State Studies

Political Science

Cartography of Biopower in the Digital Age: Crisis of the Nation-states in the Field of Biodata Forces

Sajjad Omidoiur

Volume 11, Issue 43 , September 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.87278.1701

Abstract

IntroductionThe state, as the central institution organizing collective life, fundamentally possesses a monopoly on legitimate authority and territorial sovereignty within a defined realm. This concept rests on three pillars: sovereignty as the exclusive right to legislate and make final decisions, legitimacy ... Read More IntroductionThe state, as the central institution organizing collective life, fundamentally possesses a monopoly on legitimate authority and territorial sovereignty within a defined realm. This concept rests on three pillars: sovereignty as the exclusive right to legislate and make final decisions, legitimacy based on the consent of the governed, and the capacity to wield organized force to ensure social order. Historically, the state has dynamically evolved in response to changing human needs, from pre-modern foundations in metaphysical and theological doctrines to the modern secular state grounded in popular sovereignty, rational bureaucracy, and social contract theory.Today, the emergence of the digital paradigm poses unprecedented challenges to these classical foundations. Digital governance signifies not merely the adoption of electronic tools but a paradigmatic shift in the very nature of power, sovereignty, and citizenship. It transforms traditional notions of territorial control into the management of data flows, recasts the citizen from a legal subject into a data source, and reduces policy-making to algorithmic processes focused on social engineering. This shift places the politics of the human body at the center of contemporary political theory and practice. The body is no longer solely a subject of discipline but has become a vital data infrastructure, a strategic economic resource, and an ideological battleground. Consequently, this research seeks to investigate how digital governance, through redefining the relationship between the state and the body, shapes the contemporary crisis of sovereignty across four distinct political systems: China, Germany, Singapore, and Russia.Materials and MethodsThis research employs a comparative case study design to analyze the logics of digital governance across four distinct political systems: China, Germany, Singapore, and Russia. These cases were selected as representative ideal types along the intersecting spectra of political centralization and the nature of the state-digital body relationship. The methodological approach is qualitative, relying on documentary analysis and thematic coding to construct a nuanced, interpretive understanding of how sovereignty is reconfigured in the digital age. The core analytical strategy involves a structured, focused comparison, where each case is examined through the lens of the same theoretical framework to identify unique patterns of convergence and divergence.Data collection was conducted through the triangulation of three primary document types to ensure robustness. First, primary policy documents, including national laws, formal state strategies, and official government reports, provided the foundational legal and discursive framework. Second, pre-existing interviews with experts, former officials, and activists, published by reputable media and research institutions, were analyzed as secondary textual sources to capture stakeholder perspectives. Third, technical reports and public interface analyses of relevant digital governance platforms offered insights into functional implementation. The collected data was subjected to a rigorous thematic analysis using a three-stage coding process—open, axial, and selective—to systematically identify, connect, and synthesize core categories into the four overarching governance models.Results and DiscussionThe analysis reveals four distinct models of digital governance, each forging a unique relationship between the state and the digitized body. In China, the body is constructed as a national data resource, harnessed through integrated systems like the Social Credit System to produce a disciplined "algorithmic subject." Germany exemplifies a model of bodily autonomy and privacy, legally constituting the body as a protected digital sphere and fostering a "multi-layered sovereign subject" through strict regulations like the GDPR. Singapore presents a hybrid neo-liberal efficiency model, treating the body as a transactional commodity where health data is exchanged for services, crafting a "computational-commercial subject." Conversely, Russia’s securitized authoritarianism frames the body as a political threat, weaponizing biometric data for surveillance and producing a "securitized subject."These findings demonstrate that digital technology does not drive a uniform political outcome but is instead shaped by dominant ideological frameworks into tools of either emancipation, control, or commodification. This divergence generates specific sovereignty crises. China exports its infrastructural power, creating extraterritorial bio-dependency, while Germany’s regulatory hegemony can inadvertently stifle local technological development. Singapore’s market logic leads to a loss of national bio-sovereignty through data commodification, and Russia extends its security apparatus transnationally. Collectively, these models signify a fundamental reconfiguration of state power, where sovereignty is increasingly exercised not over physical territory but through the management of datafied life, challenging the very foundations of the Westphalian nation-state system.ConclusionThis study demonstrates that digital governance represents a fundamental transformation in the nature of political power, where the management of the datafied body has become the new frontier of sovereignty. The comparative analysis of China, Germany, Singapore, and Russia reveals that identical technologies are molded into radically different instruments of power by the dominant ideological and political logic of each system. There is no singular "digital state," but rather competing paradigms: the techno-security totalitarian model, the rights-based democratic model, the neoliberal efficiency model, and the securitized authoritarian model.The core finding is that the crisis of the modern nation-state is amplified, not resolved, by digitalization. Sovereignty is fragmented, distributed among transnational corporations and algorithmic systems, and exercised through the continuous extraction and analysis of biological and behavioral data. The resulting reconfiguration—from sovereignty over territory to sovereignty through data—poses profound challenges to foundational concepts of legitimacy, autonomy, and collective rights. Ultimately, navigating this new terrain requires moving beyond simplistic views of technology as either a neutral tool or an unstoppable force, and toward a critical, context-sensitive understanding of its embeddedness in perpetual struggles for power and freedom.

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Public and International Law

Proportional Analysis of the Perfectionist Constitution and the Public Sphere in the Light of Habermasian Discourse Ethics

Hasan Mohammadi

Volume 11, Issue 43 , September 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.83447.1679

Abstract

Research Problem and BackgroundThe constitution, as the foundational covenant of political order, has always been the site of a major confrontation between two predominant approaches in defining the limits and duties of the state: The neutrality-based (or rights-based) approach, which, grounded in the ... Read More Research Problem and BackgroundThe constitution, as the foundational covenant of political order, has always been the site of a major confrontation between two predominant approaches in defining the limits and duties of the state: The neutrality-based (or rights-based) approach, which, grounded in the protection of individual rights, freedoms, and autonomy, confines the state's duty to securing the "right" (justice, security, public interests); and the perfectionist approach, which prioritizes the "good" (a specific conception of the desirable life and human flourishing), assigning the state a mission beyond providing material interests, making it responsible for the ethical guidance and cultivation of citizens toward perfection. The emergence of the modern constitution through liberal-democratic revolutions was based on the separation of the "right" (justice) from the "good" (virtue), the distinction between the public and private spheres, and reliance on constituent power (popular sovereignty) and individual rights. However, some contemporary systems, by incorporating specific conceptions of the good life (with religious or philosophical character) into their constitutions, have adopted a perfectionist approach. This raises the central question: Is such an approach compatible with the foundations of the public sphere (as the legitimacy-bestowing realm in democratic theories) and the requirements of the modern constitution? Relying on the ideas of Jürgen Habermas, the prominent social philosopher, this article analyzes this conflict.Research ObjectiveThe primary objective of this article is to analyze the relationship between perfectionist constitutions and the possibility of realizing the public sphere in its Habermasian sense. The author seeks to demonstrate that incorporating perfectionist foundations and ends into a constitution not only conflicts with the rights-based and autonomous foundations of the modern constitution but also, due to the merging of the public and private spheres and the negation of pluralism, theoretically and practically precludes the realization of the public sphere. Therefore, the article's ultimate conclusion is to prove the impossibility of the public sphere within political systems based on perfectionist constitutions. Research MethodThis research employs a descriptive-analytical method, relying on library resources (Persian and English books and articles). The methodology is based on conceptual and comparative analysis. First, the key concepts of the "public sphere," "discourse ethics," and "perfectionism" are explained and examined by referring to the ideas of Habermas and other thinkers. Subsequently, the foundations of the modern constitution and the requirements of constitutional perfectionism are investigated. Finally, by comparing and evaluating the principles of these two domains, their relationship and the consequences of this conflict are analyzed.Findings of the ResearchThe research findings are presented in several main areas:Foundations and Function of the Habermasian Public Sphere: The public sphere is an intersubjective realm, independent of the state and the private sphere (market and family), in which free and equal citizens, in a space free from coercion and based on rational discourse and argumentation, discuss and deliberate on public matters. The output of this discursive process (norms and public opinion) influences the political system through institutions like parliament, bestowing rational legitimacy upon it. In Habermas's thought, the legitimacy of law and the political system is not intrinsic but discursive, dependent on its continuous confirmation by this sphere. Discourse ethics, with conditions such as freedom, equality, universal participation, and the exclusion of exclusion, specifies the procedural framework of this realm.Foundations of the Modern Constitution: The modern constitution is founded upon individual rights, autonomy (private and public), the constituent power of the people, and the separation of right from good. Justice (the right) belongs to the public sphere (regulating social relations), and the good life (the good) belongs to the realm of private individual choice. The modern state, in its ideal form, is neutral towards diverse conceptions of the good, providing only a legal framework for the peaceful coexistence of these plural conceptions.Nature and Consequences of Perfectionism in the Constitution: The perfectionist approach, with the primacy of the good over the right, seeks to obligate the state to guide society towards a specific "good life" (often derived from a religious or philosophical ideology) by defining it. In constitutions, this leads to the reduction of rights within the framework of that conception of the good and the transformation of the state into a societal tutor. The perfectionist state considers itself to possess "absolute truth" in recognizing human flourishing and deems itself responsible for its practical realization.Fundamental Conflict: The article's analysis reveals a structural and irreconcilable conflict between the foundations of constitutional perfectionism and the requirements of the public sphere:Negation of Pluralism and Freedom: Perfectionism, by insisting on a single narrative of the good, disregards or rejects ethical pluralism (a necessary condition for the public sphere).Merging of Spheres: By introducing the "good" into the realm of public legislation, this approach dissolves the fundamental distinction between the public sphere (right/justice) and the private sphere (good/virtue).Negation of Autonomy and Equality: By defining citizens based on adherence to the ruling ideology, the intrinsic equality of participants in discourse and their individual autonomy are called into question. Having a right is reduced to being right (in accordance with the model of virtue).Elimination of the Public Sphere: Under these conditions, the public sphere either does not form at all, or if it does, it is immediately absorbed and dissolved into the state sphere (which considers itself the embodiment of truth and the good). Instead of being supervised and influenced by the public sphere, the state legislates comprehensively across all spheres of life.Crisis of Legitimacy: By eliminating the public sphere as the continuous source of legitimacy-bestowal, the political system based on a perfectionist constitution faces a legitimacy crisis, as it cannot genuinely reflect the free will and discursive participation of the people.ConclusionThis article concludes that the possibility of realizing the public sphere in its Habermasian sense within the framework of perfectionist constitutions does not exist. Incorporating perfectionist concepts into the modern constitution creates an internal contradiction, as it places the rights-based and autonomous structures of the modern constitution in the service of an end inherently opposed to its foundations (separation of right from good, state neutrality, pluralism). This not only leads to the reduction of individual rights and the negation of autonomy but also, by merging the public sphere into the state and erasing the private/public boundaries, disables the sole rational and discursive source of legitimacy in complex modern societies. Therefore, the public sphere, which guarantees the dynamism, accountability, and legitimacy of constituted political systems, is doomed to impossibility within the perfectionist approach to constitutionalism. This research demonstrates that attempts to synthesize these two paradigms will come at the cost of losing one of them (primarily the public sphere and discursive democracy).

