بُت‌وارگی دولت در سیاستگذاری صنعت خودروسازی در ایران

نوع مقاله : مقاله پژوهشی

نویسندگان

1 دانشیار علوم سیاسی دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه فردوسی، مشهد، ایران.

2 دانشجوی دکتری علوم سیاسی دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه فردوسی، مشهد، ایران.

چکیده
این مقاله با هدف تحلیل و تبیین نقش فرمانداری‌ها در توسعه سیاسی در سطح شهرستان‌های استان بوشهر به انجام رسیده است. در این پژوهش، تلاش بر این بود، نقش فرمانداری‌ها به‌عنوان کارگزاران عالی دولت (و حاکمیت) در سطح مناطق و نواحی، بر شاخص‌های پنج‌گانه موردنظر این پژوهش با بهره‌گیری از ابزار پرسشنامه مورد بررسی قرار گیرد. روش پژوهش، توصیفی-تحلیلی بوده و داده‌ها به روش پیمایشی گردآوری شده است. برای سنجش پرسش‌های پرسشنامه از اعتبار صوری و برای سنجش پایایی آن از روش آلفای کرونباخ، بهره گرفته که پرسشنامه با ضریب اعتباری 907/0 تأیید شد. برای تحلیل داده­ها نیز از آزمون­های تی تک نمونه‌ای، تحلیل واریانس و رویکرد مدل­سازی معادلات ساختاری واریانس محور و نرم‌افزار مربوطه (PLS) بهره گرفته شد. گردآوری داده‌ها نیز با توزیع پرسشنامه میان جامعه آماری، دربرگیرنده 100 نفر از کارکنان فرمانداری‌های مورد بررسی، به گونه تمام‌شماری صورت گرفت. نتایج این مطالعه نشان داد، فرمانداری‌ها با توجه به نقش راهبری خود، بر مقوله توسعه سیاسی و شاخص‌های پنج‌گانه مورد بررسی این پژوهش (کارایی و کارآمدی دولت، مشارکت سیاسی، فعالیت احزاب و تشکل‌های سیاسی، فعالیت رسانه‌های خبری-تحلیلی و حضور زنان در عرصه‌های سیاسی-اجتماعی) در سطح شهرستان‌های استان بوشهر، تأثیر فراوانی دارند. همچنین در ارزیابی صورت گرفته از منظر شاخص‌های توسعه سیاسی، فرمانداری عسلویه، به نسبت دیگر فرمانداری‎های مورد مطالعه، عملکرد نسبتا بهتری داشته است.

کلیدواژه‌ها

موضوعات

عنوان مقاله English

The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouye counties

نویسندگان English

Rouhollah Eslami 1
Ehsan Mozdkhah 2
1 Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, Iran.
2 , PhD Candidate, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, Iran.
چکیده English

