Political Sociology
Sajjad Sattari
Abstract
This article is a sequel of the article "The Power and Involuntary State of Exception in Iran" (Sattari 2022). By redefining "authority" (based on the three concepts of hegemony, social control and reproduction), the author explains the special existential conditions being formed in parallel with the ...
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This article is a sequel of the article "The Power and Involuntary State of Exception in Iran" (Sattari 2022). By redefining "authority" (based on the three concepts of hegemony, social control and reproduction), the author explains the special existential conditions being formed in parallel with the movement of Iranian society towards an involuntary state of exception by formulating the theoretical approach of "Oriental Post-Authority Society". His basic question is, what is the fundamental result of the gradual occurrence of involuntary state of exception in Iran? The author has five interrelated arguments:First: The persistence of the "general crisis of capital accumulation" and the "expansion of digital technology" in Iranian society paves the way for the occurrence of two fundamental transformations (first: the transformation of economic roots of classes, and second: the transformation of utopia and the politics of class life) and these two transformations enters the society in a unceasing process of re-creation of a new existential situation with the characteristic of "self-reliance and self-rule". The author calls this emerging existential situation as the formation of an "Oriental Post-Authority Society" in Iran.Second: The main tripod of this developing oriental post-authority society is (first: the gradual construction of a political anti-theology in society by relying on the theological concept of the State of Innocence, second: despair of the possibility of political revolution or collective fear of its consequences, and third: the growing tendency towards everyday social revolution as an emergency alternative to political revolution. Third: In the formation process of the oriental post-authority society in Iran, a "new class birth" occurs and leads to the "birth of an autonomous class" and "the beginning of class autonomy in the history of Iran". This significant event intensifies the process of "increasing class displacement" in the society and the new autonomous class expands the main tripod of the oriental post-authority society even more by bringing together some layers of other social classes. In this way, a special situation emerges in Iranian society, which the author calls "a single society with two conflicting social realms" (first: the social realm of authority, and second; the social realm of anti-authority.Fourth: With the passage of time and due to the "generational transformation of traditional leaders", the social realm of anti-authority gains more expansion in society, particularly through the continuous impeachment and negation of official authorities and their desired symbolic order, the new autonomous class gradually exposes the social realm of authority to passivity, more social suspension, and even the potential danger of dissolution. In such a situation, a fundamental conflict between the "order, interests and survival" of the members of these two social realms (or the social realm of authority, and the social realm of anti-authority) is subsequently formed and the ground is paved for the outset of an inclusive dialectic in the society. The author calls this special event "the dialectic of official social authoritarianism with informal social anti-authoritarianism" and considers its gradual synthesis to be the "ambivalent crisis of praxis of power elites and social forces in the society".Fifth: The emergence of ambivalent crisis of praxis causes "mutual inability of power elites and social forces to conquer each other" and this exposes both actors to "erosion and historical recess". With the passage of time, this ambivalent crisis of praxis launches the room for the emergence of a situation that the author calls "involuntary collective aporia" (or the state of astonishment and intractability of basic problems in Iranian society). The continuation of this involuntary collective aporia causes existential anxiety and the spread of "pervasive general paranoia" in the society. This pervasive general disorder accelerates the process of suspension and social dissolution of traditional authorities and the process of the formation of the post-authority society in Iran.)Based on these five arguments, the article has five sections. In the first section; by providing a new definition of authority, the author explains the impact of the society's movement towards an involuntary state of exception in the "transformation of economic roots of classes" and the "transformation of utopia and the politics of class life" and, consequently, the beginning of the process of "formation of the oriental post-authority society" in Iran. In the second section; He determines the nature of this oriental post-authority society and its three main tripod. In the third section; the author explains the issue of "new class manifestation" or the birth of an "autonomous social class" in Iran and the impact of this "class autonomy" on development of the oriental post-authority society in Iran. In the fourth section; He describes the process of increasing social suspension and the gradual dissolution of the social realm of authority and, as a result, the "emergence of a single society with two conflicting social realms" in Iran. In the fifth section; the author mainly describes the process of occurrence of a dialectic (or dialectic of official social authoritarianism and informal social anti-authoritarianism) and its gradual synthesis, i.e. "ambivalent crisis of praxis of power elites and social forces" dealing with its conditional future.
Political Sociology
Nasir Ebadpour
Abstract
The victory of the revolution led to the emergence and redefinition of religious values and concepts, and the intensity of its impact on the cultural aspects and the value developments of the concept of policy-making was more and more influenced by the value and ideological aspects. In the Islamic Republic ...