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Development and Security

The Outlook for Political Stability in the Islamic Republic of Iran: Patterns and Trends (1979–2019)

Amir Behzad Sadeqi; Davoud Gharayagh-Zandi

Volume 11, Issue 43 , September 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.72726.1407

Abstract

Introduction The Islamic Republic of Iran entered its fifth decade in 2020, with its first four decades marked by numerous destabilizing incidents that challenged its stability both domestically and internationally. Social changes have rooted in those destabilizing incidents. Current crisis management ... Read More Introduction The Islamic Republic of Iran entered its fifth decade in 2020, with its first four decades marked by numerous destabilizing incidents that challenged its stability both domestically and internationally. Social changes have rooted in those destabilizing incidents. Current crisis management agencies have proven ineffective in preventing overlapping crises. Those policies have addressed social changes; recurring destabilizing challenges suggest limited effectiveness. Some Islamic Republic discourse’s principles, such as (Independence, Islamic Revolution Export, Velayat-e-Faqih, Islamic Ideal Society, Usury-free Banking, and Jihadi Management, etc)) In accordance with relevant constitution principles have been crystallizing as; revisionist foreign policy, Axis of Resistance reinforcement and Iranian-Islamic Progress Idle have been some policies implemented for more than the past 45 years. In the aftermath of the twelve-day war and amid the increasingly frequent recurrence of closely spaced episode large-scale unrest in recent years, a systematic analysis of the underlying causes of instability and the role of political-social crises have become imperative. However, studies conducted to date do not adequately illustrate the process through which stability or instability in the political system has been formed. As outlining a future outlook requires an understanding of the past and the trends embedded within it, examining the process of stability and instability formation over the past four decades gains particular importance. Materials and Methods Research methodology was a combination of post-event research and future studies. Perspective of a regime’s stability ought to be based on possible futures and present a holistic view. That’s why each holistic view about the future must contain three levels of analysis, which include internal, regional, and international. This research employs future studies, whether in trend surveys or in scenario writing, to highlight the necessity of a comprehensive approach. Data were collected through library research and internet sources using an inductive method, then analyzed to identify patterns of social changes over four decades. The study also examines regime responses to challenges across four decades, analyzing them in ten-year segments. This enables comparative analysis across time periods using specific variables. Ultimately, based on the four-decade trend survey, drivers, blockers and wild cards will be determined scenario writing. There are three scenarios named as optimistic, pessimistic and neutral. In this regard, the main question of the research is whether, considering the regime’s stability pattern over the past four decades, which of the optimistic, pessimistic, and neutral scenarios might occur. The hypothesis is its perspective would be based on a pessimistic scenario in which dormant crises would synergize during the fifth decade due to the degradation. Results and Discussion The crisis indicators have had a direct relationship with social changes and have challenged the stability status of the regime during the last decades. Among the crisis indicators that led to social changes, the followings have more important and can be mentioned here:1) Economic mismanagement and Corruption. 2) Society Islamization and Lifestyle Assimilation. 3) Ethnic demands and Regime responses. 4) Factional clashes and lack of Dispute resolution. 5) Anti-arrogance against the West’s Responses. 6) Anti-Israel doctrine and Israeli responses. 7) Islamic Revolution Export Policy and Regional Responses. 8) Environmental challenges and water scarcity. 9) Electoral Integrity Disputes. 10) Intra-factional conflict. 11) Judicial-security role in handling security cases. 12) Restrictive Press and media laws. These drivers have faced Islamic Revolution discourse and the institutions that originated from that discourse for more than 40 years, leading to destabilizing challenges that resulted in seven socio-political crises. During past four decades, Occurrence of crises such as; ((Distribution)), ((Penetration)), ((Participation)), ((Identity)), ((Legitimacy)), ((Regional)) and ((International)) have been affecting the political system's stability. The fate of these crises played a decisive role in determining the stability of the system in each particular decade. Ultimately, from following ((crisis indicators)) to ((destiny of crises)), it could result in a base to define a perspective about the political system status in the mid years of the fifth decade. Today, any crisis within administrative, financial, ideological, or judicial sub-systems threatens the regime's efficiency and legitimacy comprehensively. Since the seven socio-political crises play a prominent role in the stability of political systems, the fate of such crises is interrelated to each other significantly. After crises emerge, political systems may move toward one of three possible fates: 1) Political Stabilization and Legitimacy Improvement: In this fate, the regime is either favorable in terms of efficiency or attractive and powerful in terms of discourse and propaganda. However, most crises generally do not form or resolve by civil-martial institutions. 2) State of Dormancy: Despite the regime's lack of institutional efficiency, it retains strong ideological or propaganda tools. Crises are temporarily contained but may be reactivated upon new destabilizing challenges. 3) Crises Synergism towards Political Instability: When multiple challenges are not adequately addressed (in the context of ineffective regime responses), various crises interact and intensify, leading to system inefficiency and increasing instability. Conclusion Investigating the crisis indicators during the last four decades of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s lifetime suggests a trend toward a pessimistic scenario named as crises synergy towards political instability in the upcoming decade. The various socio-political crises that occurred during the same time show the most important crisis indicators include: Society Islamization and Lifestyle Assimilation, Economic mismanagement and Corruption, Ethnic demands and Regime response, Anti-arrogance against the West’s Response, Anti-Israel doctrine and Israeli response, Islamic Revolution Export Policy and Regional Responses, Environmental challenges and water scarcity. Such crisis indicators might synergize predictably, so that the regime’s stability is suddenly questioned. Consequently, the hypothesis posits that the synergizing of dormant crises during the fifth decade will likely exacerbate instability, especially without significant structural reforms within the regime. Overall, the Islamic Republic’s stability perspective suggests that, due to socio-political crises during the fifth decade, a fragile stability status will likely be inevitable. However, the effectiveness of the regime’s responses in addressing destabilizing challenges has been extensive, and further research is suggested to analyze these outputs in more detail. The findings suggest that while these responses have been evaluated for their efficiency in addressing challenges, their effectiveness can vary significantly. Therefore, additional research is needed to explore these outputs.

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The State

A Reflection on Political Development and the Necessity of Structural Disintegration (with an Emphasis on the Period of the Islamic Republic of Iran)

Farzad Kalateh; Faez Dinparast

Volume 11, Issue 43 , September 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.68464.1267

Abstract

Research problem The performance of governments in resolving individual and collective conflicts depends on their ability; in the modern era, unlike the pre-modern era, societies, affected by various developments, including the industrial revolution in the economic sphere, the Renaissance and modernization ... Read More Research problem The performance of governments in resolving individual and collective conflicts depends on their ability; in the modern era, unlike the pre-modern era, societies, affected by various developments, including the industrial revolution in the economic sphere, the Renaissance and modernization in the cultural sphere, and urbanization in the social sphere, have undergone extensive, very complex, and specialized changes, and the amount of conflicts and demands of society from the government has expanded in quantitative and qualitative terms; therefore, governments must also develop to resolve conflicts, and one of the important requirements for the development of governments is structural separation; that is, the institution of the government should deal solely with political affairs and delegate other matters to other institutions; specialization of institutions will lead to an increase in their capacity and power; increasing the capacity of the political institution of the government will make the government more efficient, and the efficiency of the government will lead to the stabilization of the prevailing political order. The available evidence and data confirm that despite the 1979 revolution, the state of structural differentiation during the Islamic Republic of Iran has not only not improved, but has also intensified to the point that today, some researchers use terms such as state capitalism, crony capitalism, quasi-state capitalism, and khusulati to describe the Iranian economic system (see Ghaninejad, 2017, Sattari, 2010, Pesaran, 2011). In this regard, the issue of this research is to explain the state of structural differentiation during the Islamic Republic of Iran; that is, to answer why the current situation arose; in other words, what factors have caused the widespread interference and dominance of political power over economic power during the Islamic Republic of Iran? Research Background Researchers have conducted many studies to explain the issue of structural differentiation during the Islamic Republic of Iran; in most studies, the rentier nature of the government institution in Iran has been introduced as the main reason for the weakening of structural differentiation (see Katouzian, 2013, Karshenas, 2003, Haji Yousefi, 2000, Heshmatzadeh, 2000, Ghaffari and others, 2019). However, oil rent has played a key role in the emergence of this situation and it cannot be denied, but the available evidence shows that some countries that enjoy oil rents are in a much better position than Iran in terms of separation of powers, or even some countries that do not enjoy oil rents are in a much lower position than Iran. Therefore, this evidence shows us that the mere existence of oil rent is not sufficient to explain the situation of structural differentiation and it seems that other factors are involved in this context. In fact, in these works, the pathology of the separation of power is referred to an external and non-political factor, namely oil; but the innovative aspect of the present research is that it tries to explain the challenges of structural differentiation during the Islamic Republic of Iran from a political perspective. Research Objective Describing and explaining the state of structural disintegration in Iran during the Islamic Republic. Research Method In this study, the documentary method was used to collect data and the process tracing method was used to judge the data; process tracing is a technique that helps the researcher to examine certain mechanisms through which an independent variable is linked to a dependent variable. Causal mechanisms mean processes or intermediary variables through which an explanatory variable has a causal effect on the dependent variable (Taliban, 2008: 96). The use of this method is because the process of the emergence of institutions is contextual and time-dependent and is affected by various factors. The unit of research analysis is Iran and the time period, the Islamic Republic period (1978 to 1991), the observation unit is political events, such as the Islamic Revolution of 1978 and the establishment of the political system of the Islamic Republic, the process of drafting and approving the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the measurement unit is the state of separation of political power from economic power. Research findings To determine the status of the separation of political power from economic power in Iran during the Islamic Republic, global indicators were used. The scores received during the period in question were aggregated and the average was obtained by dividing it by the number of years. The results of the calculations show that the separation of political power from economic power in the Islamic Republic is in the "unfree" state overall. Table No. (5): Status of structural differentiation (separation of political structure from economic structure) during the Islamic Republic of Iran Index Time period Total Scores Average Score Status 1 Economic Change from the Bertelsmann Foundation 16 years (from 2005 to 2020) 118 45.2 Unfree 2 Economic Freedom from the Heritage Foundation 26 years (from 1996 to 2021) 1104 46.42 Unfree 3 Free Economy from the Legatum Institute 14 years (from 2007 to 2020) 254 18 Unfree 4 Economic Freedom from the Fraser Institute 23 years (from 2000 to 2018 and 1980, 1985, 1990, 1995) 119 17.5 Relatively unfree 5 Government Ownership of the Economy 42 years (from 1979 to 2020) 5568 63.1 Relatively unfree Source: Research findings Conclusion The Constitutional Revolution is considered the starting point of the modernization of the state in Iran, but the economic structure and structure of society and the authoritarian modernization approach of the Pahlavi government led to the expansion of the government's ownership, duties, and powers in the field of economy. After the victory of the Islamic Revolution of 1979, despite the widespread opposition of political forces to the previous political order and the minor and general differences that existed between them regarding the nature of the new political order, except for a small part of the political forces, the rest of the forces, considering the prevailing institutional context, and for various reasons and with varying intensity and weakness, were in favor of the stateization of the economy; In addition, the weakness of the theoretical and empirical knowledge of political forces in the field of how to regulate economic affairs, the rentier nature of the state, and the occurrence of the Eight Years' War also contributed to the cause and were effective in weakening structural differentiation; After the establishment of the new political order, the relative increase in political and economic benefits resulting from the new way of organizing economic affairs in the political order of the Islamic Republic of Iran caused the supporters of the ruling status quo not only to oppose and resist any structural reforms in the field of improving the separation of political power from economic power, but also, due to the pattern of unequal distribution of political power among the elected and appointed parts of the political structure, the economy became more and more state-owned and the majority of economic resources were taken over by the state. In fact, the non-uniformity of the state institution and the conflict and conflict between the elected and appointed parts of the government over the issue of the distribution of political power have been very effective in opposing the separation of power and the intensification of the state-owned economy; the political power tries to manage and control the citizens' bio-politics by dominating their economic and bio-economic resources. In fact, it can be said that from the second half of the seventies onwards, the role of beliefs in the state-owned economy has become less important, and economic and political benefits have become more prominent in the continuation and intensification of the existing situation. On the other hand, given the data and the economic situation of the society, it seems that the continuation of the current situation is impossible and requires fundamental reforms. However, any policy-making to overcome the current situation requires the management of conflicts of interest and the consensus of the instrumental/political elites of the society. Otherwise, the ability and capacity of the state institution to respond to the demands of the people will decrease, and, in the same proportion, the dissatisfaction of the society with the state and the conflict between this state and the society will increase, and the continuity and strength of the political system will face challenges.

