالت از انسان سلب انسانیت اوست. در این مقاله تلاش شد به واسازی عدالت در تناظر با هستی‌شناسی سوبژکتویته سیاسی پرداخته شود. تصور عدالت به‌مثابه امری اونتلوژیک که اساس سوژه اجتماعی را برساخت می‌کند و به افق سوژگی سیطره می‌بخشد طوری که حدود سوژه همواره در امر سیاسی تلالو بیابد. شرط امکان سوژگی، حوزة اخلاقی است و دولت نیز تلاش می‌نماید به‌واسطه استحاله زنجیره دلالتی عدالت، حقیقت اخلاقی را برساخت نماید که آگاهی اخلاقی و عاطفی سوژه به‌نوعی استیضاح ‌شود که انگیزه‌های کنش نتواند به حس تعهد اخلاقی اجتماعی تجهیز شود. کثرت‌گرایی پست‌مدرن با تجسد آرمان‌های انسانی و اخلاقی همواره ایده عدالت را بازسازی می‌کند و در مقابل روند توتالیتاریسم مقاومت دائمی را تألیف می‌کند. در این مقاله تلاش شد که هویت مسئله‌دار و تأسیسی سوژه را به‌موازات ایده عدالت در پرتو هستی‌شناسی سیاسی و لنز مفهومی لاکلائو و موفه مورد موشکافی قرار گیرد تا امکان پیکربندی سوژه را به مناسبات تحولات معنایی سیاست واکاوی شود. هدف اصلی از این مقاله نیز تفسیر و برررسی اهمیت مطالعات هستی شناختی در ارتباط با عدالت می باشد. در همین راستا نقش دولت در معنایابی عدالت و تاثیر آن بر آگاهی اخلاقی سوژگی جمعی مورد تفسیر و باز خوانی قرار گرفت. محور این مقاله بررسی امکان رهایی بخشی عدالت با توسل به لنز مفهومی لاکلائو و موفه و بهره‌مندی از هستی‌شناسی سیاسی است. پیرو همین امر روش مطالعات کتابخانه ای و قیاسی را مناسب یافتیم و تا حد ممکن تلاش شد از تسلیم شدن به کلیشه های مضاف برای تعریف عدالت خوددداری شود و یا استفاده از حساسیت معطوف در رویکرد لاکلائو و موفه میدان وضعی عدالت فراخ گردد. به این ترتیب برای بازخوانی سوژگی جمعی ، حالات روانی اخلاقی و عاطفی سوژه را نیز با مفاهیم روانکاوی لکانی مورد خوانش قرار دادیم. در نهایت به این نتیجه رسیدیم که مفصل بندی معنایی عدالت میتواند ماهیت اخلاقی و عاطفی و روانی سوژه را مورد تاثیر قرار دهد. و می توان به امکان مقاومت، رهایی بخشی انبساط عدالت، تقویت تعهدات اخلاقی در راستای آگاهی جمعی .اشاره کرد، که همین امر کنشگری سیاسی را ممکن می کند.درنهایت به این نتیجه رسیدیم که با اندیشیدن بین سوبژکتیویته و امر سیاسی، می‌توان این رابطه را از انبوهی از دیدگاه‌ها، جهت‌ها و متفکران بررسی کرد تا ناهمگونی، گشودگی و ماهیت منازعه‌آمیز آن وضوح یابد. تسلط سیاست بر مراجع معنا سازی اجتماعی زمینه‌ساز توتالیتاریسم می‌شود به‌طوری‌که مراجع ایدئولوژیک با القای وعده‌های توخالی، مطالبه گری عدالت را به سمت کلیتی هژمونیک هدایت می‌کنند. عدالت به‌عنوان یک هستی‌شناسی که امکان تغییر درونی بنیادی را فراهم کند. پست مارکس گرایان پسا آلتوسری در جستجوی یک اصل استعلایی هستند که ممکن است امید های اجتماعی را دوباره فعال کند. .در نتیجه با توجه به فرض انشقاق سوژگی در زمان، و انتاگونیسم ذاتی سوبژکتویته، ایده عدالت به‌عنوان روزنه همیشگی در امر سیاسی مانع از تثبیت هژمونی و توهم تمامیت‌گرایی می‌شود و همواره بدیل‌های خویش را فرامی‌خواند و عدالت بستر سوبژکتویشن جمعی خواهد بود. فرض ما در این مقاله این بود که عدالت به‌عنوان یک هستی‌شناسی است که امکان تغییر درونی بنیادی را فراهم کند. نویسندگان این مقاله مدعی نیستند که توانسته‌اند راه‌حلی برای این مسئله بیایند بلکه این مقاله صرفاً تلاش و تمرینی بود برای اندیشیدن به حوزه هنجاری در نظریه سیاسی، بر اساس هستی‌شناسی موجود در نظریه گفتمان لاکانی.

