Political Science
Mansour Ansari
Abstract
IntroductionIn recent decades, the emergence of Artificial Intelligence (AI) as one of the most transformative technologies of the 21st century has sparked extensive debates across the fields of politics, society, and philosophy. From general applications of artificial intelligence such as “ChatGBT” ...
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IntroductionIn recent decades, the emergence of Artificial Intelligence (AI) as one of the most transformative technologies of the 21st century has sparked extensive debates across the fields of politics, society, and philosophy. From general applications of artificial intelligence such as “ChatGBT” to surveillance and big data analysis systems, this technology has not only transformed human lifestyles but also challenged the foundations of political governance. In both public and professional discourse, conflicting views have emerged regarding the political implications of this technology: Is AI a tool to strengthen democracy, or is it a force for consolidating authoritarianism? And can an alternative, balanced model for its utilization be proposed? These questions have gained significance, particularly in light of theories such as Langdon Winner’s analysis of the politics of technology. In response to these concerns, the present article provides a multi-faceted examination of the relationship between Artificial Intelligence, democracy, and authoritarianism.Research ObjectiveThe main purpose of this research is to examine and analyze the arguments that consider AI as either serving authoritarianism or strengthening democracy. Adopting an analytical and theoretical approach, the author endeavors to demonstrate that, contrary to views that consider AI a “neutral tool,” this technology possesses inherent and structural consequences that potentially place it in the service of centralized and autocratic powers. Nevertheless, the research seeks to highlight possibilities for the democratic use of AI and propose solutions for mitigating its authoritarian ramifications. Consequently, the ultimate goal of the research is to contribute to a reconsideration of how novel technologies can be employed to reinforce the fundamental principles of democracy.Research MethodologyThis study is based on a theoretical-analytical method, relying on conceptual frameworks, philosophical arguments, and the analysis of political theories, rather than empirical data. Employing an argument-based approach, the research critically evaluates the pro and con perspectives regarding the relationship between AI and political systems. In this pursuit, the views of thinkers such as Langdon Winner, Shoshana Zuboff, Frank Pasquale, Ivan Krastev, Yuval Noah Harari, John Runciman, and others are assessed. The method of conceptual analysis is utilized to clarify key concepts such as “algorithmic governance,” “technological authoritarianism,” “human agency,” and “algorithmic transparency.” Classical political theories concerning power, transparency, and democracy are also employed to evaluate the technological implications.Research Findings ReportThe research findings indicate that AI, contrary to claims of neutrality, is structurally synergistic with authoritarian patterns. Five main areas supporting this have been identified:Elimination of Human Agency and Political Subjectivity: As AI’s capacity for analyzing and predicting human behavior increases, conscious action and individual decision-making diminish. Zuboff explains with the concept of “cognitive alienation” how AI can bypass human awareness and will, distancing individuals from their own experience.Mass Surveillance and Behavioral Control: Based on analyses by Zuboff and Bruce Schneier, mass surveillance has become a primary instrument of domination. By leveraging big data and AI, citizens are transformed into subjects of perpetual monitoring and control. This form of surveillance enables the exercise of power without the need for overt repression.Obscurity and Lack of Algorithmic Transparency: Pasquale and other analysts have shown that many decision-making algorithms have a “black box” structure; meaning their decision-making process is neither visible nor assessable to the public, and sometimes not even to experts. This leads to the formation of authority without accountability.Concentration of Data and Technological Power: As Krastev emphasizes, the accumulation and concentration of data in the hands of governments and large technology corporations have paved the way for technological dominance and software-based control over social and political processes. In China, this data concentration is intertwined with the engineering of public consent.Globalization of Surveillance and Export of Authoritarianism: According to Harari’s perspective, countries like China can export their technology-based authoritarian model. In this model, regimes, by utilizing intelligent algorithms, generate consent and expand social control even without conscious citizen participation.Alongside these arguments, the paper demonstrates that AI can also contribute to strengthening democracy under specific conditions. Four key areas highlight this potential:Enhancing Transparency and Accountability: By designing Explainable AI (XAI) algorithms, the machine’s decision-making process can be illuminated, allowing for public assessment and oversight. Such processes can help rebuild public trust.Strengthening Participation and Direct Democracy: AI-based platforms facilitate the collection of public opinion, feedback analysis, and the creation of effective communication channels between the government and citizens. Furthermore, policy feasibility can be assessed before implementation through sentiment and reaction analysis.Increasing Awareness and Civic Education: Chatbots, law summarization tools, and personalized education via AI can enhance citizens’ civic awareness and political literacy. Especially in an era where data is abundant but processing it is difficult; AI plays the role of an awareness facilitator.Combating Institutional Discrimination and Inequality: By employing machine learning and big data analysis, it becomes possible to identify patterns of discrimination in areas such as hiring, resource allocation, and administrative decisions. This process can help reduce institutional injustice.ConclusionThe final results of the research show that AI is not merely a technical tool but a political structure that, in conjunction with power dynamics, can lead to either the consolidation of authoritarianism or the strengthening of democracy. Following Langdon Winner’s view, certain technologies inherently carry political imperatives. Therefore, the democratic use of AI necessitates institutional and technical interventions in five areas:Developing transparent and explainable algorithms.Democratizing access to technological resources and data.Ensuring competition within the structure of large technology corporations.Increasing citizens’ data and algorithmic literacy.Formulating mandatory ethical and legal regulations.Ultimately, the destiny of AI in relation to democracy or authoritarianism is determined not by its intrinsic nature but by its design, governance, and the level of public participation. In the words of Daniel Innerarity, AI can be both a threat to democracy and an opportunity for its reconstruction; everything depends on the choices we make.