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Public and International Law

From the interpretation to the amendment of the Constitution in Iran; Looking from the perspective of government research

Ayat Mulaee; Maedeh Soleymani Dinani

Volume 11, Issue 43 , September 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.71729.1370

Abstract

Introduction The constitution, by establishing the fundamental structural and procedural principles of government, defines the supreme law of a given polity (Boudreaux & Pritchard, 1993:11). Every theory of constitutionalism presupposes that a constitution must be capable of functioning over a relatively ... Read More Introduction The constitution, by establishing the fundamental structural and procedural principles of government, defines the supreme law of a given polity (Boudreaux & Pritchard, 1993:11). Every theory of constitutionalism presupposes that a constitution must be capable of functioning over a relatively long period of time. The notion of constitutional endurance is closely intertwined with key normative issues such as constitutional amendment. The very idea of constitutional amendment arises from the premise that no generation possesses the exclusive wisdom to bind future generations irreversibly or to design a constitution immune from failure. Consequently, there exists an inherent right to amend the constitution to remedy its deficiencies and to strengthen its principles when necessary (Hatchard, 2004:44–45). Amendment provisions, as one of the essential pillars of constitutionalism, enable the constitutional text to evolve gradually, addressing the shortcomings of its initial design and responding to emerging challenges within the constitutional order (Albert, 2015: 656). The primary means of revising a constitution is the formal procedure explicitly set forth within the document itself. The more fundamental the proposed changes, the more essential recourse to formal procedures becomes (Assefa, 2012:103). However, formal amendment rules often render constitutional change exceedingly difficult, and experience demonstrates that the politics of constitutional revision are highly contentious. Accordingly, most scholars acknowledge that constitutional change is not achieved exclusively through formal amendment procedures; in some instances, it occurs informally (Anderson, 2008: 59). Where the formal path to amendment proves arduous or obstructed, alternative routes become available to political actors to achieve its practical equivalent (Albert, 2014: 1062). It may thus be argued that informal amendment practices play a significant role in reconstructing the constitution and reshaping its meaning in response to subsequent developments. The most accurate account of a constitution’s evolution must therefore consider not only formal amendments but also informal transformations. Only through this dual lens can one attain a deeper understanding of a state’s constitutionalism (Besso, 2005:84). Recognizing the importance of informal constitutional change within the field of constitutional law, this paper explores the concept of constitutional amendment to clarify the nature, foundations, and legitimacy of informal constitutional transformation. Particular attention is devoted to the process of constitutional interpretation as a mechanism capable of functioning as a form of informal amendment. The central question addressed in this study is: despite the explicit provisions governing formal amendment in written constitutions, what are the functions and implications of informal amendment and constitutional interpretation? To answer this question, the paper adopts a descriptive–analytical approach—first examining the concept and dimensions of constitutional amendment, and then analyzing the interpretive role of the official constitutional interpreter and the processes through which informal constitutional change occurs. Literature Review Although several distinguished Iranian scholars—such as Habibzadeh and Mansourian, in their article “An Analysis of Constitutional Change Beyond the Formal Amendment Procedures Prescribed Therein,” and Morad Khani, in “Informal Constitutional Change: Foundations, Instances, and Approaches”—have addressed the possibility of constitutional change through means other than the formal amendment process enshrined in the constitutional text, the crucial role of constitutional interpretation in facilitating such informal change has not yet been seriously examined within domestic scholarship. Research Objective The present research seeks to understand the importance of discussions on informal constitutional change in constitutional law. It aims to examine real, yet unwritten, changes to the constitution—particularly those arising from the interpretation process, which bypasses the formal amendment procedure and cannot be justified through it—and to clarify the basis for the legitimacy of such changes. Methodology This research, by studying various domestic and international books and articles, has collected materials through library research and note-taking. It examines the subject using a descriptive-analytical method. Findings and Conclusion Although the formal amendment mechanism is a vital necessity for constitutional reform, the role of informal procedures in changing the constitution's content is so significant that they may even render formal amendment procedures irrelevant in determining the constitution's actual content. Dynamic interpretation, as a common method of adapting the constitution to contemporary developments, without formal stages or changes to the text, reveals hidden sub-textual and pre-textual layers not visible in the written document itself. This leads to informal change and amendment of the constitution. Consequently, the interpreting authority plays a crucial role in constitutionalizing procedures and institutions outside the constitution that have been created by the political branches. Interpretation is one of the informal methods of constitutional amendment, through which the interpreter links the written constitutional text to its unwritten layers. In this process, it is inevitably influenced by political practices and attempts to harmonize the text with the political realities of society. Political practices, by being reflected in the opinions and interpretations of the interpreting authority, take on a legal color and appear more justified. In the Iranian constitutional system, the Guardian Council, with the aim of ascertaining the legislator's intent and discovering the essence of the constitution, introduces unwritten aspects of the constitutional principles that are not encompassed by the explicit text. Thus, through its official interpretations and without changing the written document, this authority, by unveiling the unwritten layers of the constitution, has paved the way for its change outside the formal process stipulated in Article 177 of the constitution—that is, informally. Since, in our constitutional system, interpretation is tantamount to the constitution and holds an effect and status similar to that of the written constitutional text, the interpreting authority, by granting constitutional status to an unwritten principle or practice without engaging in the difficulties of the formal amendment process, brings about informal constitutional change through the gateway of interpretation. Given the constitutional binding nature of interpretation in the Iranian constitution, these changes become part of the constitutional system and are treated as valid and binding. Although changes that are the unconscious product of the constitution's dynamic system and subsequently gain the approval of political actors and the people can be considered valid, changes that are carried out by circumventing the difficult legal procedures call into question the wisdom of the original constitution-maker in dedicating a specific article to revision—aimed at preventing its arbitrary application and preserving the constitution's stability. Therefore, it is essential to distinguish organic interpretations, which arise from the complex interaction of forces among the different political branches of the government, from unreasonable interpretations that, by granting extra-legal and unlimited authority to certain institutions, disrupt the system of checks and balances and seriously conflict with the purpose of the text. Any change to the constitution must be labeled as legitimate and legal only after cautious and meticulous scrutiny, so that while allowing for the logical evolution of the constitution and its adaptation to conditions and the times, the endurance and integrity of the law are not undermined, and the path for any misuse is blocked. Thus, although the amendment process serves an important practical purpose—namely, changing the constitutional text whose errors have been revealed over time and through experience—the prevalence of informal amendments may, in the future, nullify their usefulness. Furthermore, it is essential that the aspects of change in the constitutional system are considered sufficiently important and fundamental to determine the true scope of the constitution. Therefore, such a phenomenon must be approached with caution.

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Political Thought

The Discourse on Legitimacy Centered on Sultanate in the Letter of Sultan Sanjar Seljuq (511–552 AH) to al-Mustarshid Billah al-Abbasi (512–529 AH) Based on Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis Model

Ziba Shams; Zekrollah Mohammadi

Volume 11, Issue 43 , September 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.72360.1386

Abstract

The problemFrom the very beginning of their entry into the political arena of the Islamic world, the Seljuks resorted to various tools to legitimize their political power and consolidate their rule. Gaining the approval of the Abbasid Caliphs was one of the primary and most significant of these instruments, ... Read More The problemFrom the very beginning of their entry into the political arena of the Islamic world, the Seljuks resorted to various tools to legitimize their political power and consolidate their rule. Gaining the approval of the Abbasid Caliphs was one of the primary and most significant of these instruments, which can be considered the core element of the Caliphate-centered legitimacy model. Toghrul, much like his Buyid predecessor, 'Adud al-Dawla al-Daylami, appeared before the Caliph in the Dar al-Khilafa of Baghdad unarmed and prostrated himself on the ground before him. It appears that during the era of Toghrul’s rule and in the early years of Seljuk ascendancy, they were not in a position to conceive a new definition for their relationship with the Caliphate. Therefore, Toghrul, by modeling himself on the conduct of 'Adud al-Dawla al-Daylami and repeating the ceremonial presentation before the Abbasid Caliph, imitated the same legitimization system established by the Buyid Amirs.During the reigns of Alp Arslan and Malik-Shah, while maintaining this tool of legitimacy, the Seljuq Sultans, influenced by the thoughts of Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk, the Vizier, and Imam Muhammad al-Ghazali, moved toward another tool for acquiring legitimacy. Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk, in his Siyasatnama, attributes the happiness of both worlds to a monarchy that possesses divine Farrah (Royal Glory). Al-Ghazali, in his Nasihat al-Muluk (Advice to Kings), introduced the Sultan as the shadow of God on Earth.This trend persisted until the era of Sultan Sanjar (511–552 AH). However, during this time, the relationship between the Caliphate and the Sultanate entered a new phase, for which the letters and decrees of Sultan Sanjar—preserved in the Munsha’at Leningrad and later in the book Utbat al-Kataba—serve as the best documentation.BackgroundRegarding the issue of legitimacy in the Seljuq state, numerous studies and researches have been conducted, with scholars examining it from various angles. Lambton, in the seventh chapter of her book State and Government in Islam, investigates the relationship between the Sultanate and the Caliphate in Sunni thought by reviewing the views of Imam al-Haramayn al-Juwayni and especially Imam Muhammad al-Ghazali. The late Dr. Seyyed Javad Tabataba’i, in his works, discussed the issue of the legitimacy of the Seljuq state and its connection to the Abbasid Caliphate based on the concept of Iranshahr (Iranian-world concept) and the role of Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk. Omid Safi, in his book Politics/Knowledge in the Islamic World, examined legitimacy in the Seljuq period based on Foucault’s and Althusser’s theories, emphasizing the convergence of epistemology and ideology and underscoring the role of scientific and religious institutions in legitimization. Taghi Azad Armaki and Maryam Kamali, in their article “Political Legitimacy and Power Structure in the Government of the Seljuks,” addressed the legitimacy of the Seljuks from the beginning until the end of Malik-Shah’s reign, examining it based on Max Weber’s theory of legitimacy.As is evident, none of the cited studies have explored the Seljuq legitimacy model from the perspective of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) theory. Amidst this, there are a limited number of works that analyze historical letters based on Fairclough’s model. Among these, one can mention the Master’s thesis titled “Critical Discourse Analysis of the Translation of the Letter of Imam Ali (AS) to Malik al-Ashtar,” written by Masihollah Nemati, and the Ph.D. dissertation titled “Stylistic Analysis of Imam Ghazali’s Letters with a Critical Discourse Analysis Approach,” conducted by Maryam Darpar at Ferdowsi University of Mashhad in 2011, which was recently published as a book. The significance of these theses lies in their direct application of CDA to the level of letters, which is also the subject of the current research. Although the above studies are not directly related to the topic of the present article, they have nevertheless provided useful theoretical and framework information for the authors of this paper.MethodCritical Discourse Analysis theory, known as “CDA” in specialized discourse analysis texts, was founded by the English linguist and researcher Norman Fairclough in 1989, based on the theories of Michel Foucault. Fairclough, in his book Critical Discourse Analysis, mentions three essential and primary characteristics for “CDA,” which are: Relational, Dialectical, and Trans-disciplinary. Accordingly, his three-tiered model of critical analysis consists of:1)Description: The first level of Fairclough’s critical discourse production is the description level, which examines the formalistic and superficial characteristics of the text. He describes these apparent features in three domains: Vocabulary, Grammar, and Textual Structure. At this level, every word is chosen with specific objectives; therefore, one of the initial steps in the critical analysis of texts is the recognition and identification of words and phrases that carry a specific semantic load.2)Interpretation: This focuses on the relationship between the text and its interaction with existing or prior discourses in society—specifically, which existing or prior discourses the author has utilized to produce their discourse and text, and conversely, how the researcher employs these discourses to interpret the existing text. In other words, the researcher seeks to answer the following questions: Who created the text? Who is the audience? Who is involved? And what relationships exist?3)Explanation: The third and final stage of critical analysis is explanation, where the interactions and the rationale behind the discourse production are examined in relation to social conditions. At this stage, the discourse is analyzed as part of a social process: What social conditions led to the emergence of this discourse? And is the existing discourse seeking to maintain or change the structures?The purpose of the research: The subject of discourse analysis can also be framed historically. Since discourse analysis views everything from the perspective of language and narration, considering the world as nothing more than text and narrative, historical narratives, texts, and letters can be examined and analyzed within this theoretical framework. It appears that among the numerous discourse analysis theories, Norman Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis can be one of the best frameworks for historical investigations. One of the most authoritative historical letters is the letter of Sultan Sanjar Seljuq to the Vizier al-Mustarshid Billah al-Abbasi. Given these explanations, the research question is: From the perspective of Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis, what transformation in the discourse of legitimacy for the Seljuq state is indicated by Sultan Sanjar’s letter to the Abbasid Caliph?Findings and ConclusionsIn the analysis of this letter based on Fairclough’s CDA, the following results were obtained: At the description level and in terms of vocabulary, Sultan Sanjar, by highlighting his own Sultanate-centered discourse and marginalizing the Caliphate-centered discourse, defines the source of legitimacy for his role as inheritance, personal entitlement, and divine. At the interpretation level, Sultan Sanjar is influenced by the new view of the Sultanate propagated by al-Ghazali, which posits the Seljuq Sultan as the shadow of God on Earth. Finally, at the explanation level, within the context of the social events and historical transformations of that period, it can be argued that the confrontation between Sultan Sanjar and al-Mustarshid al-Abbasi compelled Sultan Sanjar to replace the dominant Caliphate-centered discourse with his own Sultanate-centered discourse.