Comparative study of the reasons for the continuation and failure of Islamists in power; The study of Iranian and Egyptian revolutions based on the theory of the fourth generation of the Goldstone Revolution

Morteza Alavian; ali ebrahimi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 19 July 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.80102.1530

Abstract

It is generally argued that after the victory of the revolution, the group of opponents, including the survivors of the former regime, usually line up with the help and organization of foreign powers against the revolution. Considering the political and social process of revolutions, they can be seen ... Read More It is generally argued that after the victory of the revolution, the group of opponents, including the survivors of the former regime, usually line up with the help and organization of foreign powers against the revolution. Considering the political and social process of revolutions, they can be seen as a set of three periods of destruction of the former regime, the transition period from the pre-revolutionary political order to the post-revolutionary political order and the era of creating a new order. The second phase, i.e. the period of transition from the pre-revolutionary political system to the post-revolutionary political system, is one of the turbulent and eventful phases of the revolution. The absence of an efficient government, as well as the widespread presence of conflicting groups and organizations, as well as the accompanying revolutionary and intense emotions of the masses with the restless and tense conditions of this era, cause huge incidents and chaotic events. Each of the claimant groups present in the scene with different interests and goals, while taking advantage of the wide presence of the disorganized groups in the society, they try to play the biggest role in determining the main trend of the society by attracting their support. A successful revolution has two stages: the stage of political mobilization and political participation, in which heterogeneous groups participate in overthrowing the ruling regime as a common enemy and pursue the common goal of changing the ruling political regime; Therefore, they put aside their ideological and political differences temporarily, but after the overthrow of the ruling political system, differences may and will appear. Therefore, every complete revolution has a second stage, which is the creation and institutionalization of a new political organization. The measure of the success of a revolution is the authority and stability of the institutions that the revolution creates. Of course, some revolutions in the world could not create durable regimes and failed.In the past decades, many thinkers have dealt with issues such as the causes, trends and results of revolutions in a scattered manner in scientific fields. The features that were once a structured and focused sub-section in the researches related to some major revolutions in different continents of the world, which in this research, are about Islam-oriented movements in terms of political sociology in the countries of Iran and Egypt. It is determined. A clear and common point is the role of Islamist forces in the victory of both the Iranian and Egyptian revolutions and their efforts to establish Islamic order in both countries. As far as the Islamic movement of the Muslim Brotherhood with its political nature and based on Sharia and Sunni religion in Egypt and Shia political Islamist clergy in Iran have had different results in the post-revolutionary process. In fact, in the post-revolutionary conditions, developments took place that led to the stabilization and continuation of Islamists in Iran and their failure in Egypt. Therefore, the main question of the present article, insisting on the theory of the fourth generation of the Goldstone revolution, is what were the reasons for the continuation and failure of the Iranian and Egyptian revolutions in the post-revolutionary conditions? It seems that the fluctuation between the coherence or the weakness of the Islamist ideology in the countries of Iran and Egypt in the domestic and foreign fields, especially the political legitimacy of the ruling system, the social mobilization of the opposition, the reaction of the elites, especially the armed forces, and finally the role Foreign powers caused us to witness their continuation or failure in the post-revolutionary situation.The results of the research show that due to the difference in the methods and approaches of stabilizing the revolution, different results emerged in the continuation and failure of the Islamists of Iran and Egypt. So that due to the coherence of Islamic ideology in Iran, we have witnessed the stabilization of the revolution. But in the Egyptian revolution, due to the weakness of the Islamic ideology, we witnessed the intervention of foreign powers, the intervention of the army and secular parties, which resulted in the failure and decline of the Islamist ideology. So that it can be argued, the continuation of Islamists in post-revolutionary conditions and their failure in Egypt should be considered in the nature of the religious institution and its power in both countries. As far as the religious ideology in Iran, it was involved in the revolution and its leadership and established its legitimacy on the ashes of the Shah's government. In Egypt, the religious establishment clashed with the Brotherhood system and stood against it on June 30, 2013, declaring its support for the national government led by al-Sisi, which was rooted in the life and patriotic nature of Egyptians. The Brotherhood's rise to power, rather than achieving an ideological victory, was a product of normal and calculable power politics, including coalition building, political maneuvers, and appeasement of various interests and power centers in society. This required a lot of compromise on ideological and religious principles. The Muslim Brotherhood also inflated the political component of its Islamist mission. Political power, instead of social Islamization based on changing people's hearts and minds, became the main goal of the movement. In other words, the Brotherhood could not institutionalize itself as the Egyptian version of the Iranian Islamists who established their Islamic state by gaining social hegemony. However, there are other key ideological differences. In particular, the Muslim Brotherhood rejects revolutionary tactics to gain power. Instead, the group has sought to build political influence through elections, while at the same time stressing to Western powers skeptical of the group's goals that it opposes the establishment of an Iranian model of Islamic rule.

