Public Policy
Seyed Mohammad Mehdi Baki Hashemi
Abstract
IntroductionThe presence of the Covid-19 virus was first reported in December 2018 in Wuhan, China, and then it spread to other countries in the world. Iran also officially announced on February 30, 2018 that this virus has entered the country. Following this issue, a series of different policies were ...
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IntroductionThe presence of the Covid-19 virus was first reported in December 2018 in Wuhan, China, and then it spread to other countries in the world. Iran also officially announced on February 30, 2018 that this virus has entered the country. Following this issue, a series of different policies were used to provide the ground to control and contain the disease. Due to the fact that the virus was unknown, the way governments dealt with it was different, but the problem that made Iran's conditions more difficult to deal with the virus was the widespread sanctions, especially in the field of raw materials, medicine and medical equipment. The epidemic of corona disease and its extraordinary spread caused wide challenges and problems in health, economic, social, security, etc. fields. Therefore, taking strategic and timely decisions to control the virus and its consequences became very important. But now that the world is in the post-coronavirus era, learning from the governance methods in dealing with and confronting governments with the corona virus in the past can provide great political lessons for the necessary preparation to deal with possible epidemics. Provide the lowest cost and the highest benefit in the future. Therefore, in order to learn from the bitter experience of the past and to create a bridge from the past, in order to make the future measures more transparent, in order to answer these questions: 1) What policies does the Iranian government have in view of the corona virus epidemic? What could be done to control the spread of the epidemic with relatively low economic cost and high public benefit? 2) What optimal policy should the Iranian government adopt in the event of an epidemic disease crisis? The research was designed and implemented. Therefore, the aim of the research is to gather the opinions of experts and experts regarding the most effective policy measures in facing the Corona epidemic in order to derive a transparent, coherent and effective policy to ensure the readiness of the country's governance system to deal with similar critical conditions in the future, so that the country is able to recover with the least damage. To be resilient and bear such emergency situations. By examining the research conducted in the field of the nature of the Corona problem as a malignant problem compared to the manageable problems and the development of its strategic principles, it was determined that this issue has a research gap in the scientific-research literature of the country, also in the field of Corona policy making and its foundations. Considering the novelty of this topic, there are many research shortcomings. Therefore, this research seeks to fill these research gaps.Materials and MethodsThe current research is among the applied researches in terms of its purpose and it was done with a qualitative approach. In the qualitative stage, thematic analysis method (or theme analysis) has been used to identify the categories of the research. In order to identify the policies and policies adopted during the Corona epidemic in Iran in order to identify and formulate optimal policies, while using the method of library studies and the use of scientific-research documents and documents, articles, reference books and domestic and foreign sources; Additional data of the research has been collected by field method and semi-structured interviews. Triangulation method was used to check research tools. The selection criteria of people have been having expertise, experience or published works in the field of the research subject and also having a management experience of more than 10 years, which formed the possible community for the researcher to refer to, who is trying to answer the following questions.1) Considering the epidemic of corona disease, what policies could the Iranian government implement to control the spread of the epidemic with relatively low economic cost and high public benefit?2) In the event of an epidemic crisis, what optimal policy should the Iranian government adopt?Finally, the participants with the "snowball sampling method" and carefully refer to the first circle available; were determined and interviewed until reaching the theoretical saturation point; It continued with 16 experts.Results and Discussion The results include 218 primary themes, 24 sub-themes and 6 main themes which include social contact reduction policies, social contact maintenance policies, public support policies and finally governance system policies. It was also found that according to the past experience and the economic and social conditions of Iran, the optimal policy to deal with and prepare for the future has two main stages: First, the stage of strike action with a short-term comprehensive shutdown of three to four weeks to A way that the number of patients at the community level is drastically reduced (according to the course of the disease) and a new and desired equilibrium point is reached with limited mortality. Second, the stage of gradual return to social and economic activities by controlling the reproduction number near one. Finally, research and executive proposals were presented.ConclusionThe success of the policy depends on the minimization of social interactions in the first stage so that people reduce their interactions in closed spaces to near zero and necessary activities are carried out using personal protective equipment such as masks and gloves. Of course, the necessity of accompanying citizens is continuous communication, transparency in informing the real and complete statistics of patients and deaths, separated by different regions. Although it may seem that the peace of the society depends on making the situation less risky, the reality is that the success of the short-term strike policy depends on the full cooperation of the citizens, which also depends on their accurate knowledge of the risk of disease in different places and times. Different are tied. After passing the first stage, the policy makers can carefully rely on the information and knowledge that is determined daily by researchers and epidemiologists about the characteristics of the disease to monitor the number of reproduction and take prudent measures and control it. In the vicinity and under the number of people, they are engaged. And by determining different and diverse support packages for the vulnerable and at-risk groups, they will help to maintain social cohesion and mobilize the society to overcome the epidemic wave.