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The Roots of the Arab Spring and the Domino Effect of Collapsing Arab Regimes; the Determining Role of Short-Run Factors and Political Management

Volume 3, Issue 11 , December 2017, , Pages 1-26

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2017.8102

Abstract

Between 2010 and 2013, during what was called the Arab Spring, the Arab world witnessed a wave of popular uprisings that led to the overthrow of four governments (in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen), serious difficulties for three states (in Bahrain, Jordan and to some extent, Saudi Arabia), and a civil ... Read More

State and Environment: From the Non-State to the Participatory Approaches

Volume 2, Issue 8 , March 2017, , Pages 59-80

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2017.7198

Abstract

n the case of the relationship between government and environmental obligations there are different views in public law theory. At least three approaches can be mentioned in the context of general task to which principle 50 of constitution refers. The first approach is based on the centrality of the ... Read More

Gender Policy in Contemporary Iran: The Role of State in Changing the Status and Rights of Women (1891–2013)

Volume 7, Issue 27 , December 2021, , Pages 59-87

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2021.43143.710

Abstract

Gender policy in contemporary Iran has experienced many fluctuations, but it has generally brought about significant changes in the status of women. The question of this article is focused on political factors, especially the role of state, in these changes. Using a historical–comparative method, ... Read More

Military Diplomacy: A New Strategy for States in Pursuit the Foreign Policy Goals

Volume 6, Issue 23 , December 2020, , Pages 219-256

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2020.39753.653

Abstract

For a long time, the only solution to ending disputes between countries was war on the battlefield and military option. In the midst of these wars, the most important military strategies were born and often used in other battles. But over time, states have found that warfare is a very costly activity, ... Read More

Securitization of the Corona Virus and Adopting State Restrictive Measures in the Fight against the viral Pandemic (Case Study of the United Kingdom, Germany, and Australia)

Volume 6, Issue 22 , September 2020, , Pages 107-140

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2021.56706.1023

Abstract

Various governments around the world have put tough restrictive measures on the agenda to combat the outbreak of the Covid-19 virus. Actions that are unbearable for people under normal circumstances. These restrictive measures and extraordinary means have so far been accepted by the public (despite popular ... Read More

The Model of Complex Relations in the Age of Artificial Intelligence: Transformation in the Existence of Actors in International Political Economy

Hadi Taghipour Ardeshiry; Morteza Nourmohamadi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 22 December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.85613.1658

Abstract

Extended Abstract:The Model of Complex Relations in the Age of Artificial Intelligence: Transformation in the Existence of Actors in International Political EconomyIntroduction and AimsThe increasing integration of artificial intelligence (AI) into the global political and economic system is producing ... Read More Extended Abstract:The Model of Complex Relations in the Age of Artificial Intelligence: Transformation in the Existence of Actors in International Political EconomyIntroduction and AimsThe increasing integration of artificial intelligence (AI) into the global political and economic system is producing a transformative shift in how actors—particularly states and transnational institutions—function within the international political economy (IPE). While the role of technology in shaping IPE has been extensively studied, the emergence of AI introduces a qualitatively different dynamic that challenges traditional models of agency and actor relations. This research addresses the central question: How can artificial intelligence transform the existence of actors in the international political economy, especially the state?The study hypothesizes that artificial intelligence transforms the existence of actors through changing their capacities in areas such as decision-making, data-driven operations, and autonomy, thereby generating new and complex model of actor relations. Accordingly, the study seeks to analyze this transformation through a structured framework grounded in the theory of complex interdependence proposed by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye.MethodologyThis study employs a descriptive-analytical approach using qualitative methods. It analyzes developments in the political economy landscape before and after 2010, a critical turning point in the evolution of AI technologies. Data is drawn from comparative case studies, academic literature, institutional reports, and global AI development indicators. The analysis is structured around four key indicators derived from Keohane and Nye’s theory:1. The impact of AI on the nature of actors;2. The emergence of new actors enabled by AI;3. The transformation of goals and interests of existing actors;4. The reconfiguration of inter-actor relationships in IPE.Results and Discussion1. Impact on the Nature of Actors:AI has begun to alter the fundamental nature of actors, particularly states, by transforming them into entities increasingly reliant on non-human, intelligent tools for decision-making, governance, and economic activity. This shift redefines the existence of the state, pushing it toward an AI-augmented actor embedded in data governance, algorithmic regulation, and digital sovereignty.2. Emergence of New Actors:The evolution of AI has led to the emergence of non-traditional and non-human actors in IPE, such as algorithmic trading systems, AI-driven platforms, cloud infrastructures, and tech communities. These actors increasingly participate in power and wealth generation, challenging the state-centric structure of the global economy. Moreover, AI itself begins to function as an autonomous actor, influencing outcomes across borders without direct human mediation.3. Transformation of Goals and Interests:The strategic objectives of states and institutions are shifting toward technology-based assets and knowledge economies, moving beyond traditional resource-based power structures. National and transnational actors now compete over AI capabilities, seeking technological leadership as a means to economic and geopolitical dominance. The emergence of innovation blocs and tech alliances further signals a recalibration of interest formation in IPE.4. Reconfiguration of Relationships Among Actors:AI has intensified the interdependence among actors by enhancing real-time data processing, algorithmic decision-making, and global digital connectivity. The growing reliance of national actors on transnational institutions, technological infrastructures, and global data flows fosters a polycentric model of governance. This model is defined by complex and multi-layered relations, where states no longer hold a monopoly over authority and must navigate a network of interdependent actors and systems.ConclusionThe development and deployment of artificial intelligence are not only reshaping the tools and mechanisms of international political economy but also transforming the very existence of its actors. This transformation unfolds across four interconnected dimensions:1. Redefinition of actor identity and functionality,2. Emergence of AI-driven and non-human actors,3. Shifts in strategic goals and economic priorities, and4. Deepening interdependence among actors.These dimensions collectively establish a new model of complex relations in IPE, wherein actors, especially states, must adapt to an environment marked by decentralization, networked authority, and AI-centric cooperation. In this context, the international political economy is transitioning from a system dominated by intergovernmental relations to one increasingly governed by AI-enabled interdependence and multi-actor complexity. Thus, by examining the dimensions of artificial intelligence’s impact, it becomes evident that AI now functions not merely as a technological tool, but as a force shaping the complex and reciprocal interactions among actors, states, and transnational institutions. It directly influences the power and authority of states and other players, placing them in a new environment in which machines and AI-driven tools play a significant role.Accordingly, and based on the analyses presented in the previous sections, it can be concluded in relation to the research hypothesis that artificial intelligence has created a new environment of cooperation and complex interwoven relations among actors, altering their function, though not necessarily their existence. This transformation in function—from physical roles to reliance on AI-based tools, such as the centrality of data in political-economic relations—has, to some extent affected on the role of the human agent.

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From Acceptance to Resistance: Examining Iranian Society’s Strategies in Response to Political dichotomy between the State and Society

mahmoudreza rahbarqazi; zahra sadeghinaghdali

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 07 April 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.81415.1554

Abstract

The central aims of this study encompass the identification and analysis of the elements that affect the emergence and escalation of political dichotomy between the state and society in Iran, the investigation of societal strategies employed in reaction to this phenomenon, the assessment of its social ... Read More The central aims of this study encompass the identification and analysis of the elements that affect the emergence and escalation of political dichotomy between the state and society in Iran, the investigation of societal strategies employed in reaction to this phenomenon, the assessment of its social and political ramifications, and the provision of recommendations to address and alleviate its detrimental impacts. This research employs a qualitative methodology, grounded in the Strauss and Corbin framework, which entails conducting comprehensive and semi-structured interviews.The data for this study were obtained through in-depth and semi-structured interviews that were carried out with 24 experts, comprising mostly academic scholars with doctoral degrees. These interviews aimed to gather from them their experiences, perspectives, and methods regarding political bifurcation. For further data validation, relevant reports and documents dealing with political bifurcation were also used.Qualitative content analysis was carried out on the data. First, open coding was done in order to identify key concepts. Then, using focused coding, these key concepts were systematically compared and analyzed to discover the connections between them. Finally, selective coding was used in order to identify the central code and to detect meaningful patterns. This methodology allowed for a deep and comprehensive analysis of the origins, approaches, and implications of political dichotomy, which improved our understanding of the elements that contribute to this phenomenon.Validity and reliability of the data were critical components of this study. In addition to credibility, precision was ensured through the internal validation strategies of cross-checking and recoding. Furthermore, the preliminary analytical findings were continuously checked and confirmed through the involvement of experts and stakeholders, thus assuring the data reliability and accuracy of the analysis.The study suggests that "structural and cultural divides" come into being as the leading code, stemming from the complex interaction of causal, contextual, and intervening variables, which have deepened the political rift in Iran. The causal variables include social and economic inequality as well as ideological conflicts, which serve as the critical structure for this gap. These challenges arise out of unequal power relations and the uneven distribution of resources, resulting in a great deal of dissatisfaction among various groups in society. Situational factors that increase this division relate to the political and social culture within society, which, through institutions like the family and the education system, passes on conflicting political ideologies. This culture, instead of bridging the gaps, strengthens and reinforces them. Finally, intervening factors such as media and social networks further fuel political polarization by creating echo chambers and spreading misinformation. Moreover, ineffective political decisions and changes in legislation have often inflamed these tensions rather than reduced them, thus contributing to the crystallization of this divide.The theoretical framework developed in this study reveals that the political cleavage existing in society has caused the development of two basic strategies among the people: acceptance and resistance. Acceptance, as one of the responses to the political rift between the state and society in Iran, reflects a part of the population's willingness to adapt to the existing conditions and accept the hegemonic order. This strategy is generally adopted by groups that lack the motivation either to change the status quo or, because of conservatism, inability to access power, or uncertainty about what might result from change, opt for the maintenance of the status quo. Acceptance can either be passive, without open protest or resistance, or active, through attempts to use the existing conditions for the betterment of oneself or one's group. In this approach, both individuals and collectives strive to adjust to the prevailing conditions while maximizing the opportunities available in the system to assert their place. While acceptance may provide temporary relief from social tensions and bring about political stability, it can also work to reinforce inequalities and further entrench political polarization, as the social and economic disparities continue to exist and can even exacerbate.On the other hand, resistance is an alternative strategy characterized by the actions of part of society to challenge the status quo and bridge the gap between the state and society. This type of resistance may be carried out in different ways: public protest, oppositional political activities, acts of civil disobedience, and so on. People who apply this strategy usually are not satisfied with current conditions and would like to make significant changes in political, social, or economic structures. The notion of resistance often arises from perceptions of injustice, inequality, and discrimination within political and social ideologies. In contrast to acceptance, which tends to consolidate the prevailing order, resistance seeks to challenge and change the system for the betterment of disadvantaged and disenfranchised people. However, resistance can increase tensions and sharpen political polarization, particularly when it hits the wall or otherwise fails to gain support across the board. Ultimately, resistance lies at the very core of the formation of political and social dynamics and can serve as a catalyst for broader changes.The theoretical framework demonstrates that such a political dichotomy between society and the state is a complex and multifarious phenomenon with huge implications for Iran's social, political, and economic frameworks. An exploration of these implications reveals that such political dichotomy has deepened social and political cleavages, practically bifurcating society into two often hostile and rival camps. These divisions have fueled a rise in polarization and growing social and political unrest, which, in turn, further amplifies the sense of inequality and discrimination among some quarters. From such an environment, political and economic instability has emerged as the most likely outcome. Severe market volatility, lower investment, capital flight, and continued political unrest are just some of the results of this bifurcation and the failure to achieve national cohesion. Furthermore, rising public discontent is another major consequence, as clearly seen in widespread protests, growing feelings of injustice, and increased pessimism about the future. These complaints have fostered an atmosphere of increased violence and social unrest, driving society into street confrontations, political instability, and cyber attacks on social media platforms.Concomitant with these developments, a major issue that has emerged is the marked decline in trust in government institutions. Citizens have gradually lost confidence in democratic processes and state institutions; hence, there is a growing sense of powerlessness and political apathy. This precarious situation has posed a direct threat to national cohesion, evidenced by the weakening of social bonds, deepening ethnic and religious divides, and a decrease in participation in national affairs. Lastly, political polarization has also contributed much to the aggravation of emigration and brain drain. Part of the intellectual and cultural elite of the country, disillusioned by the local situation and dissatisfied with the prevalent conditions, are leaving the country, which may further weaken Iran's human capital and undermine its development potential. This only goes to prove that the political divide between state and society tends to jeopardize stability and progress in a society, which eventually leads to further crises due to increased divides and growing unrest among the citizens of such society.