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The victory of the revolution led to the emergence and redefinition of religious values and concepts, and the intensity of its impact on the cultural aspects and the value developments of the concept of policy-making was more and more influenced by the value and ideological aspects. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, due to the nature of the Islamic revolution, which is mainly cultural, cultural policies have been formed within the framework of Islamic laws, Shari'a and the constitution. Cultural policymaking is a manifestation of the government's political power, which, if institutionalized, can be considered an important indicator in political development.Since the beginning of history, the family has been the main social institution, the foundation of societies and the origin of cultures, civilizations and the history of human. The family has a high position in the system of the Islamic Republic and the official policies of the country. The Islamic Republic of Iran looks at the family as a means of honoring and respecting the human position. Paying attention to the many functions of the family has caused the family to be recognized as one of the most basic social pillars, and this issue has also caused the constitution to pay attention to this important issue in its tenth principle and stipulates: "Since the single family It is the foundation of Islamic society, all related laws and regulations and planning should be aimed at facilitating the formation of a family, protecting its sanctity and establishing family relationships based on Islamic law and ethics.The main question of the current research is as below:what effect did parallel institutions in the field of culture have on the realization of cultural policies in the field of family in the Islamic Republic of Iran? The hypothesis of this research is based on the fact which parallel work of cultural institutions in the field of family has led to the ineffectiveness of the actions of these institutions and caused the cultural policies of the Islamic Republic to be not very successful in this field and the problems related to the issue of the family in the last three decades are currently is an increase.The method of collecting the necessary data to conduct such a research has been the "documentary method", in the framework of which a collection of experiences related to the forty-year "controversies" over the "process of exercising power" in the Islamic Republic of Iran, focusing on the cultural policies of the family area, is recognized and collected. has been These experiences are presented directly or indirectly in the form of a series of books, articles, reports, notes and interviews. This research was conducted in the "interpretative" paradigm and in the "qualitative method". The method of data analysis in this research is done using correlation. This type of research seeks to know the existence of a relationship between variables. It is not necessarily a cause and effect relationship. In this research, the positive and negative correlation between the two variables of cultural institutions and the exercise of power in the political development of the Islamic Republic of Iran is studied.This article does not have a theoretical framework and instead a conceptual framework has been used. This research has tried to use the method of solidarity and institutionalism approach to the concept of political development and with regard to the correlation between parallel cultural institutions and the cultural policies of the family in the Islamic Republic of Iran, the degree of success in exercising government power and its impact on political development in this system. Review. In this article, the theoretical model of "Papitz" "Political Power Exercise Index" has been specifically considered in explaining the challenges of more institutionalization of power and political development in Iran, which is a proposal to understand and make the whole meaningful in the transformation of the exercise of institutionalized political power, formalization. Or, as Papitz says, it is the formalization of the exercise of power.Public policymaking is the manifestation of the will of the government in the field of action. Policy-making in the field of culture is considered one of the most important areas of exercising political power and an indicator of political development. And considering that culture is one of the main components of sustainable development; Policy-making, in which the ability to implement these policies in order to achieve the defined goals, plays an important role in the success of public policies of governments. Culture is one of the most important areas of policymaking, because culture is one of the main components of sustainable development. The studies conducted on the success rate of cultural policies announced in the field of the family during the last two decades clearly show that the implementation of these policies is facing serious challenges and The result of the evaluation of process of family evolution is far from the desired path in these policies. Examining the indicators extracted from the aforementioned policies and evaluating them in Iranian society can draw a better perspective of the degree of realization of the goals of this cultural policy.The conflict between the roles of different cultural institutions in the government and outside it is one of the most important disputes that have been discussed since the first days of the victory of the Islamic Revolution until today. The performance of institutions outside the executive branch has led to the weakness and fragmentation of the country's executive branch due to the overlap of their duties with other institutions of the country, and sometimes it has been accompanied by direct and indirect protests from political and executive authorities. The connection of these institutions with the ideals of the Islamic Revolution has sometimes led them to functions outside of the legal and executive procedures of the country and has become the basis for the dissatisfaction of the executive bodies with the performance of these institutions. At the same time, the executive power of some of these institutions is sometimes wider than the power of the government and outside the supervision of the monitoring devices and elected institutions such as the Islamic Council, which is in conflict with the democratic exercise of political power as an important indicator of political development. In addition to role conflicts, the emergence of "parallel roles" among cultural institutions is one of the main executive problems of the country. The functioning of parallel institutions, the multiplicity of cultural institutions and the overlapping of their duties have often led to conflicts and differences between these institutions, and this has increased the cost of running the country and reduced the accountability of various institutions regarding their functioning, which can be summarized in a final summary. He acknowledged that the result of such a process, in the terms of conceptual framework as well as analytical models of the current article, is considered to reduce and weakness of political development. Many cultural institutions have been established in the country during the years after the revolution, and in some cases parallel work can be seen in the duties of these institutions. This parallelism is due to the lack of attention to the country's general policies and vision, the imprecise explanation of the duties of cultural institutions, the frequent replacement of officials, and the creation of institutions based on fleeting needs.Examining the state of implementation of cultural policies in the field of the family, which has been considered in this research as a special indicator for measuring the success rate of cultural institutions in the Islamic Republic, shows well that according to the cultural state of the country during the last three decades in the field of family such as the decline of the sanctity of the family institution, facilitating divorce and reducing the desire for marriage, the spread of new patterns of choosing a spouse, reducing the generality of marriage and increasing the age of marriage, increasing sexual relations outside of marriage and reducing the desire to have children and making family; It has shown the low efficiency of cultural institutions in this area.