Public Policy
Sajedeh Safikhani; Arashk Holisaz
Abstract
Extended Abstract
Introduction
In recent decades, the implementation of environmental regulations has shifted from traditional command-and-control approaches to newer strategies emphasizing participation and reduced penalties. The limitations of coercive instruments in environmental protection became ...
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Extended Abstract
Introduction
In recent decades, the implementation of environmental regulations has shifted from traditional command-and-control approaches to newer strategies emphasizing participation and reduced penalties. The limitations of coercive instruments in environmental protection became increasingly evident, prompting legislative institutions to adopt less punitive policy frameworks and instruments. Non-coercive instruments move away from the command-and-control strategy and instead encourage voluntary compliance through participatory management and the involvement of resource users in management and policy development. Research on the adoption of these new political instruments for solving environmental problems can generally be grouped into several categories. The first category comprises studies that examine the instruments used by legislative bodies in developing environmental laws and regulations. The second category includes research comparing the effectiveness of coercive versus non-coercive instruments in mitigating environmental problems. Despite the valuable contributions of existing studies on regulatory instruments and the use of coercive and non-coercive approaches in policymaking, a fundamental issue remains underexplored: identifying which organizations and institutions are subject to coercive and non-coercive policy instruments. This gap in the literature highlights the need for more specialized research in this area. Accordingly, the present study aimed to address this shortcoming by examining which organizations and institutions in Iran are subject to coercive and non-coercive policies in the country’s environmental laws.
Materials and Methods
The study used the network analysis approach to examine the topic. Network analysis is an emerging method in multi-criteria decision-making that can be used to prioritize factors and criteria. In the current study, all words indicating coercive and non-coercive policies—as well as the names of organizations and institutions subject to these policies—were first extracted from the text of relevant laws and regulations. It helped analyze the network of environmental laws and regulations and generate the primary data for this research. Then, a two-dimensional word–institution matrix was constructed, with the rows representing coercive and non-coercive policy words and the columns representing the corresponding organizations and institutions identified in the legal literature. In the next step, UCINET software was used to calculate the degree centrality and betweenness centrality indices for the coercive and non-coercive literature for each law. NetDraw software was then employed to visualize the results through graphs illustrating the degree centrality and betweenness centrality.
Results and Discussion
An analysis of the coercive network graphs revealed that the greatest diversity of coercive words was produced during the period from the implementation of land reforms to the Islamic Revolution (1963–1979). In addition, the highest number of institutions influenced by coercive literature was observed during both Rouhani’s presidency (the twelfth administration, 2013–2020) and the period of land reforms leading up to the Islamic Revolution. Similarly, an analysis of the non-coercive network graphs indicated that the most diverse use of non-coercive words was found in two periods: from the implementation of land reforms to the 1979 Islamic Revolution, and from Reza Khan’s coup to the onset of land reforms (1921–1963). The highest number of institutions targeted by non-coercive literature appeared during the period of land reforms up to the Islamic Revolution, and from the Islamic Revolution to the end of the Iran–Iraq War.
Conclusion
The legal and administrative structure governing the environment and natural resources in Iran adopts a top-down approach. However, this coercive literature is primarily directed at non-governmental actors—namely, the general public—while the concept of punishment is rarely applied to government institutions. As a result, the government’s primary focus is on the first dimension of environmental issues: the belief that it is the actions of people that disrupt environmental processes. Consequently, the mainstream political science tends to emphasize exerting greater coercion and pressure on the public. In other words, legislative bodies use non-coercive literature when addressing government agencies and institutions, while coercive and punitive language is reserved mainly for citizens and non-governmental organizations. However, the government should also apply the second dimension of the pressure framework—acknowledging its own role and obligations. Ideally, coercive measures should be accompanied by accountability on the part of government institutions. This would help foster a perception that the law applies equally to both those who follow and those who violate the rules when environmental issues and problems arise. A more effective approach would involve the government promoting a quasi-voluntary, cooperative atmosphere. The government should balance how coercive and non-coercive discourse is applied to both governmental and non-governmental actors. In this way, the government can help build public trust and foster a kind of quasi-voluntary compliance.
Public Policy
Madjid Vahid; Christian Velud
Abstract
Some concepts fall victim to their success. Such is the case with the idea of governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran. A vigilant observer notes that this concept is commonly used by politicians and certain elites without any serious consideration being given to its scientific meaning. On the other ...