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Chinese Harmony and International Order in the 21st century

Fariborz Arghavani Pirsalami; Sajjad karimian

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 03 May 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.79725.1517

Abstract

One of the most important attentions to international affairs as well as the category of power and order is giving importance to ideas, values and concepts. The importance of ideas, values and concepts in formulating and presenting the best options for order creation in the international arena is always ... Read More One of the most important attentions to international affairs as well as the category of power and order is giving importance to ideas, values and concepts. The importance of ideas, values and concepts in formulating and presenting the best options for order creation in the international arena is always considered. In this context, values, concepts and intellectual ideals act as raw materials for building the international order. With Deng Xiaopeng coming to power and adopting a different foreign policy, China's economic growth dazzled the eyes. As a result of economic growth, China's military growth accelerated. In recent years, these two fields have attracted so much attention of international relations researchers that the third field, namely Chinese culture, is on the sidelines of international attention and is paid less attention to it. Considering the increasing power of this country and also being among the great international powers, the importance of the ideas, thoughts and ideals of this country in building order is taken into consideration.According to what was said, what are China's ideals and ideals for the desired order of this country? Paying attention to ancient history and thought in this country is one of the basic requirements to answer this question. When China's long and deep history turns its pages, one of the most important and basic ideas of Chinese human life is the category of "harmony". This issue is so broad and deep that it is not far from reality if I say that the central signifier of social discourse in China is the concept of "harmony". Accordingly, the main research question is what is the nature of Chinese international order under the concept of coordination? In other words, how does the concept of coordination shape the Chinese international order? This article, relying on the descriptive-analytical method and using intellectual propositions in the context of Chinese history, asserts that the Chinese order does not seek uniformity and pursues a balance achieved through recognizing differences. Therefore, the Chinese international order reflects this meaning in the international system.Chinese worldview is a unique and exceptional worldview among the attitudes of different people in today's world. Apart from the five thousand years of historical continuity of China, in the philosophical perspective of this country, there is no existence of a creator that is outside of world creation. This feature makes this worldview completely naturalistic, self-sufficient and self-generating. Accordingly, good and evil do not exist in the mental geometry of Chinese people, and instead there is balance and harmony in contrast to disharmony. Balance has been the guiding light of man and Chinese society throughout the history of this society, and this harmony has emerged as the central sign of various thoughts in China. One of the most important of these ideas is Confucius and Taoism, which is several thousand years old.According to Confucius, the main goal of government is to create harmony, and the last step in achieving this goal is to achieve harmony at the global level. The three basic principles of moral force, empathic understanding and harmony with differences were recognized as the foundations of creating harmony in the international arena. Taoism, like Confucius, pays special attention to the concept of harmony and order. However, Taoism has a different view on the category of harmony and interprets it as cosmic. In this view, the category of order has a place to organize order in the cosmic system. The important and common Taoist principles are isolation, simplicity and harmony with nature.The emphasis of Chinese culture is on fostering harmony not only between different people, but also between people and the fundamental world. The four basic characteristics of harmony are balance in the whole, harmony in difference, order in complexity, and unity in diversity. It was on this basis that certain viewpoints were created to explain and describe the category of harmony in Chinese philosophy, which had a special application in the field of domestic and foreign politics, and therefore are highly contextual and historical. Based on this, the representation of the concept of harmony and social balance in the political sphere of China can be seen in the creation of political constructions such as the Son of Heaven, a strong family system and orderly social hierarchies. These structures, which have always declined and risen for many years, are not the only representations of the concept of harmony emanating from Confucian and Taoist thoughts in China's domestic political sphere. The history of China's political history makes it clear that China has been characterized by the growth and expansion of the hierarchical structure and the formation of the Confucian bureaucracy and, as a result, a powerful political system. In general, the ontology of Chinese man and all aspects of his social and individual life cannot be imagined outside of the concept of under the sky. Accordingly, the inclusion of the concept of harmony includes all areas of Chinese human life.In the Chinese intellectual geometry and the concept of harmony arising from mutual recognition and deepening it is not to meet needs but to create harmony and prevent distance from a balanced world. Based on this, it can be said that order based on demand from the concept of hegemony and geometry in Chinese thought is fundamentally different from Western order in terms of ontology and epistemology, and its nature and essence does not seek to create uniformity and equalization; Rather, it seeks to recognize diversity and at the same time build a world based on mutual understanding. Based on this, it can be concluded that from the point of view of the geometry of Chinese thought and harmony, the role of China is benign. In this way, according to the aforementioned, this country seeks to create a balance at the world level with an emphasis on harmony.Based on the Chinese point of view, order should be based on the deep expansion of China's relations with all countries of the world. In such a way that the final result of these relations should lead to the improvement of the level of world peace and prosperity. Another characteristic of this type of international relations is that it leads to the production of power relations for each side of these relations. The most important examples of promoting coordination and balance in China's international order in the fields of institutions, security and international economy are the Belt and Road Initiative, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Asian Development and Infrastructure Bank. In terms of rules and regulations and the degree of China's presence and authority in them, each of them reflects the category of international coordination and the resulting order in the international arena.

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politico-Ideological Turn and Economic Change in Iran After revolution (1979-2012)

Aboulfazl Delavari; Elahe Mohammadi Pirouzian

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 27 August 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.82869.1593

Abstract

knoondd ,mbkscnlsnsolnsli odhbasb kdk as kdsad kdbkdqwbckcb lqwdhbfc bk qwdqbc dwqhba lhwd dqohqb d dohqb cifefd d qwohdaw a dhasd dqws bcbc dqwhbsd dwolhwqb s khdwad as dwqhdbdw d mkhqbd d dhbw wh wdqwhbd dkwd wqk dwe woqwhd whqwl ddqw dbqw dw wib wqiw dhqwbd d hdhdw kbwidw dbkkq dqwqdw dwhd dqwwb bqwb ... Read More knoondd ,mbkscnlsnsolnsli odhbasb kdk as kdsad kdbkdqwbckcb lqwdhbfc bk qwdqbc dwqhba lhwd dqohqb d dohqb cifefd d qwohdaw a dhasd dqws bcbc dqwhbsd dwolhwqb s khdwad as dwqhdbdw d mkhqbd d dhbw wh wdqwhbd dkwd wqk dwe woqwhd whqwl ddqw dbqw dw wib wqiw dhqwbd d hdhdw kbwidw dbkkq dqwqdw dwhd dqwwb bqwb wq kdwkbw dqwkbkb wd bkwqhdbd d awdbd wdbqw d sabdk dbwdk d wwqb kbwq dbwsb d, asbbdd s s wkd d wb wdw w bkwkb s bwks m s wlwb w wbkwbk w wbwb w bwsb basb skd ss b d, dsbdb s w ewbds s cbskcc w bkd s sbsks s wb bk.wkb w w dbkbkjdw d d wb dbkk wsd dwwsbwmdsam ddbd knoondd ,mbkscnlsnsolnsli odhbasb kdk as kdsad kdbkdqwbckcb lqwdhbfc bk qwdqbc dwqhba lhwd dqohqb d dohqb cifefd d qwohdaw a dhasd dqws bcbc dqwhbsd dwolhwqb s khdwad as dwqhdbdw d mkhqbd d dhbw wh wdqwhbd dkwd wqk dwe woqwhd whqwl ddqw dbqw dw wib wqiw dhqwbd d hdhdw kbwidw dbkkq dqwqdw dwhd dqwwb bqwb wq kdwkbw dqwkbkb wd bkwqhdbd d awdbd wdbqw d sabdk dbwdk d wwqb kbwq dbwsb d, asbbdd s s wkd d wb wdw w bkwkb s bwks m s wlwb w wbkwbk w wbwb w bwsb basb skd ss b d, dsbdb s w ewbds s cbskcc w bkd s sbsks s wb bk.wkb w w dbkbkjdw d d wb dbkk wsd dwwsbwmdsam ddbd knoondd ,mbkscnlsnsolnsli odhbasb kdk as kdsad kdbkdqwbckcb lqwdhbfc bk qwdqbc dwqhba lhwd dqohqb d dohqb cifefd d qwohdaw a dhasd dqws bcbc dqwhbsd dwolhwqb s khdwad as dwqhdbdw d mkhqbd d dhbw wh wdqwhbd dkwd wqk dwe woqwhd whqwl ddqw dbqw dw wib wqiw dhqwbd d hdhdw kbwidw dbkkq dqwqdw dwhd dqwwb bqwb wq kdwkbw dqwkbkb wd bkwqhdbd d awdbd wdbqw d sabdk dbwdk d wwqb kbwq dbwsb d, asbbdd s s wkd d wb wdw w bkwkb s bwks m s wlwb w wbkwbk w wbwb w bwsb basb skd ss b d, dsbdb s w ewbds s cbskcc w bkd s sbsks s wb bk.wkb w w dbkbkjdw d d wb dbkk wsd dwwsbwmdsam knoondd ,mbkscnlsnsolnsli odhbasb kdk as kdsad kdbkdqwbckcb lqwdhbfc bk qwdqbc dwqhba lhwd dqohqb d dohqb cifefd d qwohdaw a dhasd dqws bcbc dqwhbsd dwolhwqb s khdwad as dwqhdbdw d mkhqbd d dhbw wh wdqwhbd dkwd wqk dwe woqwhd whqwl ddqw dbqw dw wib wqiw dhqwbd d hdhdw kbwidw dbkkq dqwqdw dwhd dqwwb bqwb wq kdwkbw dqwkbkb wd bkwqhdbd d awdbd wdbqw d sabdk dbwdk d wwqb kbwq dbwsb d, asbbdd s s wkd d wb wdw w bkwkb s bwks m s wlwb w wbkwbk w wbwb w bwsb basb skd ss b d, dsbdb s w ewbds s cbskcc w bkd s sbsks s wb bk.wkb w w dbkbkjdw d d wb dbkk wsd dwwsbwmdsam knoondd ,mbkscnlsnsolnsli odhbasb kdk as kdsad kdbkdqwbckcb lqwdhbfc bk qwdqbc dwqhba lhwd dqohqb d dohqb cifefd d qwohdaw a dhasd dqws bcbc dqwhbsd dwolhwqb s khdwad as dwqhdbdw d mkhqbd d dhbw wh wdqwhbd dkwd wqk dwe woqwhd whqwl ddqw dbqw dw wib wqiw dhqwbd d hdhdw kbwidw dbkkq dqwqdw dwhd dqwwb bqwb wq kdwkbw dqwkbkb wd bkwqhdbd d awdbd wdbqw d sabdk dbwdk d wwqb kbwq dbwsb d, asbbdd s s wkd d wb wdw w bkwkb s bwks m s wlwb w wbkwbk w wbwb w bwsb basb skd ss b d, dsbdb s w ewbds s cbskcc w bkd s sbsks s wb bk.wkb w w dbkbkjdw d d wb dbkk wsd dwwsbwmdsam knoondd ,mbkscnlsnsolnsli odhbasb kdk as kdsad kdbkdqwbckcb lqwdhbfc bk qwdqbc dwqhba lhwd dqohqb d dohqb cifefd d qwohdaw a dhasd dqws bcbc dqwhbsd dwolhwqb s khdwad as dwqhdbdw d mkhqbd d dhbw wh wdqwhbd dkwd wqk dwe woqwhd whqwl ddqw dbqw dw wib wqiw dhqwbd d hdhdw kbwidw dbkkq dqwqdw dwhd dqwwb bqwb wq kdwkbw dqwkbkb wd bkwqhdbd d awdbd wdbqw d sabdk dbwdk d wwqb kbwq dbwsb d, asbbdd s s wkd d wb wdw w bkwkb s bwks m s wlwb w wbkwbk w wbwb w bwsb basb skd ss b d, dsbdb s w ewbds s cbskcc w bkd s sbsks s wb bk.wkb w w dbkbkjdw d d wb dbkk wsd dwwsbwmdsam ddbd lhsn , lhd, dlhd