Political Science
Sajjad Omidoiur
Abstract
IntroductionThe state, as the central institution organizing collective life, fundamentally possesses a monopoly on legitimate authority and territorial sovereignty within a defined realm. This concept rests on three pillars: sovereignty as the exclusive right to legislate and make final decisions, legitimacy ...
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IntroductionThe state, as the central institution organizing collective life, fundamentally possesses a monopoly on legitimate authority and territorial sovereignty within a defined realm. This concept rests on three pillars: sovereignty as the exclusive right to legislate and make final decisions, legitimacy based on the consent of the governed, and the capacity to wield organized force to ensure social order. Historically, the state has dynamically evolved in response to changing human needs, from pre-modern foundations in metaphysical and theological doctrines to the modern secular state grounded in popular sovereignty, rational bureaucracy, and social contract theory.Today, the emergence of the digital paradigm poses unprecedented challenges to these classical foundations. Digital governance signifies not merely the adoption of electronic tools but a paradigmatic shift in the very nature of power, sovereignty, and citizenship. It transforms traditional notions of territorial control into the management of data flows, recasts the citizen from a legal subject into a data source, and reduces policy-making to algorithmic processes focused on social engineering. This shift places the politics of the human body at the center of contemporary political theory and practice. The body is no longer solely a subject of discipline but has become a vital data infrastructure, a strategic economic resource, and an ideological battleground. Consequently, this research seeks to investigate how digital governance, through redefining the relationship between the state and the body, shapes the contemporary crisis of sovereignty across four distinct political systems: China, Germany, Singapore, and Russia.Materials and MethodsThis research employs a comparative case study design to analyze the logics of digital governance across four distinct political systems: China, Germany, Singapore, and Russia. These cases were selected as representative ideal types along the intersecting spectra of political centralization and the nature of the state-digital body relationship. The methodological approach is qualitative, relying on documentary analysis and thematic coding to construct a nuanced, interpretive understanding of how sovereignty is reconfigured in the digital age. The core analytical strategy involves a structured, focused comparison, where each case is examined through the lens of the same theoretical framework to identify unique patterns of convergence and divergence.Data collection was conducted through the triangulation of three primary document types to ensure robustness. First, primary policy documents, including national laws, formal state strategies, and official government reports, provided the foundational legal and discursive framework. Second, pre-existing interviews with experts, former officials, and activists, published by reputable media and research institutions, were analyzed as secondary textual sources to capture stakeholder perspectives. Third, technical reports and public interface analyses of relevant digital governance platforms offered insights into functional implementation. The collected data was subjected to a rigorous thematic analysis using a three-stage coding process—open, axial, and selective—to systematically identify, connect, and synthesize core categories into the four overarching governance models.Results and DiscussionThe analysis reveals four distinct models of digital governance, each forging a unique relationship between the state and the digitized body. In China, the body is constructed as a national data resource, harnessed through integrated systems like the Social Credit System to produce a disciplined "algorithmic subject." Germany exemplifies a model of bodily autonomy and privacy, legally constituting the body as a protected digital sphere and fostering a "multi-layered sovereign subject" through strict regulations like the GDPR. Singapore presents a hybrid neo-liberal efficiency model, treating the body as a transactional commodity where health data is exchanged for services, crafting a "computational-commercial subject." Conversely, Russia’s securitized authoritarianism frames the body as a political threat, weaponizing biometric data for surveillance and producing a "securitized subject."These findings demonstrate that digital technology does not drive a uniform political outcome but is instead shaped by dominant ideological frameworks into tools of either emancipation, control, or commodification. This divergence generates specific sovereignty crises. China exports its infrastructural power, creating extraterritorial bio-dependency, while Germany’s regulatory hegemony can inadvertently stifle local technological development. Singapore’s market logic leads to a loss of national bio-sovereignty through data commodification, and Russia extends its security apparatus transnationally. Collectively, these models signify a fundamental reconfiguration of state power, where sovereignty is increasingly exercised not over physical territory but through the management of datafied life, challenging the very foundations of the Westphalian nation-state system.ConclusionThis study demonstrates that digital governance represents a fundamental transformation in the nature of political power, where the management of the datafied body has become the new frontier of sovereignty. The comparative analysis of China, Germany, Singapore, and Russia reveals that identical technologies are molded into radically different instruments of power by the dominant ideological and political logic of each system. There is no singular "digital state," but rather competing paradigms: the techno-security totalitarian model, the rights-based democratic model, the neoliberal efficiency model, and the securitized authoritarian model.The core finding is that the crisis of the modern nation-state is amplified, not resolved, by digitalization. Sovereignty is fragmented, distributed among transnational corporations and algorithmic systems, and exercised through the continuous extraction and analysis of biological and behavioral data. The resulting reconfiguration—from sovereignty over territory to sovereignty through data—poses profound challenges to foundational concepts of legitimacy, autonomy, and collective rights. Ultimately, navigating this new terrain requires moving beyond simplistic views of technology as either a neutral tool or an unstoppable force, and toward a critical, context-sensitive understanding of its embeddedness in perpetual struggles for power and freedom.
Political Science
Noor-allah Gheisari
Abstract
IntroductionChronic Unsustainability has plagued progress and development in Iran. This article seeks to illuminate aspects of this problem through a historical-theoretical approach. The central research question is: "Despite decades of efforts, initiatives, and programs, why has Iran's progress and ...