Introduction
The Iranian automotive industry presents a compelling paradox. five decades of sustained state patronage, substantial resource allocation, and periodic reform initiatives have failed to produce a globally competitive, technologically dynamic, or qualitatively acceptable sector. Accounting for approximately 3.5% of GDP and 10% of manufacturing value-added, this industry epitomizes the broader structural ailments afflicting Iran's industrial policy regime namely, the predominance of rentier mentalities, the subordination of economic rationality to political expediency, and the systematic marginalization of societal participation. The industry's evolution from pre-revolutionary assembly operations through post-1979 nationalization, uneven privatization attempts, and contemporary sanctions-induced isolation offers a longitudinal laboratory for understanding how "fetishized" state presence in policymaking becomes an obstacle rather than an enabler of industrial transformation. This article critically interrogates the government's policymaking apparatus governing Iran's automobile sector, arguing that the industry's chronic malaise stems not from managerial deficiencies or exogenous shocks alone, but from a deeper institutional pathology: the idolization of state authority in policy formulation, execution, and evaluation, which systematically excludes societal actors, stifles competitive dynamics, and perpetuates a self-serving equilibrium among bureaucratic, military, and para-governmental stakeholders.
Research Aim
The primary objective of this research is to conduct a systematic examination of the government's policy cycle governing Iran's automotive industry, diagnosing the root causes of persistent inefficiency and proposing actionable reform pathways. The central research question is: What are the fundamental factors underlying the Iranian automotive industry's developmental stagnation, and how can a transition toward a more efficient, competitive, and value-generating configuration be achieved? This objective is operationalized through three interconnected tasks: mapping the historical trajectory of automotive policymaking across successive developmental plans; scrutinizing the interplay between formal policy instruments and informal networks of rent-seeking; and evaluating performance outcomes across production volume, quality, technological sophistication, environmental sustainability, and financial viability. The underlying assumption is that by identifying deficiencies within each stage of the policy cycle—design, execution, output, and assessment targeted interventions can address structural bottlenecks rather than merely treating symptoms. (De Oliveira, 2002; Rothstein, 2005; Yülek et al., 2020).
Literature Review
The scholarly literature on Iran's automotive industry reveals considerable diversity in analytical approaches yet exhibits notable methodological and conceptual gaps. Dara and Rezaeian (2022), in their comparative study on the role of the state in industrial development, juxtaposed Iran's automotive sector with that of South Korea but failed to employ up-to-date empirical data from either country, limiting the robustness of their conclusions. Similarly, Hosseinigoli and Saei (2017) adopted a comparative policy framework to examine Iran and South Korea's automotive strategies; however, their analysis remained largely descriptive, lacking the institutional depth necessary to explain divergent developmental trajectories. Fartoukzadeh and Tahmasebi (2020) addressed what they termed the "missing link" in Iran's industrial policymaking, offering a macro-level policy perspective that nonetheless overlooked the micro-institutional and implementation-level dynamics critical to understanding policy failure. Monem et al. (2021) investigated the dominant patterns of capital structure in the automotive and parts manufacturing sectors, but their financial focus neglected the structural, regulatory, and quality-related challenges that constitute the industry's core dysfunctions. In a more comparative vein, Torkamani et al. (2020) applied a developmental state lens to evaluate the divergent performances of Iran, China, and Mexico's automotive industries, effectively underscoring the salience of industrial policy in advanced manufacturing contexts; yet their study remained primarily concerned with cross-national macro-level outcomes, offering limited engagement with Iran's internal institutional pathologies and processual failures.
Methodology
This study adopts a qualitative, analytically driven approach situated within the institutionalist tradition. The methodological framework integrates three complementary strategies. First, process tracing within the systemic policy cycle model disaggregates policymaking into sequential phases agenda-setting, formulation, adoption, implementation, and evaluation enabling identification of breakdown points where policy intent diverges from outcomes. Second, institutional mapping delineates the constellation of state and non-state actors involved in automotive governance, including formal institutions. By mapping their mandates, resources, and interaction patterns, the analysis reveals how jurisdictional overlaps and competitive rivalry produce policy incoherence. Third, historical-institutional comparison both diachronically across Iran's post-revolutionary administrations and synchronically with developmental states such as South Korea isolates factors specific to Iran's political economy. Data sources include primary policy documents, parliamentary legislation, government decrees, and secondary literature comprising academic journal articles and industry white papers, with statistical indicators triangulated across official and independent sources.
Results and Discussion
The empirical findings substantiate the thesis that state fetishism operates through five reinforcing mechanisms constituting a developmental trap. First, policy ambiguity and doctrinal absence pervade the industry's strategic orientation. Despite fifty years of state involvement, no coherent production doctrine clarifies whether the sector aspires to brand development, technology acquisition, or regional export orientation. The industry operates as a "fifty-year-old infant perpetually dependent on governmental support yet never maturing into autonomous competitiveness. Second, institutional fragmentation among the three branches of government, extra-constitutional bodies, and military-affiliated entities paralyzes coherent decision-making. The Competition Council's price mandates conflict with the Industry Ministry's production incentives, creating an environment characterized by ad holism and the absence of credible commitment. Third, the unresolved privatization paradox epitomizes institutional schizophrenia: while formal laws envision reducing state ownership, actual control remains concentrated through golden shares, board appointments, and captive financing. The 2019 Automotive Industry Reform Act nominally emphasizes competition, yet implementation has reinforced centralization. Fourth, the systematic exclusion of the public sphere consumers, civil society, professional associations—deprives the industry of crucial feedback mechanisms. Consumers are treated as passive recipients rather than rights-bearing stakeholders, reflected in alarmingly high traffic fatalities 10,720 deaths in the first half of 2022 alone. Fifth, short-termism and political business cycles have systematically undermined strategic planning. The industry has experienced alternating waves of expansion and contraction correlated with oil revenue volatility and sanctions intensity rather than industrial fundamentals. Quantitatively, value-added contribution has declined from 13% of manufacturing (2009) to under 9.5%, while foreign exchange leakage exceeds $4,500 per unit for Iran Khodro's 207 platform, underscoring the failure of localization rhetoric.
Conclusion
The Iranian automotive industry exemplifies developmental pathologies arising from the idolization of state authority in policymaking. The fetishized state presence manifested through monopolistic control, regulatory capture, institutional fragmentation, public sphere exclusion, and short-term political expediency has produced an industrial configuration misaligned with the imperatives of technological upgrading and global integration. The findings challenge conventional narratives attributing the industry's problems solely to sanctions, demonstrating that these operate within and are exacerbated by a deeper institutional architecture that systematically rewards rent-seeking over productivity. A sustainable transition requires fundamental reconfiguration of the state-industry relationship, moving from fetishized domination to an enabling, regulatory role.