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Changes like State Governance; the Transition to Fourth Industrial Revolution Technologies (A Case Study on the Government of the United States)

Mahdi Elyasi; Mohammad Tondro

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 23 September 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2024.79762.1521

Abstract

Problem and BackgroundTechnological advancements require a deeper understanding of the most effective methods and policies for governance at various levels of government. This paradigm shifts underscores the necessity for active and effective governance policies to facilitate optimal integration and ... Read More Problem and BackgroundTechnological advancements require a deeper understanding of the most effective methods and policies for governance at various levels of government. This paradigm shifts underscores the necessity for active and effective governance policies to facilitate optimal integration and further pave the development path. The nature of governance is fundamentally influenced by these policies, which go beyond merely changing the perspective or approach of an organization or government. They alter the very nature of government as well. As such, the challenge lies in new crafting governance and government functions that not only adapt to rapid technological changes but also proactively shape the mechanisms of governance to enhance their relevance and efficiency in the digital era. This change must be forward-looking and inclusive, ensuring that technological benefits are equitably shared while safeguarding against potential disruptions that could undermine societal and political stability.Research ObjectiveThis study examines the various aspects of governance policies considering the Fourth Industrial Revolution's transformative indices and the significance of its revolutionary concepts on development models, emphasizing how these concepts transform the nature of governments. This research focuses on a collection of policy and governance systems at the national and international levels in the United States of America. The purpose of this selection is to analyze and identify governance patterns and policy systems that can effectively respond to the challenges and opportunities arising from the advancements of Industry 4.0 technologies.Research MethodThis examination includes a detailed study of federal policy systems, industrial development strategies, and educational programs related to emerging technologies. It also endeavors to analyze, through the study of over eighteen governmental documents in the United States, using advanced tools of text analysis and natural language processing, the subtleties of technological advancements and the governance aspects present in forthcoming sectors. This method enables deep analysis of texts and documents and encompasses various sections of public, specialized, and international policy systems in the United States in the path of modern governance transformation and transition to Industry 4.0 technologies. It includes an analysis of the nature of state governance, federal policy system strategies, and executive governance models, all of which examine different aspects of the impacts of Industry 4.0 technologies on modern governance. This research focuses on examining how policies and governance models respond to the challenges and opportunities arising from digital transformation in documents presented in various sectors. Using this method, the researcher can identify patterns, important themes, and indicators presented in the context of modern governance practices and the functioning of the government in complex texts.Research FindingsThis investigation will demonstrate how such policymaking gradually alters government functions and governance interaction methods, ultimately leading to a transformation in governance approaches. The primary goal of this research is to explore the complex dynamics governing the coexistence of effective governance policy interventions in the processes of adopting Fourth Industrial technologies, with a focus on multifaceted challenges and highlighting gaps in skills, resource limitations, and access to technology, which recurrently emerge as themes. The results show a close connection between governance policies that emphasize promoting government-industry collaboration and the development of advanced technologies. This integration has not only led to increased innovation and improved technological infrastructure but has also moved governance practices more towards data-driven and technology-dependent methods. Data analysis indicates that challenges such as resource limitations, unequal access to technology, and skill gaps are among the most significant limitations in governance and regulation in this sector. These challenges require more effective governance measures that seriously focus on strengthening technological infrastructure, providing practical education, and fostering international cooperation to broadly create development opportunities.ConclusionTherefore, it is essential to enhance policy systems and accountability, and design innovative governance methods that are flexible and capable of quickly responding to changing needs. The models and findings in this research clearly indicate that effective governance in the era of the Fourth Industrial Revolution requires a multidimensional and comprehensive understanding that encompasses all aspects of technology, economy, and society for proper rule-setting, as governance transformation fundamentally changes government function and introduces a different mode of action. Indeed, only through flexible, innovative, and responsible governance approaches and understanding the substantive transformation of governmental action can sustainable successes be achieved in this transition. These changes can be clearly observed in the changes in policymaking styles and the transformation in the nature of the state in the United States.

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The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouye counties

Abdolrasoul Kavehfard; Hojjatollah Ayyoubi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 18 October 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2023.74717.1436

Abstract

Extended abstractTitle: The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouyeh countiesAbdolrasoul Kaveh Fard, Ph.D. Student in Political Science/Political Sociology/Faculty of Lows, Theology & Political Science, Science and Research ... Read More Extended abstractTitle: The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouyeh countiesAbdolrasoul Kaveh Fard, Ph.D. Student in Political Science/Political Sociology/Faculty of Lows, Theology & Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranHojjatallah Ayyoubi Associate Professor, Faculty of World Studies, Tehran UniversityMojtaba MaghsoudiAssociate Professor, Faculty of Political Science, Islamic Azad University. Central Tehran Branch. Tehran, Iran.Introduction: Since development in developing societies, especially in Iran, depends a lot on the approaches, policies and plans of the government, knowing the special tasks, capabilities and capacities of agents and representatives of the government in the regions is also of fundamental importance in this field. Therefore, the topic of this article, which is derived from a scientific research, among various possible factors, is to study the role of governors in the political development of cities, which is examined from the perspective of political sociology.The purpose of the research: The general purpose of this research is to investigate the role and influence of governorates on the political development of cities.Method: In terms of purpose, this research is applied and among quantitative researches, the data has been collected by survey method. In the research process, a questionnaire was distributed electronically among all the employees of the governorates of "Dashtestan", "Genaveh" and "Asalouyeh" cities (including governors up to assistants in the number of 100 people) in the territory of Bushehr province. Therefore, the sample size was determined to be 100 people using the full enumeration method. Cronbach's alpha method was used to measure the reliability of the measuring instrument, and the questionnaire was confirmed with a reliability coefficient of 0.907. To analyze the data, one-sample t/t tests, analysis of variance and variance-oriented structural equation modeling approach and related software (PLS) were used.Report of findings: The findings of the research show that the highest average in the political development index is related to the "Governorship of Asalouyeh" and the lowest average is related to "Governorship of Genaveh". In the sub-indexes of political development, the governorates of all three cities have had a positive performance. "Activity of news-analytical media" in Dashtestan city has the highest average (3.85), and the lowest average related to the sub-index "political participation" (3.32), in Genaveh city, the sub-index of "activity of political parties and organizations" has the highest average (4.00) and the lowest average related to the sub-index of "political participation" (2.74); and in Asalouyeh city, the sub-index of "efficiency and effectiveness of the government" was the highest average (4.10) and the lowest average was related to the sub-index of "political participation" (3.65). Therefore, overall, in the political development index, the performance of Asalouyeh governorate has been better than other governoratesTo evaluate the political development index, 13 questions were asked, which were evaluated using the single-sample T/T test. The analysis of the collected data shows that the average of all the items of the political development index, except for the item of "governor's performance in the participation of the people in the elections of the Assembly of Experts" are above average, and thus there is a good satisfaction in the political development index. The value of the alpha error or the significance level of the T/T test for all items except for the item of "Governor's performance in the participation of the people in the elections of the Assembly of Experts" is equal to 0.000, since this error rate is less than the acceptable error rate for the test, i.e. is less than 0.05, as a result, it can be argued that the difference between the observation satisfaction level for these measures and the average level of satisfaction is significant at the 95% confidence level. The general results of the political development index express favorable conditions and a positive view of the governorates of the studied cities from the point of view of the statistical community of this research. Following up on the political affairs of the cities is one of the important tasks of the governorates, and in this field, the studied governorates have achieved relative success.Conclusion: on the functions, specialties and capabilities of governors as agents and high representatives of the government (and sovereignty) at the city level and their role in political development, clearly shows that governors, considering their duties and powers, as well as their role The leadership that they have, within the framework of their institutional structure, has helped to facilitate various indicators of political development in the regions and regions, and they play a prominent and prominent role in promoting the indicators of political development in the cities. Because the philosophy of establishing local governments in regions and districts also comes from the need to facilitate development at the regional level and as a result of national development. But in this process, some factors such as the presence of inefficient people at the head of the governorate as governor and the subsequent appointment of inefficient deputies and managers of executive bodies and government organizations at the city level, the sometimes security attitude of the governors to the administration of local affairs and especially the political activities of political currents at the level in the region, very weak financial resources, cumbersome laws and regulations, weak and insufficient human resources within the structure of the governorates and the lack of transparency in decision-making have caused their potential capacities and capabilities to perform effectively and carry out developmental tasks in the political dimension.The results of this research with the conclusion of "Shiari and Farhangi(2018)" research that the role of the government and its policies in the process of political development and the formation of civil society is prominent and significant, as well as the research of "Abiyar et al.(2018)" on this basis that Local governments play an important role in accelerating the process of political development, it is completely consistent.