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IntroductionChronic Unsustainability has plagued progress and development in Iran. This article seeks to illuminate aspects of this problem through a historical-theoretical approach. The central research question is: "Despite decades of efforts, initiatives, and programs, why has Iran's progress and development failed to achieve desirable outcomes?" The main hypothesis posits that: "The failure of development efforts in Iran stems from a complex interplay of long-term synchronous and asynchronous factors making unsustainable factors in both domestic and international environments."Key internal factors include:Lack of consensus among strategic elitesCentralized management and policymakingWeak participatory processesKey external destabilizing factors involve:Conflict between domestic discourse and global development paradigmsPolicies of dominant international institutions (e.g., the World Bank, IMF)Adversarial stances of regional and international organizations toward Iran's political systemLiterature ReviewIssues of progress and development in Iran have often been framed within discourses of underdevelopment and backwardness. Previous studies on instability have highlighted factors such as:Divergent views on sustainable development and instability in industrialized nationsThe instrumental use of development discourse to obscure social, class, and political inequalities within industrialized countries and their exploitative relations with less industrialized nationsIran's adoption of global development models (particularly those of the World Bank and IMF), which prioritize economic aspects over social dimensionsA major shortcoming of these studies is their single-factor approach, overlooking systemic requirements for stabilizing development processes, implementing programs, and safeguarding achievements.Theoretical FrameworkThe study conceptualizes Unsustainability in progress and development across three dimensions:Process Unsustainability (affecting developmental stages)Outcome Unsustainability (affecting achieved results)Situation Unsustainability (affecting the overall developmental state)These can manifest in:Short-, medium-, or long-term durationsSemi-stable, fully Unsustainable, or fluctuating conditionsInitially, Unsustainability primarily concerns the development process. However, as outcomes emerge, Unsustainability shifts to preserving achievements, and as the environment evolves, Unsustainability in situation becomes prominent.Unsustainability operates in both domestic and international environments. While the causes of Unsustainability vary, its domains remain consistent:Resources (knowledge, capital, goods, services)Research & Development (innovation, technology application)Leadership & Management (strategic guidance from conception to sustainable development)The critical challenge lies in the simultaneous occurrence of Unsustainability across all three dimensions (process, outcome, situation) in both domestic and international contexts. This creates a complex, compounded Unsustainability with diverse manifestations, each requiring tailored mitigation strategies.Research Approach & MethodThe study employs " Phrontic planning resarch", a methodology that aligns theoretical constructs with empirical realities. Findings indicate that due to the interaction of internal and external making unsustainable factors, Iran's development and progress suffers from chronic, cyclical unsustainability across all dimensions (process, outcome, situation).In today's globalized context, overcoming this crisis requires:Sustainable consensus (for at least three decades) among strategic elites on core national values and macro-strategic issuesCoordinated, long-term efforts to define and realize an advanced society in alignment with Iran's global positioningFindingsIn the current era of globalization, the stability of progress and development is shaped by the entanglement of domestic and international factors. For Iran, key determinants include:Domestic Factors:Structure of policymaking and implementationParticipatory mechanismsDynamics among strategic elitesExternal Factors:Iran's regional and international standingAlignment with global development discourses and paradigmsEach factor exerts unique pressures, and their combined interaction generates the observed instability in Iran's developmental trajectory.ConclusionEnsuring sustained progress and safeguarding developmental achievements amid increasing domestic and international complexities remains Iran's fundamental challenge. Addressing this requires:Institutionalizing elite consensus on long-term strategic visionsAdaptive engagement with global systems while maintaining developmental sovereigntyThis study underscores that resolving Iran's chronic development unsustainability demands a dual focus on internal governance reforms and strategic international positioning.(Note: This translation maintains academic rigor while improving readability for an international audience. Adjustments can be made for specific journal requirements.)
Political Science
Ali Akbar Gorji Azandaryani; Shahriar Hoseini
Abstract
Extended Abstract
Introduction
Ethnic and cultural diversity has always been a fundamental aspect of social reality across the world. However, these diversities become particularly significant when they intersect with the process of nation-building. Diversity can either contribute to national stability ...
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Extended Abstract
Introduction
Ethnic and cultural diversity has always been a fundamental aspect of social reality across the world. However, these diversities become particularly significant when they intersect with the process of nation-building. Diversity can either contribute to national stability or ignite the flames of civil war. In the early stages of nation-building, states often adopted culturally homogeneous policies, seeking to resolve diversity through ethnic and cultural assimilation in the name of national unity and integration. They perceived ethnic and cultural diversity as an obstacle to the formation of a nation–state. In ethnically and linguistically diverse societies, cultural issues must be addressed in a pluralistic manner, reflecting the society’s inherent characteristics. Yet, during the nation-building process, cultural matters are sometimes narrowly defined to accelerate the process and secure political legitimacy, with their scope limited to the cultural components of the majority. In such cases, because the driving force behind nation-building relies heavily on the support of the majority, cultural matters become subsumed under political concerns. As a result, culture is often overshadowed by the hegemony of power, leading to the marginalization or erasure of minority cultures. In this model of nation-building, leaders attempt to maintain the internal cohesion of the group they claim to represent by politicizing cultural matters. To advance their political goals, they may alter or even fabricate cultural markers, ultimately subordinating culture to politics. Drawing a clear boundary to prevent cultural matters from being overshadowed by political agendas during nation-building is an extremely difficult and complex task. The process of nation-building in Switzerland since the early 19th century has puzzled researchers, raising the question of how a country with such cultural and linguistic diversity managed to survive at the heart of Europe, surrounded by more homogeneous nation-building efforts. For those who view linguistic and cultural homogeneity as essential to nation-building, Switzerland represents a significant anomaly. Given Switzerland’s linguistic, cultural, and religious diversity, the question arises as to what path its nation-building process has taken to accommodate these differences without allowing one language or culture to dominate. Has the cultural dimension been separated from the political in the formation of the Swiss nation? What constitutes the identity of the Swiss nation? Considering its internal diversity, should Switzerland be considered as a single-nation or a multi-nation state?
Materials and Methods
The present study adopted a legal, historical, and interpretive approach to explore the complexities of nation-building in Switzerland. It relied on a collection of texts obtained through library research.