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Some concepts fall victim to their success. Such is the case with the idea of governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran. A vigilant observer notes that this concept is commonly used by politicians and certain elites without any serious consideration being given to its scientific meaning. On the other hand, it is notable that a significant number of institutes (Think Tanks) and even departments attached to universities are emerging with the same mindset. The most striking example of this is the hasty and unconsulted creation of the Faculty of Governance at the University of Tehran, at the instigation of its presidency.The aim of this article is therefore to clarify the concept of governance and show that it is more than just a concept; it is a paradigm paving the way for a new way of looking at the conduct of State and public policies and actions, intertwined with the nation's diplomatic strategies. To this end, we have examined the definition of the concept and its evolution in political and scientific fields, particularly in France, based on literature that is essentially French but also American. We have drawn on the masterworks of such illustrious authors as Jacques Chevallier, Michel Crozier, Jean-Claude Thoenig, Pierre Lascoumes, Patrick Le Galès, Yves Mény, Patrick Hassenteufel, and Theodore J. Lowi.This approach proved beneficial insofar as it enabled us to shed light on the typology of public policies, on the evolution of State actions from the 19th century to the present day, and on analyses from the center of organizational sociology in order to show the familiarity between constituent policies, consultative policies, modest policies, and the notion of governance. Additionally, we explored how these governance frameworks influence and are influenced by Iran's diplomatic engagements on the international stage.For a more detailed analysis, we employed both qualitative and quantitative analytical methods. Document reviews, case analysis, expert interviews, and analysis of existing data were among the methods used for gathering and analyzing information.Our study revealed that governance can take three distinct directions: corporate governance, good governance, and global governance. These types of governance are jointly visible and at work in the conduct of public affairs in modern countries and in their diplomatic initiatives. Their absence is not difficult to demonstrate in a country like Iran. This typology of governance shows just how far the reality of governance is from the practice of policy-making and diplomacy in Iran. The logic of Iran's R.I. means that policy is conducted vertically, demonstrating that the rulers' approach is merely a top-down one. In fact, policies are drawn up at the top of the State, and then transferred to the administrative apparatus, with the requirement that orders be carried out and that citizens be excluded from almost the entire process.The usefulness of this working method, which can be described as comparative, is obvious to us. It shows how the imported State, in this case the State of the I.R. of Iran, following its access to the monopoly of power, can show itself capable of hijacking modern concepts to use them on its own territory for its own ends, and more strangely how elites, academics in part, accompany the State in this direction and justify its actions.In our view, this misappropriation will have problematic effects. In the first place, it makes dialogue between the country's elites and academics and those outside the country difficult, if not impossible, as it requires them to explain the content of the concept beforehand, and its use with two distinct and contradictory meanings. In the past, the use of other concepts in this way has been a source of ambiguity and confusion. The best examples are the concepts of constitution and civil society. With regard to the latter, we recall that the former President of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Mohammad Khatami, came to power insisting on the need to respect civil society. Once in power, he pointed out that the typical example of civil society in his mind was the one that existed at the time of the Prophet of Islam in the 7th century of the Christian era.Secondly, it blocks the virtues of change in a concept that lies at the heart of a new paradigm in the social sciences and the sciences of government. We are convinced that the governance paradigm, understood in its original meaning, is apt to invite heavy-handed, arrogant States to open up to greater modesty and accountability towards their citizens and to give more space to civil society, which will inevitably lead to the construction of a more efficient and, by extension, more legitimate State, with a more nuanced and effective approach to diplomacy.
Public Policy
Ali Khaje Naieni
Abstract
Extended AbstractIntroductionThe metaphor of "hollow " is used to express the changing nature of the public sector. "hollowing out " is used to describe the nature of devolution of power and decentralization of services from central governments to local governments and thus to third parties. This outsourcing ...