کلیدواژه‌ها English

Policymaking
State Fetishism
Automotive Industry
Industrial Policy
Iran.
·         Abiyar, Mansour, Masoudnia, Hossein, Shahramnia, Amir Masoud and Hatami, Abbas. (2016). The role of local governments in the process of political development; Case study: Iran. World Politics Quarterly, Volume 6/Number 1: pp. 159-193.[In Persian]
·         Aghamohammadi, Behrouz, Sadiq, Mirabrahim and Shirzadi, Reza. (2023). The function of political-civil institutions and its role in the country's political development. Human Geography Research Quarterly, Volume 54/Sh 4: pp. 1247-1261. [In Persian]
·         Alem, Abdul Rahman. (1378). Foundations of political science. Ch 5, Tehran: Ney Publishing. [In Persian]
·         Ali Babaei, Gholamreza. (1382). Arash's political culture. Tehran: Ashyan. [In Persian]
·         Almond, G. A., & Powell, G. B. (1966). Comparative politics: A developmental approach (No. JF51 A57).
·         Almond, Gabriel and Powell, Bingham (1966). Comparative Politlcs: A Developmdntal Approach, Boston: little brown and co.
·         Ani, et al. (2013). Advanced Local Government Finance. Enugu: Spring Time Press. Approach. Amerind Publication Pvt. Ltd.: New York.
·         Ardakani, Abed and Soltani, Luqman. (2019). The relationship between the administrative system and political development in the Islamic Republic of Iran; By using Jaguar's theoretical model. Politics Quarterly (Magazine of Faculty of Law and Political Sciences), Volume 50/Vol. 2: pp. 629-649. [In Persian]
·         Azad Aramaki, Taghi, Jalaipour, Hamidreza and Delpasand, Kamel. (2017). Agents of local development: Sociological analysis of effective forces in the development of Piranshahr border region. Bi-quarterly Journal of Local Development (Rural-Urban), Volume 11/ No. 1: pp. 1-28. [In Persian]
·         Briguglio, L. (2014). A Vulnerability and Resilience Framework for Small States. In D. Bynoe-Lewis (Eds.), Building the Resilience of Small States: A Revised Framework (pp.1-102). London: Commonwealth Secretariat.
·         Delawari, Abulfazl. (2014). The classical model of political development: a look at the Western European experience. Welfare and Social Development Planning Quarterly, Volume 7/ No. 22: pp. 79-102. [In Persian]
·         Deutsch, K. (1969). Nationalism and social communication-An enquiry into the fondation of nationality. Cambridge and London.
·         Evans, B., Marko J., Sundback, S., and Theobald, K. (2005). Governing sustainable cities, Earthscan, London.
·         Fakuhi, Naser. (1384). In the labyrinths of world order. Tehran: Ney Publishing. [In Persian]
·         Farjirad, Khader and Kazemian, Gholamreza. (2011). Local and regional development from the perspective of institutional approach. Tehran: Academic Jihad Publications. [In Persian]
·         Farjirad, Khader, Kazemian, Gholamreza and Roknoddin Eftekhari, Abdolreza (2012). Pathology of regional development policies in Iran from the perspective of institutional approach, Development Management Process Quarterly, Volume 26/No 2: pp. 27-58. [In Persian]
·         Farsai, Mohsen, Melabi, Masoud, Arabian, Asghar and Abtahi, Sayyed Mostafi. (2022). Investigating the consequences of transparency on government efficiency in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Political Studies Quarterly, Volume 14/ No. 54: pp. 43-66. [In Persian]
·         Hafeznia, Mohammad Reza and Qalibaf, Mohammad Bagher. (2001). The strategy of spatial distribution of political power in Iran through the development of local institutions. Geographical Research Quarterly, Volume 16/ No. 61: pp. 39-61. [In Persian]