Results and Discussion
First, the study examined the historical development of the concept of nation, categorizing nation-building processes as either democratic or non-democratic—in relation to the function of cultural matters. In democratic nation-building, efforts are made to define ethnic, linguistic, and religious diversities alongside one another. In contrast, non-democratic nation-building tends to subsume cultural issues under political matters, often resulting in conflicts among various ethnic, cultural, and religious pluralities. This approach frequently leads to the marginalization of minority rights. While non-democratic nation-building may yield short-term success, it ultimately fails to foster long-term political stability and social cohesion. Instead, it leads to the construction of a highly fragile nation, one that is somewhat incompatible with the ideals of democracy.
Non-democratic nation-building typically involves the strategic selection of specific segments of the population—usually those belonging to the ethnic or linguistic majority—for the purpose of identity construction. From a scholarly perspective, Switzerland’s nation-building process can be analyzed through three main theoretical frameworks: the liberal–multinational model, the postnational–liberal model, and the liberal–nationalist or single-nation theory. Interestingly, despite their differing viewpoints, proponents of all three theories often cite Switzerland as a distinctive and exemplary case. However, according to the findings of this study, Switzerland’s experience does not align with traditional nation-building processes based on objective criteria such as shared language, culture, or religion. In Switzerland, the political is defined by the cultural rather than the other way around. Therefore, the Swiss nation-building process cannot be reduced to a shared or dominant language, race, culture, or religion. Instead, it reflects a more subjective conception of nationhood rooted in self-awareness. Throughout Switzerland’s nation-building journey, cultural matters were neither sacrificed nor politicized. The formation of the nation process was never monopolized by a privileged class with specific ethnic, linguistic, or religious concepts. On the contrary, the Swiss elites explicitly framed nation-building as a non-ethnic endeavor, consistently acknowledging and incorporating the country’s pluralism into every stage of defining the political.
Conclusion
The Swiss nation is the product of a classical process, one that did not involve the state apparatus, political parties, or individual will—
unlike most nation-building projects. In other words, most nation-building processes follow a top-down approach where the cultural characteristics of the majority group are treated as political instruments. However, in the Swiss case, cultural aspects such as ethnicity, language, or religion were not used as political instruments by the state to satisfy the majority or to forcibly retain minorities. The findings indicated that Switzerland’s nation-building process developed from the bottom up, following a democratic path. Therefore, the classical understanding of Swiss national identity is, to some extent, a political understanding based on shared conception of republicanism, federalism, direct democracy, and neutrality. Importantly, these political matters are not rooted in the cultural matters of any majority ethnic group. However, this does not mean that cultural factors were absent in shaping national identity or completing the nation-building process in Switzerland. On the contrary, both cultural and political elements played a role. The key lies in how the boundaries between them were drawn, ensuring that neither was sacrificed for the sake of the other. As a result, Swiss national identity is two-dimensional. At the cantonal and local levels, there are shared ethnic and cultural elements, but when the Swiss nation is considered as a whole, there is a political and neutral understanding of linguistic, ethnic, and religious diversity. This suggests that nationhood does not require a uniform or homogeneous conception of the elements involved in the nation-building process. In conclusion, the democratic nation-building process defines the political under the cultural, accepting and incorporating existing differences within society. Though this process takes time, it leads to the creation of a stable and enduring nation and national identity.
Political Science
Ali Sabbaghian; Sepideh Fallahi
Abstract
BackgroundThe Covid-19 pandemic has led to a global crisis and countries have adopted a set of policies to deal with this crisis. The government's policy responses have created deep effects in various fields. World-wide welfare states were also affected by this crisis due to their responsibilities towards ...
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BackgroundThe Covid-19 pandemic has led to a global crisis and countries have adopted a set of policies to deal with this crisis. The government's policy responses have created deep effects in various fields. World-wide welfare states were also affected by this crisis due to their responsibilities towards citizens. Nordic welfare states were also affected by this crisis as the most extensive and generous type of welfare state. Sweden, as one of the prominent examples of the Nordic welfare state, was also affected by this crisis. Study QuestionThe Swedish model of the welfare state, as one of the subsets of the Nordic welfare state, has features such as equality, a commitment to full employment, and the provision of universal welfare benefits. Considering these characteristics, the question is raised, what effect has the COVID-19 pandemic crisis had on the prominent functions of the welfare state in Sweden as one of the Nordic welfare state models?Study GoalTo critically examine and analyze the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the core functions of the Swedish welfare state, with particular attention to employment, labor market policies, welfare costs, and equality, to assess its effectiveness and provide insights for future research on welfare states. The aim is to identify strengths and weaknesses in the Swedish model, particularly focusing on inequality among immigrants, and contribute to understanding how welfare states respond to global crises. Rationale of the studyThis issue can be investigated because the Swedish welfare state from its establishment until today, despite the crises it went through in the 1970s and early 1990s and the adjustments made in this type of welfare state, is often recognized as an ideal example of the welfare state. This research seeks to investigate how crises such as the pandemic or a global disease have affected the functions of this type of welfare state, which has a relatively long history of providing full employment, social care, and equality. in this way, the performance of the Swedish welfare state can be measured as one of the outstanding examples of the welfare state in its core functions during the crisis, and this can open the way for future research regarding the future of the welfare state in general, the strengths and weaknesses of welfare states and especially the Swedish welfare state.Materials and Methods To answer the research question, according to the central features of the Swedish welfare state and the Nordic model of the welfare state, the research hypothesis states that the COVID-19 pandemic and the crises caused by this pandemic have led to an increase in measures to support the labor market, an increase in welfare costs, and an increase in inequality in the Swedish welfare state. The case study method is used to explain the hypothesis, and the theoretical framework used is the theory of Esping-Andersen about the typology of welfare states. Gøsta Esping-Andersen’s theory on welfare states, outlined in his influential book The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, classifies modern welfare states into three categories: liberal, conservative/corporatist, and social democratic. Social democratic regimes promote universal welfare services aimed at achieving high standards of equality, often through extensive social services and policies that support full employment. Sweden is categorized under the social democratic welfare state regime according to Gøsta Esping-Andersen’s typology. This type of welfare state is characterized by universalistic systems that promote equality of high standards, rather than minimal needs. It aims to decommodify welfare services and socializes the costs of caring for children, the elderly, and the helpless.Findings and ConclusionThe research findings show that the Nordic governments generally did not make fundamental changes in welfare state spending and services in response to the pandemic due to their generous welfare state tradition. They mainly started to strengthen pre-existing policies. However, although the actions of the Swedish welfare state in response to the pandemic, in the two areas of employment and labor market policies and welfare costs and services, are generally consistent with the basic functions of the Swedish model of the welfare state, in the area of commitment to equality, this pandemic has increased inequality. In the labor market, unemployment has increased mainly among low-skilled and immigrant groups, and death rates have been revealed to be higher among immigrant groups. Therefore, it can be concluded that the Covid-19 pandemic crisis, by increasing the support measures of the welfare state in the field of the labor market and increasing the costs and welfare services, strengthened the characteristics of the commitment to full employment and the provision of universal benefits of the Swedish social democratic welfare state. Still, in the field of equality, inequality in Sweden especially has spread among certain groups such as immigrants. This topic can be the basis of future research regarding the immigrant crisis in Sweden and its impact on the welfare state in this country.