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Extended AbstractIntroductionThe metaphor of "hollow " is used to express the changing nature of the public sector. "hollowing out " is used to describe the nature of devolution of power and decentralization of services from central governments to local governments and thus to third parties. This outsourcing did not cause the state to shrink, but it caused the state to be empty from the inside, but on the outside, it has the same big bureaucracy. The concept of a hollow state is usually understood as the blurring of boundaries between the public and private sectors in modern societies. The influence of private entities in the public sector is done through the increasing use of privatization strategies. These strategies are believed to lead to the delivery of networked services across sectors more efficiently and effectively than if the government were involved in implementation alone. However, it should be noted that the following scenarios occur in different ways beyond the approach of privatization contracts. Hollowing of state also occurs in the policy cycle, as programs go through periods of redrafting. Here, non-governmental entities can influence not only the implementation of programs but also their design, goals, and structure.Materials and MethodsThe current study relied on a qualitative, causal-explanatory approach, as well as the data collected from library and internet sources.Results and Discussion The establishment of the hollow state means the thinning of the executive organizations. The thinner the institutions, the weaker they become and their capacity for proper management decreases. Fragile institutions lack integrity, cannot provide effective service to public interests, and lack the capacity for good governance. On the other hand, networks, which are the new form of social action alongside the hierarchy and the market, are the main support of the hollow state. On the one hand, networks increase the problem-solving capacity of traditional political-administrative institutions, and on the other hand, they cause the draining of these traditional institutions of resources and legitimacy. In the end, political-administrative institutions may turn out to be hollow institutions whose real power is transferred to networks without any transparent system of accountability. This situation threatens the management and legitimacy because the executives perform actions in the name of the state without the controls that should be done as a public service. policymakers need strong networks with a degree of autonomy, administrative capacity, and resources to solve "complicated issues", but the stronger these networks are, the more likely they are to weaken traditional governance institutions and, as a result, hollow out of state increase. In the meantime, the experience of some countries, especially the United Kingdom, can be used. In the United Kingdom, the hollowing-out situation includes networks that are not purely public, purely private, or completely voluntary but have the personnel and characteristics of two or three of these sectors in a combined manner. For example, the UK Coalition Government's Healthy Lifestyles Accountability Program involves large companies in government policy planning and seeks local business involvement in running campaigns. In the continuation, The British government started decentralization to empower the local communities, while at the same time reducing the budget of these communities and limiting the ways of obtaining taxes for them. In the same period, the privatization of healthcare services and the cancellation of welfare programs, which all hurt the most vulnerable sections of society, were initiated. To face this situation, concepts and tools such as " joined-up government ", "policy coherence", "increasing strategic capacity in the center", "organizational flexibility" and "information collection and processing systems" can be used.Conclusion A look at the historical process of hollowing of the state shows that both political leaders and citizens have exerted pressure to reduce the power of the central government and create a "hollow" state. These pressures reflect some of the failures of governments in the post-war era, but they are also ill-considered responses to those problems. it is by no means clear that the private sector has acted in providing superior services at a more reasonable cost. The purpose of the measures that led to the hollowing of the state was to increase efficiency but It created many problems for coordination, control, accountability, regulating competition, ensuring coordination, and providing public services to all people. This historical experience should always be against similar trends in Iran.
Public Policy
Madjid Vahid
Abstract
The purpose of this contribution is to shed light on the evolution of public policy studies in France. It should be noted that this discipline was born in the United States in the 1950s mainly based on the works of Harold Lasswell who is known as the founding father of the discipline. Lasswell and his ...
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The purpose of this contribution is to shed light on the evolution of public policy studies in France. It should be noted that this discipline was born in the United States in the 1950s mainly based on the works of Harold Lasswell who is known as the founding father of the discipline. Lasswell and his collaborators aimed to study the actions of the State to then be able to help decision-makers act more effectively and of course more democratically. It was in the 1980s that this discipline entered the scientific field in France. We believe that four steps are distinguishable in this regard.1- The attempts of synthesis aimed at bringing and knowing the discipline in France. The works of Madeleine Grawitz and Jean Leca, Yves Mény and Jean-Claude Thoenig, and Patrick Hassenteufel are notable in this regard. They brilliantly managed to clarify the foundations of the discipline and the research carried out in the United States and France in its frameworks. They were convinced that this new branch of political science would help to better understand the logic of public action, which would logically lead to its improvement.2- The multiple works carried out since the 1980s were inspired by the sociology of organizations. Michel Crozier and Erhard Friedberg have particularly prepared a fruitful ground for public policy researchers to access epistemological, theoretical, and methodical tools to analyze French public policies. Of course, the sociology of organizations reveals its American inspirations, and the specialists of the Center for the Sociology of Organizations have not hidden it. The sociology of organizations emphasizes the theoretical values of some concepts such as actor, system, power, areas of uncertainty, and rationality of actors, which show a convincing capacity in the analysis of the strategies of the actors within the organizations and in the analysis of the organizations themselves which are the main frameworks of action in modern societies.3- Research leading to cognitive analysis of public policies in France. Here, we should emphasize the founding works of Pierre Muller and Bruno Jobert. The elaboration of concepts such as representation, mediator, and référentiel in their analyses has opened very useful routes for future researchers to know the logic of public policies in France and the possible means of their change, especially since the 1990s. These researches show a certain utility in the analysis of some major turning points in French politics, among which the neoliberal turn made under the presidency of François Mitterrand, however socialist and attached to left-wing values.4- A new direction of research is known by the studies and analyses of researchers such as Gérard Noiriel, Renaud Payre, and Gilles Pollet. They are at the origin of a new approach in the study of social phenomena and actions of public authorities. Gérard Noiriel in a part of his works gives an overview of an approach that is known as the socio-historical approach. Renaud Payre and Gilles Pollet are among the leading researchers who apply this approach in the field of public policy and the actions of public authorities. They reveal the sociological and historical foundations of policies and actions and show precisely how socio-history differs from historical sociology or sociological history. In the field of analysis of public action, socio-history provides useful tools for researchers to deepen their knowledge in areas such as the emergence of new social categories (unemployed, immigrants, etc.), the transfer of knowledge and experience from one country to another, and the establishment of regional entities such as the European Union.In conclusion, we note that we had, throughout the writing of this article, an implicit objective in our mind: Clarifying the efforts made over the decades in France to be able to import a discipline that has proven its innovative abilities in its original cradle. Public policies are now part of the integrated disciplines in Iranian universities and it is of course necessary to know how the scientists of a developed country attached to its independence and originality, France, have worked at the entrance of a new scientific discipline created outside their country to be able to benefit from it for their development and be at the origin of its development in turn. We hope that Iranian academics and scientists will follow the example of their French colleagues, which appears fully promising.