Interrelationships of institutions and cognitive rules and its effect on political legitimacy; Case study: Iranian revolution and change of government from Pahlavi to Islamic Republic

Ali Nanvayi; Mohammad Bagher Khorramshad

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 22 November 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.77094.1476

Abstract

The interaction between institutions and cognitive rules in shaping political legitimacy is a central and yet complex aspect in understanding political developments. This article examines this complex relationship in the context of Iran's political developments - from the Pahlavi dynasty to the rise ... Read More The interaction between institutions and cognitive rules in shaping political legitimacy is a central and yet complex aspect in understanding political developments. This article examines this complex relationship in the context of Iran's political developments - from the Pahlavi dynasty to the rise of the Islamic Republic - and reveals its transformative dynamics and consequences. In its core, this research seeks to answer this basic question: How did the mutual relations of cognitive rules and institutions, by influencing the legitimacy and political developments, cause the Islamic Revolution of Iran? The answer to this question helps to understand more deeply the political processes, behaviors and dynamics that occurred in the revolution. The purpose of this research is to investigate the interaction of cognitive rules with institutional structures and its relationship with political legitimacy, as well as to understand the complexities of political developments and the occurrence of revolution. The method of this research is qualitative and interpretive-analytical. The analysis begins by drawing the institutional structure under the Pahlavi government, which is characterized by centralized authority and the imposition of secular and Western cognitive rules. This background provides the platform for understanding the erosion of legitimacy caused by public discontent, socio-economic inequalities and the marginalization of traditional values and social desire for transformative changes. In the midst of social dissatisfaction, the Islamic Revolution emerged as a turning point that changes both institutional frameworks and cognitive rules. The transformative nature of cognitive rule changes in this period is very important in shaping perceptions of political legitimacy. This abstract provides a window into the dynamic interplay between power structures, social beliefs, and the evolution of governance paradigms. In the complex landscape of political evolution and transformation, the interaction between institutions and cognitive rules is a crucial determining factor for the legitimacy of a state and government. The relationship between these two pillars explains the complex table of social beliefs, institutional structures and their collective impact on the legitimacy of a political system.This article examines this ambiguous relationship and extracts insights from the developments that occurred during the 1957 Iranian revolution. Focusing on the paradigm shift from the Pahlavi monarchy to the establishment of the Islamic Republic, this case study provides a lens to explore how the intersection of institutional configurations and transformations of cognitive rules that shape the essence of political legitimacy.The Pahlavi era, with its centralized authority, provides a context based on which the evolution of institutions and cognitive rules can be examined. The erosion of social trust, caused by dissatisfaction with the government, cultural conflicts and socio-economic inequalities, paved the way for a revolutionary transformation that sought to redefine governance paradigms.In the midst of this social turmoil, the Islamic Revolution emerged as a transformative force and caused a huge transformation in the institutional frameworks and social beliefs. The overthrow of the Pahlavi government not only meant a change in leadership, but also a restructuring of the government model, based on Islamic principles.The center of this study is the central role of cognitive rules, which are the dominant social beliefs, values and narratives that underlie society's collective understanding of authority and government. The revolution brought the message of the revival of Islamic values and changed the structure of social norms and political institutions, thus redefining the lines of political legitimacy in Iran.In this narrative, it becomes clear that the alignment between institutional structures and ruling cognitive rules plays a central role in granting legitimacy to political systems. The integration of religious authority in the governmental framework, which is an example of the emergence of the Islamic Republic, emphasizes the importance of this alignment in consolidating the legitimacy of a new political order.This article aims to describe these transformative dynamics and investigates the complexities of how institutions and cognitive rules are intertwined and influence the perceived legitimacy of political systems. By learning from the historical metamorphosis of Iran's regime, we seek to gain broader insights into the dynamics of political transitions and its impact on the complex fabric of political legitimacy.In this research, we are looking for an answer to this basic question: How did the interrelationships of cognitive rules and institutions, by influencing the legitimacy and political developments, cause the Islamic Revolution of Iran? The answer to this question helps to understand the political processes, behaviors and dynamics that occurred in the revolution. The purpose of this research is to investigate the interaction of cognitive rules with institutional structures and its relationship with political legitimacy, as well as to understand the complexities of political developments and the occurrence of revolution.According to the topic and problem, the type of the current research is developmental. In other words, the development of knowledge considering the weaknesses that exist in this field, especially in political science, has been considered by the authors of the article. Based on this, the analytical-interpretive research method is used as a basis. Research information and data have also been collected using available library documents and resources. The research method used in this article includes qualitative analysis that is rooted in historical narratives, scientific literature, and socio-political analysis. By carefully examining historical documents, scientific works and socio-political discourses, a comprehensive understanding of the mutual relations between institutions, cognitive rules and their impact on political legitimacy in the framework of the Islamic Revolution of Iran is created. This qualitative approach provides the possibility of a detailed examination of the historical path and describes the evolution of political institutions, social beliefs and their collective impact on political legitimacy. The use of qualitative data sources facilitates an in-depth examination of the multifaceted dynamics shaping political transformations and provides insights for understanding the complexities of governance paradigms and social ideals.

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The Religious Foundations of the State in Ancient Iran,, (the Case Study of the Sasanid Era)

Dariush Rahmati; Anahita Motazed Rad

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 10 December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2023.69932.1328

Abstract

The Religious Foundations of the State in Ancient Iran, the Case Study of the Sasanid EraAbstract: State is a modern concept in the field of governance and administration of society, that its existence seems necessary for any socio-political order in any society. The concept of State, also, is one of ... Read More The Religious Foundations of the State in Ancient Iran, the Case Study of the Sasanid EraAbstract: State is a modern concept in the field of governance and administration of society, that its existence seems necessary for any socio-political order in any society. The concept of State, also, is one of the critical concepts in ancient Iran with the foundation of the Median Era and the alliance of immigrant Aryans and resident Iranians. Regarding this, the concept of state in ancient Iran can be understood and explained in Iranian culture as an institution for the implementation of worldliness in the framework of the “Shahriari” (Royalty) concept. This thought that started in the Median Era, was transformed and consolidated in the Achaemenid, Parthian and Sassanid Era. As a result, It was in the Sassanid that the connection between politics and religion reached its conceptual peak in the realm of royal politics and Religion as a formal institution entered to politics and the religious class became the first class in ancient Iranian social fabric. The period of encounter between the newly arrived Aryans and the natives of Iran not only did not cause any distortion of political thought, but even hardly caused a minimum of political order and civility (the basic feature of the state). The coalition of the Aryan immigrants and the natives of Iran in the western region created a new life for them, the first characteristic of which was the emergence of a civil society, specifically a society with a professional classification hierarchy. The main reason for the emergence of civil society characterized by the formation of classes and the subsequent unification of many Aryan tribes under the banner of "Diao Ko" and the establishment of the first state in ancient Iran can be the result of the proximity, familiarity and influence of neighboring civilizations (Mesopotamia) knew. Therefore, the beginning of Diaoco's rule can be considered as the beginning of the formation of the ruling institution based on the Shahi political thought, which itself was rooted in a group of beliefs and convictions of the worldview of Iranians, the most important components and elements of this thought were:a) alignment of religion and politics, b) tendency to monotheism, c) Division of social work, d) The end of political life. Regarding the points, the paper is to find an answer for the following question:” which kinds of conditions and reasons as well as developments in theory and practice provided the contexts and led to establish the first religious state the Sassanians in ancient Iran? In this regard and through the “historical sociology method”, and the primary and secondary peer-rieview sources , the paper has been tried to scrutinize the contexts of philosophical-political concepts of the royal thought (Ideal King, Shahriar Armani) of ancient Iran from the Median period and examine the existing political conditions and its developments in the Achaemenid and Parthian Era as main and basic reasons in theory and practice. The findings of the paper confirm the main hypothesis of the research that the establishment of the first government with religious foundations in the Sassanid Era was the result of the evolution in the structures of royal political thought (religion), political (king) and social (family and classes) domains in the eras Achaemenids and Parthians. Based on the above explanations, the religious foundations of the state and the centralization of political power, as a characteristic of the Sassanid period, constitute the main problem of this research, which was well manifested in the continuation of the idea of "the divine origin of power" or "heavenly legitimacy of the king". continued. Key words: religious government, ancient Iran, Fareh Izadi, Shah Armani (Ideal King), Iranshahri (Iranian-State) thought, Sassanid government

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The Role of Government in Economical Development Comparitive Survaying between I.R of Iran and Malysia (1981-2003)

mahmood baharloo; Majid Abbasi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 15 December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2021.52809.904

Abstract

The role and position of the state in various dimensions of development is one of the most important intellectual concerns of contemporary government officials, so that it is very important for thinkers and even the general public. Therefore, in the present article, the most important goals are: a comparative ... Read More

The Relationship between the State, Social Justice and Basic Freedoms; A Reflection on the Jurisprudential Foundations of the Constitution of Islamic Republic of Iran

ahmad farshadian; Mustafa Zali

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 24 December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.81896.1560

Abstract

The contemporary understanding of social justice is to ensure that resources are distributed throughout society in such a way that everyone enjoys a certain level of facilities, and therefore most discussions of social justice are based on two basic questions; first, how much facilities should be guaranteed, ... Read More The contemporary understanding of social justice is to ensure that resources are distributed throughout society in such a way that everyone enjoys a certain level of facilities, and therefore most discussions of social justice are based on two basic questions; first, how much facilities should be guaranteed, and second, how much government intervention is needed to distribute these facilities. Notwithstanding the differences that can be observed between different theories of social justice, these theories agree that the realization of justice requires some degree of state intervention in the basic rights and freedoms of citizens - especially property rights. Thus, state intervention in the management of the market and the establishment of anti-monopoly mechanisms, as well as the ownership of the means of production, are among the issues examined under the theme of social justice.Justice-oriented policies, however, are linked to basic rights and freedoms, including property rights; that is, they either completely negate or limit private ownership of the means of production, or they leave ownership free and instead confiscate the individual's profit and levy taxes to reduce inequalities and provide a minimum for the less fortunate. The staircases use redistributive policies. On the other hand, not accepting government intervention in property with the aim of redistributing resources leads to the denial of social justice. On this basis, the discussion assumes that social justice can conflict with the application of legitimate rights and freedoms.On the one hand, a cursory glance at the Constitution shows that social justice is widely emphasized in its principles as one of the main objectives of the legal system. On the other hand, this fundamental document observes a broad protection of legitimate fundamental rights and freedoms, to the extent that their deprivation is even prohibited by law. Thus, the maximum guarantee of social justice and the application of fundamental rights and freedoms are in conflict with each other, and this conflict is the problem of the present research. Therefore, the main issue in the agenda of this article is the answer to this question: Can the government limit the fundamental and legitimate rights and freedoms of citizens in order to achieve social justice? The authors have tried to find the answer to the aforementioned problem by referring to the constitution and its foundations in Islamic jurisprudence and thought.The results of the research show that the principle that "the government can intervene in the legitimate rights and freedoms of citizens for the sake of social justice" is one of the basic principles of the theory of social justice in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. On this basis, preparations were made to resolve this conflict.Firstly, in order to resolve the conflict, it should be noted that the reduction of public law relations to private law is normative reductionism and therefore the government is not a person among other natural and legal persons. It is therefore not justified by the norms of private law on which relations between persons are organized. Rather, the legal personality of the government and its obligations to the citizens require that it have its own rules, which are not derived from the development of private rights in the public sphere.Based on Islamic thought and also on the rational-jurisprudential rule of "Negation of loss and damage", public rights and freedoms, especially property rights, cannot lead to harm to others. The collective good and the public interest precede and limit the conflict between personal interest and profit. The legitimate government, as the representative of the public good, has the right to recognize the position of this conflict and also to resolve it by prioritizing the collective good and public benefit.Based on the constitution, Velayat-e-Faqih can be formulated as a plan to move from an unjust situation to a just society. Therefore, it can be said that the legitimizing element in the constitutional system of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the government's intervention in favor of social justice is the theory of the absolute authority of the jurist. Therefore, Velayat al-Faqih is not only the implementation of Islamic rules, but also the authority of temporary legislation with the aim of achieving the main objectives of the Sharia. Therefore, it should be said that whenever a ruling temporarily shuts down the Islamic system and society, the jurist has the authority to resolve the conflict on the basis of absolute authority. Of course, this conflict resolution is not without criteria; rather, its rule is expediency. However, expediency is not a matter of transition to secularism and formalization of laws; rather, expediency also has a function within jurisprudence.Finally, the final aim of the current research is to explain the relationship between the public interest and social justice. The public interest has a common rule with the public good; that is, whatever the public good requires is also the public good. On the other hand, in determining expediency, the purposes of the legal system act as rules. That is, the expediency that the ruler recognizes must necessarily lead to the achievement of the purposes of the legal system. On the other hand, social justice is one of the main objectives of the Sharia and the Constitution. Therefore, social justice, expediency and public interest are mutually exclusive. Therefore, the need for justice is the same as the need for the collective good, public interest and ultimately the expediency of the Muslim social system. Therefore, justice cannot conflict with the efficiency, development and maintenance of the system. As a result, justice plays a key role in determining expediency, and the expediency that the ruler recognizes cannot be in conflict with social justice, and its closure is the result.Based on the previous principles, it can be briefly stated that "since justice is the goal of the legal system provided for in the Constitution, the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran can prefer it to the personal interests of individuals".