Political Science
Mohamad mahdi Golshahi; Shoja Ahmadvand
Abstract
Extended Abstract IntroductionHow to recognize national identity is important for children and teenagers; Because how social behavior appears in adulthood is a function of how national identity is understood and attitudes towards society's values in childhood and adolescence. Based on this, governments ...
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Extended Abstract IntroductionHow to recognize national identity is important for children and teenagers; Because how social behavior appears in adulthood is a function of how national identity is understood and attitudes towards society's values in childhood and adolescence. Based on this, governments try to institutionalize their desired and preferred identity in society, especially among children and adolescents. In order to organize their desired social order in this way, the governments rely on textbooks and pay special attention to identity building through narrative or story within the framework of the education system and textbooks. Through the representation of people, historical events and social and political concepts, textbooks play an important role in shaping the attitudes and behavior of students. 17th and returns with the emergence of new nation-states and the formation of the national education system. In this period, in addition to the emergence of class social consciousness under the industrial process, competition between socio-economic and political groups among nation-states was formed to form a committed and nationalist force in the framework of the newly formed concepts resulting from the independence of independent nation-states. As a result, a large part of the institutionalized or formalized education program was directed to the education of the ideological attitudes and programs of the nation-states, and competition was created between the nation-states and their educational systems. During these developments, the school as the main center of education It was formed and one of the most central areas of education, which is the creation of national identity, was noticed in the framework of formal education in countries such as Germany, France, Italy, America and England. This process, i.e. rebuilding and reforming the national identity through educational policies in Iran, started from the era of Abbas Mirza with the arrival of new civilizational facilities and the establishment of Dar al-Funun, political science school, missionary schools and Roshdiyeh, and until the signing of the constitutional decree in 1285 in the framework of Educational modernization and reform continued, but it was never able to change Iran's educational system from an inefficient and traditional system to a coherent educational system resulting from a modern state, but this is important as the reconstruction of Iran's cultural identity in order to form a modern and absolute state in the period of Reza Shah. Attention was paid and it became the fundamental pillar of his nascent government in different dimensions by focusing on modern education and in the second Pahlavi era, it found a broader aspect by relying on the reconstruction of ancient Iranian culture, as Alessandro Busani called it Aryan and Neo-Achaemenid nationalism. This process continued with fundamental changes during the Islamic revolution with the formation of concepts such as Islamic-Iranian identity centered on religious identity and national elements such as language and history, which centered on the books of heavenly gifts and social studies in elementary school in order to socialize students with The centrality of Islamic-Iranian identity. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to put the cognitive theory as the focus of the three emotional, cognitive and metacognitive aspects, taking into account components such as culture and art, history, geography, religion, national symbols, mythology and national celebrities, and the policy of answering this The question is which primary school textbooks emphasize more on which components of national identity have had and which representation model have they used.Materials and MethodsRegarding the research method, it should be mentioned that the data collection is done in the document-library method and the data analysis is done in the content analysis method. In this research, all the texts, images and questions of thirteen books of the fourth, fifth and sixth grade elementary courses, including Persian, writing, heavenly gifts, social studies and sixth grade thinking and research, are collected and in eight components of culture and art (including literature, including works literature, literary celebrities, calligraphy, painting, music, drama and handicrafts); National and local norms and traditions (including national customs, patriotism, national celebrations); History and historical works (including historical stories and events, inscriptions, bridges, palaces); Geography (including soil, weather, mountains, lakes); National legends and celebrities (including Rostam, Sohrab, Esfandiar, Shahnameh Ferdowsi, Khayyam, Razi, Abu Ali Sina); national symbols (including flag, anthem, language, map and calendar); Politics and government (including political history, political system, political personality, revolution and type of government, sacred defense); and religion (including religious elders, religious rituals and holy places) are divided. Then, based on our understanding of the three emotional, cognitive and metacognitive aspects in the framework of cognitive theory, we placed these components and its indicators in one of these three aspects to find out through which aspect (emotional, cognitive or metacognitive) the symbols of national identity. Children are induced.Results and DiscussionBased on the results of the content analysis of the target textbooks, out of 129 examined phrases and questions, 62 had an emotional aspect; That is, by using values and an epic and emotional narrative, they expressed and explained the components of national identity. 42 cases had a cognitive aspect; That is, their centrality was the narrative and historical aspects and students' familiarity with a topic, concept or historical event; Here, the emotional aspect (sadness, happiness, etc.) is not a priority and it is only for familiarization and awareness. 