·         Hafeznia, Mohammadreza and Kavianirad, Murad. (2009). New horizons in political geography. Tehran: Samit Publications. [In Persian]
·         Huntington, Samuel and Nelson, John. (1997). Understanding political development. Translated by Strategic Studies Research Institute, Tehran: Strategic Studies Research Institute. [In Persian]
·         Kahika, G. & Karyeija, G.K., (2017), Institutional roles and the implementation of Local Economic Development, Kasese District, Uganda, Africa’s Public Service Delivery and Performance Review 5(1), a159.
·         Lester G.Seligman .(2012) Elite Recruitment and political Development .Cambridge University. Press.21-02.
·         Lino Briguglio (2014, A vulnerability and resilience framework for small states (London: Commonwealth Secretariat, 2014), 1-102.
·         Meydari, Ahmad and Kheirkhahan, Jafar. (1383). Good governance is the foundation of development. Tehran: Economic Research Office of Islamic Council Research Center. [In Persian]
·         Momeni, Farshad and Nikonsebati, Ali (2016). Institutional approach to development and its implications for Iran, Economic Research Quarterly, year 17, vol. 64, pp. 199-241.
·         Motallebi, Masoud and Sarlak, Katayoun. (2014). Social classes and political development in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Political Studies Quarterly, Volume 8/ No. 29: pp. 101-124. [In Persian]
·         Ostwar, Majid (2017). Inclusive institutions and development in the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Islamic Revolution Approach Quarterly, Q. 12, Vol. 45, pp. 21-38. [In Persian]
·         Pai, Lucin and others. (2001). Crises and sequences in political development. Translated by Gholamreza Khajesaravi, Tehran: Research Institute of Strategic Studies. [In Persian]
·         Palmer, Robert Roswell. (1979). History of the New World. Translated by Abolqasem Taheri, Tehran: Amir Kabir. [In Persian]
·         Pike, A, Rodriguez-Pose, A., and Tomaney, J. (2006). Local and Reginal Development, Routledge, London.
·         Pye, L. W. (1974). Modernization: Latecomers and Survivors. By Marion J. LevyJr.,(New York: Basic Books, 1972. Pp. 160). American Political Science Review, 68(4), 1740-1741.
·         Qaderi, Tahereh and Alizad, Ismail. (2012). Government policies and political development in Iran (1989-2005), Social Sciences Quarterly, Volume 20/No. 60: pp. 1-41. [In Persian]
·         Qawam, Abdul Ali. (1994). Political development and administrative transformation. Tehran: Qoms Publications. [In Persian]
·         Rahimi Jahanabadi, Jalil and Heydari Farzanehni, Rasul. (2014). The role of Islamic councils in the political development of cities in the years 1378 to 1392, case study: Taibad city. Political Studies Quarterly, Volume 8/ No. 30: pp. 67-88. [In Persian]
·         Sadeghi, Seyyed Shamsuddin and Qanbari, Luqman (2016). The political culture of Tudeh, the remaining governments and the issue of political development in     Iran, State Studies Quarterly, third year, number 11, pp. 159-123. [In Persian]
 
·         Shah, R.( 2006). Legitimacy and Accountability of Civil Society. VIEW Edition 5.
·         Shiari, Ali and Farhani, Mohammad Mahdi. (2018). The effect of government policies on the occurrence of political development and the formation of civil society in Iran. Epistemological Studies Quarterly in Islamic University, Volume 23/No. 4: 723-744. [In Persian]
·         Zare Khafri, Shabir, Agriculture, Heshmat and Ahmadipour, Zahra. (2013). The role of the city's Islamic council in political development (case example: Shiraz city's Islamic council in 1378-1387). Modern Urban Management Quarterly, Volume 2/No. 4: pp. 31-46. [In Persian]