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Unstable security and fragility of the government in Iraq (2003-2023)

Tirdad Taghipoor Javi; Majid Abbasi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 22 July 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.73763.1414

Abstract

US military forces invaded Iraq on March 20, 2003. Following this attack, the rule of the Baath Party was ended. The Americans wanted to present the new Iraq as a role model for the countries of the West Asian region. But the events after the occupation progressed in such a way that not only this model ... Read More US military forces invaded Iraq on March 20, 2003. Following this attack, the rule of the Baath Party was ended. The Americans wanted to present the new Iraq as a role model for the countries of the West Asian region. But the events after the occupation progressed in such a way that not only this model was not realized, but in some cases the government ruling Iraq was referred to as a fragile government. Therefore, the main goal of this research is to study the influencing factors in creating a fragile state in Iraq. In this regard, it has been tried to answer this main question by using the components of political stability and sustainable security: "What factors have caused the political and security destabilization of Iraq since the occupation until 2023?" The findings of the research indicate that the presence of terrorist groups, political instability, the existence of separatist tendencies, the inability to exercise sovereignty in the entire territory, the reduction of the nation's trust in the government, the spread of corruption among government officials or their relatives, the inability of statesmen to Providing basic needs, especially security, internal and external migration of people, weak governance and management, lack of proper response to the entry of neighbors into Iraqi territory and the presence of some terrorist groups (such as Komleh and Democratic Party) in Iraqi territorial areas with the aim of insecurity or division The neighbors and the central government's inability to control and drive them out have caused us to face a fragile government in post-Saddam Iraq.Government, as one of the most central concepts in the field of social sciences and especially political sciences, has been faced with various developmental and evolutionary periods. This problem itself has opened the chapter of theorizing about the types of government. In general, the phenomenon of the state is one of the oldest and oldest man-made institutions, and many ideas have been raised about what and how it is. Although the ideas about this institution from the ancient period to the Westphalian period, which led to the emergence of a new and extraordinary type of it, have led to the emergence of numerous ideas and thoughts around it, which can be from Plato to Hobbes, Machiavel And others followed it. The emergence of the concept of fragile state (and its derivatives) as a new type of state among other current types of state has attracted new discussions; including what it is, how this type of government is formed, and the consequences of the emergence of this government. Most of the studies in this field have discussed the nature and nature of this type of government, and in some cases that have looked at its consequences, they have mainly focused on its internal consequences, and some have also discussed its regional consequences.Especially after September 11, 2001, the concept of fragile states has become one of the important concepts of international politics. This phenomenon is one of the characteristics of some countries in the Middle East. Fragile states have components such as foreign military intervention, harsh and harsh power transfer, legitimacy crisis, environmental problems, inefficiency of the judicial and economic system, and the spread of terrorism. With the fall of Saddam Hussein and the change of government in Iraq, the process of bargaining to shape the new Iraq has been the most important issue after 2003. After more than two decades of internal and external conflicts, this process has led Iraq to the point where it is now in the list of fragile states. Political instability, the failure to meet the demands of various currents and factions, the inability of the new government to form democratic institutions, the inability to provide public services and the inability to protect the people from internal and external threats, are among the characteristics of a fragile government. are considered Iraq. The fragility of the government in Iraq has caused regional and international interference, the formation of religious extremist currents, the intensification of ethnic and religious conflicts, terrorist acts and environmental crises, all of which are different forms of security. has threatened a human being in this country and nearby neighbors.After the events of 2003, the Iraqi government was placed in the group of fragile governments and during these years, it has always been evaluated at an unfavorable level of stability. Based on this, this research tries to open a new chapter in how and the consequences of the fragile state as a result of the politics of the great powers. Therefore, the main question of the research is that what factors and components have caused the political and security destabilization of Iraq? And in order to respond to that, the components of political stability and sustainable security in the Iraqi society have been investigated.

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politico-Ideological Turn and Economic Change in Iran After revolution (1979-2012)

Aboulfazl Delavari; Elahe Mohammadi Pirouzian

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 27 August 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.82869.1593

Abstract

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