25 items were metacognitive; That is, the function of the components, concepts, and their role in shaping the national identity was considered, which was mostly expressed in the form of questions and analysis, which confirmed the initial assumption of the research as the emotional representation of the components of the national identity and paying less attention to the cognitive and metacognitive dimensions. About the second hypothesis, it should be noted that the priority of national identity representation in textbooks is not functional and metacognitive, and this approach does not form the basis of national identity representation in primary school textbooks, but more on the emotional and cognitive aspect centered on the historical narrative. has been discussed and has an essentialist approach rather than a metacognitive and functional one. In fact, in the textbooks, the narrative and emotional aspects of some concepts are emphasized, and the functions and application of the national identity components in shaping the national identity have not been paid much attention. Most of the components of national identity were only emotional, and its function and importance were not properly explained, and it did not lead to the formation of a whole unit called national identity, and did not create a duty in students to preserve and continue the concepts and heritage presented, and only tried to show acceptance. Giving these concepts was done by emphasizing the emotional and value aspects of the concepts.ConclusionBy examining the results of the research, it can be seen that national identity is not represented in textbooks based on cognitive and functional indicators, but often based on emotional indicators. in most cases, the emotional aspect is emphasized in religious components. For example, in the representation of events and epic stories such as the incident of Karbala, the characters and events of the beginning of Islam, and stories such as Arash Kamangir, more emphasis is placed on the emotional and emotional aspect, and on the cognitive and functional aspects of standing and resistance and the role of such stories in the formation of national identity throughout history and not mentioned. Therefore, instead of children and teenagers getting to know the cognitive and functional aspects of identity and its components and then deepening these functions using the emotional aspect, they get to know more about the emotional aspect of national identity and are unfamiliar with its function. This causes the education given about national identity to be ineffective because due to the lack of familiarity with the cognitive and functional aspects of national identity, students do not have an intellectual coherence and analytical framework. When faced with a stronger emotional stimulus that has a greater impact They replace the learned concepts and this is what causes the formation of value conflict and confused mentality of students. Therefore, elementary school textbooks should be revised from the perspective of characterizing and norming under identity politics, and the metacognitive aspect.
Political Science
Elaheh Sadeghi
Abstract
IntroductionAfter the victory of the Islamic Revolution in February 1978, the Islamic Republic was founded on two core principles: divine sovereignty and popular sovereignty. One of the most important ideals of the Revolution was to establish an Islamic state that would implement the laws and rules of ...
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IntroductionAfter the victory of the Islamic Revolution in February 1978, the Islamic Republic was founded on two core principles: divine sovereignty and popular sovereignty. One of the most important ideals of the Revolution was to establish an Islamic state that would implement the laws and rules of Islam. Such a state would not only manage the everyday affairs of the people but also guide society towards spiritual perfection and closeness to God. However, despite the efforts made over the years, a true Islamic state has yet to be fully realized. This is largely due to various challenges and the damage faced by the Islamic State, one of which is linked to its agents. It is thus essential to identify the vices in the personal and behavioral characteristics of agents. These agents are essential pillars of the Islamic state, playing a vital role in the political system’s stability and efficiency, and in achieving the government’s objectives. Throughout history, however, the agents have faced numerous challenges and vices that have threatened not only their individual and collective lives but also the survival and continuity of the political system itself. Religious teachings consistently emphasize the importance of the health and competence of agents of the Islamic state, warning that the mismanagement of such officials is one of the key factors in the collapse of political systems. In this context, Ayatollah Khamenei’s insights into the vices of agents are particularly valuable. As both the leading Shia thinker in the Islamic world and the Supreme Leader of Iranian society, his views are crucial in identifying the vices of the state officials and offering solutions for preventing or addressing them. In this line, the present study intended to identify and analyze the vices of agents of the Islamic system, which in turn have contributed to the delay in the realization of the Islamic state. Relying on Ayatollah Khamenei’s views, the study aimed to address the following question: What vices have been inflicted upon agents that have led to the delay in the realization of the Islamic state?Materials and MethodsThe current study employed a qualitative content analysis method. The data was collected from various sources, including books, articles, and the Official Website of the Office for the Preservation and Publication of the Works of the Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali Khamenei (www. khamenei. ir).Results and DiscussionFrom Ayatollah Khamenei’s perspective, the most significant challenges and vices experienced by agents that could delay the realization of the Islamic state include the following: the whims of the self, despair and hopelessness, prioritization of people’s satisfaction over God’s, dogmatism and sanctification, extreme modernism, neglect of cultural issues, indulgence in luxury, secularism, corruption, broken promises to the people, evasion of justice and the law, dominance, extreme factionalism, divisiveness, and dependence on foreign influences. According to Ayatollah Khamenei, the most important vices are the evasion of justice and indulgence in luxury. To remedy the vices, he proposed to follow the model set by the Prophetic (Nabawi) and the Alevi government.ConclusionIf state officials lack integrity and competence, the resulting damage will permeate Islamic society, leading it astray from the right path. Therefore, the negative characteristics among agents of the Islamic State may cause serious and irreparable damage to the system, delaying or even preventing the realization of the Islamic State. Ayatollah Khamenei’s views on the shortcomings and vices of state officials and the methods to prevent or address them provide valuable guidelines. These insights can help ensure the moral integrity of agents and contribute to the realization of the Islamic state.