Public Policy
Yasser Roostaei Hosein Abadi
Abstract
The theory and practice of policy making in today's world has found a very vital role because the legitimacy of governments which is measured by the ability to solve public problems through public policy. If the government lacks the ability to solve public problems, no other element can legitimize its ...
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The theory and practice of policy making in today's world has found a very vital role because the legitimacy of governments which is measured by the ability to solve public problems through public policy. If the government lacks the ability to solve public problems, no other element can legitimize its continued rule. From perspective of public policy making discipline, there is no achievement for any public policy unless policy makers and citizens have active and intense participation in the policy making process as well as policy implementation. Because in a public policy making relationship, one side as a policy maker is obliged to solve the problem of the other side. This relationship, as one of the most influential relationships on people's life quality, needs to be carefully regulated and guaranteed. The law, as a normative discipline is supposed to regulate relations between these two agents. In the initial conception of representative democracy, as a legal and political frame work of governing society, people were completely removed from political and policy-making processes by electing representatives and were only subject to the decisions of their representatives. In other words, in classic version of representative democracy, almost all of political power is in the representative bodies’ hands. It is possible that minority and pressure groups try to present their issues as public problems by influencing such institutions. In democratic age there is a political and legal tendency to maximizing the role of citizens in policy making process in order to prevent any legitimation's crisis which may be raised from representative democracy shortcomings. The mentioned weakness can be considered as systematic and deep corruption in a decision-making system. In order to fix this weakness, the basic step is to redistribute powers and jurisdictions between different actors of the process of policy making, because studies on current democracies demonstrate that, the first step in policy making process, i.e., recognizing the public problem, is the most important, critical and crucial one. In other words, if the people do not have any role or influence in the first step of public policy making, the whole process will be at a very serious risk. This paper, using descriptive and analytic approach, criticized legal framework of recognizing the public problem in Iran. In Iran, due to the great legal authority and authority of the legislative body, such mechanisms have not been foreseen for the people and even other institutions. Even a powerful institution like the presidency cannot resist the decisions of the legislative body. So, it seems democracy in Iran is still very similar to the classical type of representative democracy and needs to be revised and accompanied by recent developments in the knowledge of politics and law. By distinguishing between representative-centered and citizen-centered approach to policy making, the author, proposed a shift from former approach to latter, in interpretation of legal documents specially Iran's constitutional law. The shift will lead to participatory democracy and multi-level policy making. This new approach, by emphasizing the role of people as diagnosers of public problems, reduces the risk of semi-public problems being included in government programs and policies. The proposed approach says no problem is a public problem unless it affects the ordinary life of reasonable number of citizens. Before reaching to this stage, the government should not allocate any budget to solve it. The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran has provided the possibility of interpretation in favor of the proposed approach in many parts considering the decisive role of the people, including in Article No.: 59. Creating mechanisms to realize such a role for the people is one of the necessities of Iran's current decision-making system. By considering the countries experiences such as Italy and USA, suggestions such as veto rights for the people regarding the issues raised in the policy-making institutions, and the right to raise the issue for them to be discussed in the same institutions can be proposed as necessary mechanisms. In these countries, at the request of the people and upon reaching a certain number, the legislative assembly will be required to remove an issue (a semipublic-problem) from the agenda, or put an issue on its agenda.