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environmental security; The perspective of the place and role of governments in global governance

Abbas sarvestani; محمدرضا محمدی

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 22 December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.82256.1574

Abstract

Today, crises and environmental issues have created unprecedented primary and secondary threats to humanity. The destructive impact of environmental threats on global health, economy, security and geopolitics, rising unemployment and rising economic inequalities and the challenges they face in domestic ... Read More Today, crises and environmental issues have created unprecedented primary and secondary threats to humanity. The destructive impact of environmental threats on global health, economy, security and geopolitics, rising unemployment and rising economic inequalities and the challenges they face in domestic politics such as increasing populism,increasing regional conflicts, increasing forced migration,violence, organized crime, and the threat of terrorism have changed the traditional understanding of the concepts of security were very military, deterrent, limited and with zero algebraic sum and created a new and pervasive concept of security that encompasses all military, political, economic, social and environmental components.This comprehensive concept of security has shifted the task of providing security to a vast network of global governance, given the lack of a comprehensive international political institution and power to address these issues and the inability of national states to respond to these challenges and threats, It has delegated the task of providing security to an extensive network of global governance. This paper, while explaining the meaning and concept of environmental security, deals with the conceptualization of global governance in the field of environment and also the position and role of national states in this new phenomenon of global politics and international relations.Keywords: environmental issues, transnational threats, environmental security, global environmental governance, national statesToday, environmental crises and issues have created unprecedented primary and secondary threats against humanity and have placed environmental issues and saving the biosphere in the context of global politics. Weather and climatic changes and their consequences, i.e. floods and droughts that threaten the survival of millions of people, animals and plants, problems of climate pollution and the increase in deaths caused by it, the increase in pollution of the seas and oceans. and the change of marine ecosystems due to the spilling of pollutants, sewage and fuel leaks, the excessive use of fossil fuels and the emission of greenhouse gases, soil erosion and the destruction of ecosystems, deforestation and desertification, the loss of biodiversity, Destruction of natural habitats, illegal hunting and its consequences, such as the spread of common pandemic diseases between humans and animals, are only a small part of the environmental crises that humans face in the 20th century. The growing trend of environmental threats and their destructive and destructive effect on health, economy, security and global geopolitics, the aggravation of unemployment and the increase of economic inequalities and the challenges caused by them in the internal politics of countries such as the increase of populism, the coming to power of governments Right-wing and authoritarian, the overshadowing of free trade, the increase of regional disputes and conflicts over water and energy resources, the increase of forced migration, the formation of the crisis of immigrants and refugees and the risk of them becoming scapegoats, the increase of violence, Organized crimes and the danger of terrorism and fundamentalism, which are both the result of environmental crises and the cause of many of these crises, have transformed the traditional understanding of the concepts of peace and security, which was very military, deterrent, limited and with zero algebraic sum. We are witnessing the formation of a new and comprehensive concept of security, which includes not only all military and political components, but also economic, social and environmental ones. This comprehensive concept of security, due to the inability of national governments to deal with new threats and ensure the security of their citizens, has pushed the task of providing security to a wide network of transnational, multilateral and multi-level global governance. In this article, while explaining the meaning and concept of global governance, we try to conceptualize this new phenomenon of global politics and international relations in the field of environment, the process of formation, structure and actors of global environmental governance, as well as the role of national governments in Let's pay attention to this area. The main question of this research is that the growth and expansion of transboundary environmental threats has caused a change in the position and role of national governments in global politics? The hypothesis that is put to the test to answer this question is that the growth and spread of non-conventional and cross-border threats challenged the idea of independent national states and helped to develop the concept of the post-Westphalian centric international system. The findings of the research show that global governance has created a mechanism for the arbitrary allocation of values alongside national governments, whose authority is divided both horizontally and among different actors and vertically at different supranational, national, and subnational levels. are The method of collecting information is library. The organization of the research is also such that first the importance of environmental issues in international relations and the movement of the international system towards an environment-oriented and centric international order will be discussed. Then, the nature, components, structure, players of global environmental governance and the evaluation of the role of national governments in this new phenomenon of global politics will be examined.

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Political subjectivity and the semantic turn of justice

مرتضی پرویزن; jafar hezarjaribi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 28 December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.79837.1524

Abstract

پروسه مدرنیته سیاسی به‌موازات تحول در ایده‌های بنیادی دولت وسیاست (عدالت، آزادی، برابری و...) منجر به اهمیت تجلی اراده عمومی در سازوکار سیاسی گردید و چالش مشروعیت بخشی ... Read More پروسه مدرنیته سیاسی به‌موازات تحول در ایده‌های بنیادی دولت وسیاست (عدالت، آزادی، برابری و...) منجر به اهمیت تجلی اراده عمومی در سازوکار سیاسی گردید و چالش مشروعیت بخشی منجر به برجسته‌شدن نقش هژمونی اخلاقی سیاسی و اقناع عمومی گردید. سازوکار ایدئولوژیک دولت با فراخوانی هیجانات و عواطف جامعه و هم‌ارز کردن معانی مدنظر با دال‌های متعالی و اسطوره ای، موقعیت‌های سوژگانی را تثبیت گرداند؛ لذا تألیف موقعیت‌های سوژگانی و دلالت مندی میل در پرتو گفتمان و سیطره بخشی آن در بستر ایدئولوژی امری اجتناب‌ناپذیر برای قدرت تلقی می‌شود. . سیال بودن انگاره عدالت سبب شده که بسیاری از پژوهش‌گران از تعمق و اندیشیدن در خصوص ماهیت آن امتناع ورزند و به دنبال ابداع دسته‌بندی‌های مختلف و شاخص‌سازی باشند. همین امر سبب تقلیل‌گرایی، انسداد شناختی ایده عدالت، انقطاع هستی اجتماعی مفهوم و دسته‌بندی‌های تحلیلی(اونتیک) می‌گردد. عدالت مفهومی اونتولوژیک هست و مانع تعین بخشی سوژگی در هژمونی اخلاقی جامعه می‌شود و با توجه به ابهامات روزافزون در حوزه‌ی بسامد و تحولات معنایی ایده عدالت، ضرورت نگاه هستی‌شناختی به عدالت به‌عنوان بنیاد تجربه اخلاقی و سیاسی موردتوجه کمی قرار گرفته و همین امر سبب شده که انگاره عدالت درنهایت به منطقی کلیشه‌ای و محدود به ارزیابی سیاست‌گذاری‌ها فروکاسته شود. عدالت آرمان همزیستی مسالمت‌آمیز و تحقق کامل ظرفیت‌های انسانی را به‌واسطه‌ی تکثر امر سیاسی به پیش می‌راند، لذا سلب عدالت از انسان سلب انسانیت اوست. در این مقاله تلاش شد به واسازی عدالت در تناظر با هستی‌شناسی سوبژکتویته سیاسی پرداخته شود. تصور عدالت به‌مثابه امری اونتلوژیک که اساس سوژه اجتماعی را برساخت می‌کند و به افق سوژگی سیطره می‌بخشد طوری که حدود سوژه همواره در امر سیاسی تلالو بیابد. شرط امکان سوژگی، حوزة اخلاقی است و دولت نیز تلاش می‌نماید به‌واسطه استحاله زنجیره دلالتی عدالت، حقیقت اخلاقی را برساخت نماید که آگاهی اخلاقی و عاطفی سوژه به‌نوعی استیضاح ‌شود که انگیزه‌های کنش نتواند به حس تعهد اخلاقی اجتماعی تجهیز شود. کثرت‌گرایی پست‌مدرن با تجسد آرمان‌های انسانی و اخلاقی همواره ایده عدالت را بازسازی می‌کند و در مقابل روند توتالیتاریسم مقاومت دائمی را تألیف می‌کند. در این مقاله تلاش شد که هویت مسئله‌دار و تأسیسی سوژه را به‌موازات ایده عدالت در پرتو هستی‌شناسی سیاسی و لنز مفهومی لاکلائو و موفه مورد موشکافی قرار گیرد تا امکان پیکربندی سوژه را به مناسبات تحولات معنایی سیاست واکاوی شود. هدف اصلی از این مقاله نیز تفسیر و برررسی اهمیت مطالعات هستی شناختی در ارتباط با عدالت می باشد. در همین راستا نقش دولت در معنایابی عدالت و تاثیر آن بر آگاهی اخلاقی سوژگی جمعی مورد تفسیر و باز خوانی قرار گرفت. محور این مقاله بررسی امکان رهایی بخشی عدالت با توسل به لنز مفهومی لاکلائو و موفه و بهره‌مندی از هستی‌شناسی سیاسی است. پیرو همین امر روش مطالعات کتابخانه ای و قیاسی را مناسب یافتیم و تا حد ممکن تلاش شد از تسلیم شدن به کلیشه های مضاف برای تعریف عدالت خوددداری شود و یا استفاده از حساسیت معطوف در رویکرد لاکلائو و موفه میدان وضعی عدالت فراخ گردد. به این ترتیب برای بازخوانی سوژگی جمعی ، حالات روانی اخلاقی و عاطفی سوژه را نیز با مفاهیم روانکاوی لکانی مورد خوانش قرار دادیم. در نهایت به این نتیجه رسیدیم که مفصل بندی معنایی عدالت میتواند ماهیت اخلاقی و عاطفی و روانی سوژه را مورد تاثیر قرار دهد. و می توان به امکان مقاومت، رهایی بخشی انبساط عدالت، تقویت تعهدات اخلاقی در راستای آگاهی جمعی .اشاره کرد، که همین امر کنشگری سیاسی را ممکن می کند.درنهایت به این نتیجه رسیدیم که با اندیشیدن بین سوبژکتیویته و امر سیاسی، می‌توان این رابطه را از انبوهی از دیدگاه‌ها، جهت‌ها و متفکران بررسی کرد تا ناهمگونی، گشودگی و ماهیت منازعه‌آمیز آن وضوح یابد. تسلط سیاست بر مراجع معنا سازی اجتماعی زمینه‌ساز توتالیتاریسم می‌شود به‌طوری‌که مراجع ایدئولوژیک با القای وعده‌های توخالی، مطالبه گری عدالت را به سمت کلیتی هژمونیک هدایت می‌کنند. عدالت به‌عنوان یک هستی‌شناسی که امکان تغییر درونی بنیادی را فراهم کند. پست مارکس گرایان پسا آلتوسری در جستجوی یک اصل استعلایی هستند که ممکن است امید های اجتماعی را دوباره فعال کند. .در نتیجه با توجه به فرض انشقاق سوژگی در زمان، و انتاگونیسم ذاتی سوبژکتویته، ایده عدالت به‌عنوان روزنه همیشگی در امر سیاسی مانع از تثبیت هژمونی و توهم تمامیت‌گرایی می‌شود و همواره بدیل‌های خویش را فرامی‌خواند و عدالت بستر سوبژکتویشن جمعی خواهد بود. فرض ما در این مقاله این بود که عدالت به‌عنوان یک هستی‌شناسی است که امکان تغییر درونی بنیادی را فراهم کند. نویسندگان این مقاله مدعی نیستند که توانسته‌اند راه‌حلی برای این مسئله بیایند بلکه این مقاله صرفاً تلاش و تمرینی بود برای اندیشیدن به حوزه هنجاری در نظریه سیاسی، بر اساس هستی‌شناسی موجود در نظریه گفتمان لاکانی.

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