Political Science
Nozar Khalil Tahmasebi; Ahmad Naghibzade
Abstract
IntroductionAnalyzing the transition of countries from traditional governance to modernization is crucial in political, historical, and sociological studies. The 19th century was a pivotal period for Eastern nations because they were grappling with this transition. Countries like Japan, India, Iran, ...
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IntroductionAnalyzing the transition of countries from traditional governance to modernization is crucial in political, historical, and sociological studies. The 19th century was a pivotal period for Eastern nations because they were grappling with this transition. Countries like Japan, India, Iran, and the Ottoman Empire experienced a century of transformation characterized by intense debate, conflict, bewilderment, regret, reflection, comparison, and deliberation in their move from the old order to the new one. The political and historical treatises of the 18th and 19th centuries also attest to the transformation and the experience of the modern world encountered by the Eastern countries. This study aimed to explore the experience of Japan by examining its significant 19th-century transformations, providing insights into the process and vicissitudes of the transition from a traditional political system to a modern state. During the 19th century, Japan encountered modern concepts and experienced momentous events, grappling with its declining status and the need for reform. On the one hand, Japan possessed deeply rooted historical and political traditions that could not be abandoned. On the other hand, it had just emerged from a period of darkness, poverty, and turmoil of the 18th century. Against this backdrop, the Japanese elite recognized the necessity of reforming their governance system. Trying to untie the tangled knot of tradition and modernity, they decided to embrace modernity and its benefits while retaining their traditions. In fact, they aimed at thinking traditionally within the new order, with constitutionalism emerging as a key element in this transition. Having encountered global transformations, the Japanese considered constitutionalism as the most important lesson and the prominent manifestation of the modern world, as the cornerstone of the transition from a worn-out political system to the modern governance. The challenge for the elite and reformers was to reconcile constitutionalism with traditional values. The Japanese elite had actually realized that Japan’s constitutionalism could not take place in a radical and complete break from the country’s historical and political traditions. However, in the tug of war between constitutionalism and tradition, the former was greatly sacrificed for the sake of the latter. Japan’s constitutionalism was a turning point in finding a way between modernity and tradition. Therefore, examining the Japanese historical experience can offer valuable insights into similar experiences across Eastern nations. Given the historical similarities between Iran and Japan, the present study aimed to examine Japan’s transition from traditional governance to a modern political order, highlighting how the Japanese constitutionalism attempted to reconcile the historical traditions with emerging modernity. The research questions are as follows: How did the Japanese constitution attempt to reconcile historical tradition with emerging modernity? And did Japan abandon its traditions? The study is based on the hypothesis that while Japan’s constitutionalism maintained the spirit of tradition, especially the divine and authoritative position of the emperor, it could break away from its traditional era by facilitating economic growth and the establishment of a powerful and modern state. Materials and MethodsThis study employed an analytical and historical perspective. It also relied on political concepts and theories to explore the Japanese experience of modernity, offering insights for understanding similar historical experiences in other Eastern nations.Results and DiscussionJapan’s 19th-century transformation exemplifies the East’s encounter with modernity. After centuries of feudal rule under shoguns, internal crises, and awareness of new international dynamics, Japan underwent significant changes in governance. The Meiji Restoration emerged as a beacon of hope for the elite, offering liberation from a tumultuous past. While embodying constitutional principles, the Meiji Constitution was implemented with a conservative and pragmatic approach, preserving Japan’s heritage and upholding the emperor’s central role. Reforms in the military, bureaucracy, economy, and education under centralized governance reflected the elite’s efforts to reconcile tradition with modernity. The Japanese modernity prioritized stability and order over democratic ideals and individual freedoms, aligning with the aspirations of a patriotic and reformist emperor. Emperor Meiji, the embodiment of imperial resurgence, stood at the heart of the Constitution, solidifying his position as the focal point of political authority. Despite advancements, the Meiji Constitution failed to establish a real constitutional rule where the law reigns supreme over both the ruler and the ruled. It represented a blend of the enlightened emperor’s authority and pragmatism.ConclusionAccording to the findings, Japanese constitutionalism was characterized by the reconciliation of modernity and tradition. Japan’s conservative approach preserved traditional aspects within its new political framework exemplified by the constitution. The results of the study can offer insights for understanding similar historical experiences in other Eastern nations, including Iran.
Political Science
Ali Aqajani
Abstract
Mencius and Farabi are prominent representatives of two important Eastern intellectual traditions, namely Confucian-Chinese philosophy and Islamic-Iranian philosophy, who had basic reflections on the nature and functions of the state and how to moralize it efficiently. The basic question of the article ...
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Mencius and Farabi are prominent representatives of two important Eastern intellectual traditions, namely Confucian-Chinese philosophy and Islamic-Iranian philosophy, who had basic reflections on the nature and functions of the state and how to moralize it efficiently. The basic question of the article is the attitude of these two political philosophers towards the fusion of ethics and politics in the state and how to draw the moral state. The hypothesis is based on the elaboration of ethics and politics in the concepts of utopia, prosperity, legitimacy and justice and the formation of the moral state from the perspective of Mencius and Farabi and their major similarity in the general approach, which, based on the comparative research method, has many commonalities and noteworthy differences. Government, essential good, continuity and unity of ethics and politics, instrumental and maximal government/comprehensive social security/providing security-welfare-virtue, Hakim-Shahriar government, relationship between religion, politics, spirituality and ethics, happiness is a multi-faceted and multi-dimensional matter/achievement Happiness is a relative matter, the legitimacy of the heavenly and earthly duality, moderation and middle ground/opposition to its excess and immorality/and comprehensive justice are the commonalities of these two. Establishing a balance between the elitist and populist approach by Mencius, more clarity on the instrumentality of the state/and in terms of the right of revolution, more emphasis on the duties of the government/servant government, empirical-rational-detailed description, comprehensive happiness between nature and will, the role of the people Beyond Farabi's theory/the voice of the people is the voice of God, and more emphasis on political justice, the differences between Menisos and Farabi in the field of moral government can be enumerated.Mencius, a great thinker and philosopher of East Asia, and Farabi, a thinker and a high-level philosopher of West Asia, are two examples of treasures that the explanation of their opinions in the field of government can increase the connection between these two rich and deep traditions. In this research, an attempt has been made to analyze the fields related to ethics and politics, which are the components of the term called political ethics, and based on this, to clarify the similarities and differences between the two. Mensus, like Farabi, who is the second teacher in the philosophical tradition of Islam, can be called the second teacher in the Confucian tradition. He explained and explained and of course invented and theorized in the school of Confucius and is considered the closest interpreter of Confucius to him.Like Aristotle, Mencius and Farabi believed that man is a political animal and can only fully expand these relationships when he is inside the state and society. He considers the government to be a moral institution and they believe that its head should be a moral leader. According to these two philosophers, the distribution of charity among all the members of Madinah is based on the eligibility of people. Charities include officials and positions, security, health, dignity and status, sanctity, property, wealth and the like. Therefore, all citizens have rights, and everyone has the right to have a job and work suitable to their social personality.Unlike today's political philosophy in the West, Farabi does not believe in the separation of public and private spheres and considers them to be the same. The similarity between Al-Farabi and Mencius is the special prominence of political philosophy in the thoughts of these two. But in this field, the difference between the two is also clear. While Farabi follows political philosophy in the form of political wisdom in theory. Mencius seeks political wisdom in the public arena.According to Mencius and Farabi, a good, efficient and superior government is the result of the combination of ethics and politics. Based on this, the work of a good government should start from the people and go up, not from the ruling class and go down. People are not only the root but also the last judge of the government. Utopia, which is an ideal society, is realized when ethics and politics are combined. Happiness is multifaceted and multidimensional. Learning the benevolence of the community and the people is the extension of justice. Justice is realized when people have the ability and power to exercise sovereignty and can criticize the government and, if necessary, criticize it or correct it. In response to this question, Mencius considers the government a moral institution and believes that its head should be a moral leader.
Political Science
Bahram Akhavan kazemi; Fatemeh Forootan
Abstract
The main issue of this article is about the relationship of work and Coronavirus and the changes and transformations that have been created in the field of work due to the occurrence of this global risk and, as a result, have transformed the role of the government; changes that, according to Ulrich beck's ...
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The main issue of this article is about the relationship of work and Coronavirus and the changes and transformations that have been created in the field of work due to the occurrence of this global risk and, as a result, have transformed the role of the government; changes that, according to Ulrich beck's interpretation, by removing the standards and certainties of work, such as working in a specific place as a factory or an office and during specific hours of the day, have caused the destandardization of work and turned the global society into a risk global society and caused citizens to rethink the internal and international role of governments. Indeed, Coronavirus By forcing governments to adopt policies such as quarantine, forced suspension of jobs, limiting social interactions and reducing relations with other countries not only led to the closure of many businesses and unemployment of many people, but also by creating the need for a decisive role of the government in order to support different classes of different societies around the world to deal with this pandemic, it widened the scope of government's influence and the field of its social interventions. So, according to the findings of the research, which are the result of documentary studies by using the historical-adaptive approach to compare two different types of government in China and the United States, it can be inferred that with the outbreak of Corona, the liberal model of government is being replaced by a stronger government that is not a type of Chinese authoritarianism, but is an embedded liberalism that combines economic freedom with domestic social support. Some Important works have been written about the political and social consequences of Corona, among which we can mention Francis Fukuyama's article (2020) entitled "Pandemic and Political Order". The author claims that this crisis, like other global crises such as: The Great Recession, World Wars, the 11th September attack, has special consequences which its political dimensions are even more important than its economic effects; Therefore, this pandemic can lead to the intensification of nationalism, isolationism and an attack to the liberal political order. Farhad zivyar and reza khodabandelou(2019) in an article entitled " corona and reproduction of authoritarianism in democratic states" claim that successful experience of authoritarian states such as china in dealing with coronavirus can turn the global desire in to the accumulation and concentration of power and therefore, the closure of democratic space. But what distinguishes this article from other works that have been written in this field is its focus on the work and risks that have occurred in this arena by the occurrence of Corona that has changed the citizen's attitude about the role of government and the philosophy of its existence. In addition, although these works give priority to authoritarian states in drawing the political order of the post-coronavirus world, in this article, authoritarianism has its own criticisms that reveal the necessity of moving towards a middle path in the frame of embedded liberalism. So, it can be concluded that although since four decades ago, the best government is the one that restricts its field of intervention in society and only provides military security in the country, but in the risk situation, not only governments have found an opportunity to expand their interventions in the society, but also citizens have come to the conclusion that their egalitarianism concerns and their comprehensive security may be more important than their liberal desires. So, they prefer governments that deal with this pandemic and its harmful effects in different aspects with a wider range of power. The weak performance and inefficiency of the United States of America as the leader of the neoliberal agenda of the role and duties of the government on the one hand and the success of Chinese authoritarianism in dealing with this pandemic, verifies the accuracy of this matter. Of course, it does not mean that the Chinese authoritarian system is uncritical and perfect and its acceptance by other countries in the post-corona world is inevitable; Because China, due to the special features of its political system, such as complete controlling the flow of information, may be condemned of intervening the private sphere and totalitarianism. Therefore, it seems that balance is a requirement of dynamism, and this dynamism can be seen in the performance of Denmark government, which seeks to create a balance between international economic freedom and domestic social protection. So it's possible that the political order in the post-Corona world should be based on an embedded liberalism that maintains its economic independence and stands on its own feet in the international arena despite being affected by the flow of global communications and exchanges.