Political Sociology
Seyedeh Leila Sadati; Shoja Ahmadvand
Abstract
The topic of Iranians' self-concept in relation to their government and nation has a profound connection to the study of identity, collective identity, and specifically national identity. All of these concepts are believed to shape an individual's perceptions and behavior. This specific topic, which ...
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The topic of Iranians' self-concept in relation to their government and nation has a profound connection to the study of identity, collective identity, and specifically national identity. All of these concepts are believed to shape an individual's perceptions and behavior. This specific topic, which encompasses more than just traditional expressions of nationalism, such as pride in shared ancestral, historical, and geographic ties, borders, language, culture, and other recognized components of national identity, serves as the focus of this research. The sense of belonging to a national identity is believed to have positive effects including enhancing social cohesion, ethical behavior, patriotism, hope, and trust. "Ibrahim Bey's Travelogue," a critically acclaimed work, is one of the most significant texts that captures the complexities of modern states and societies, particularly leading up to the Constitutional Revolution. It is a travelogue with intricate narrative elements that attempt to paint a detailed and insightful picture of the social and political circumstances of that era. At the same time, it also carefully compares Iranian and Western societies, highlighting the different ways in which they have evolved.The aim of this article is to analyze the most important themes in the Ibrahim Bey's Travelogue and their contribution to the formation of the utopian/dystopian image if Iranian self-concept. This research was conducted through a thematic analysis, involving the extraction of codes, categories, and themes from the first volume of the Ibrahim Bey's Travelogue, which is particularly significant from a political and social standpoint. For this purpose, a deductive approach was taken, based on the main issues which is Iranian Self-concept. Through this method that is a commonly used form of qualitative research often used in psychology and social sciences, a systematic and structured approach to analyzing and organizing data based on themes that emerge from the data is provided.After familiarizing with the data, which is the first step of thematic analysis, initial codes were generated from the main text. These initial codes then were divided into different categories based on the story line, the content of the book itself and the main issues of the research: Iranian Self-concept. In the third step, searching for themes was done after coding the data by finding patterns or themes that emerge from the data. These main themes were as below:Goals of change 2. Tools of change 3. Superior other 4. Inferior other 5. Character of the nationalist (Ibrahim Bey) 6. Depiction of the dystopia (the government and nation) 7. Depiction of the utopia (government and nation) 8. Past golden age of Iran 9. Factors leading to the existing unfortunate situation and 10. Definition of the law.The ultimate objective is to uncover a pattern of themes related to the Iranian state and nation that shape our current understanding of these concepts.The key finding emerges that the concept of "West" serves as the superior "other" in shaping the Iranian self-concept through the framework of cultural cringe and colonial mentality as a concept describing the feeling of inferiority and embarrassment that some individuals in colonized countries feel towards their own culture. According to this concept, individuals in these countries tend to perceive Western culture as superior and admire it, often at the expense of their own culture. This leads to a sense of self-hatred, which can negatively impact an individual's self-esteem and identity. Cultural cringe is often associated with colonial mentality, which describes the psychological effects of colonization on colonized peoples. Cultural cringe also has a significant role in the field of postcolonial studies. Postcolonial studies is an interdisciplinary field which examines the legacies of colonialism and the ways in which colonized societies have struggled to define and assert their own identities. Cultural cringe is just one of the many ways in which colonial power and domination can impact colonized societies. It is important to understand that cultural cringe is not a universal experience, and that it is specific to particular colonized nations and cultures. Despite the negative portrayal of the West, anything that is associated with the superior other is seen as admirable and desirable, while characteristics related to the insider culture are perceived as negative and inferior. As a result, the Iranian state and nation are solely understood through the lens of adapting from this superior other, leading to the dismissal and rejection of insider experiences.This article suggests that the roots of today's cultural cringe can be traced back to the colonial mentality framework as expressed through the texts of that period. In particular, a romanticized relationship with the West played a central role in shaping Iranian identity. Therefore, it is crucial to critically analyze the past and understand the role of colonial narratives in shaping our current perspectives. While we may have come a long way since those early years, we cannot ignore the ongoing effects of colonial mentality and cultural cringe, which still impact our understanding of Iranian society today. The only way to effectively dismantle these problematic discourses is to create an inclusive and open space that recognizes the diversity of perspectives and experiences, which will enable us to develop a more nuanced understanding of Iranian identity and societal issues.
Political Sociology
Abolfazl Delavari; Mohammad Rahbari
Abstract
Rouhani’s promises and programs in the twelfth presidential election created a lot of expectations, especially among his supporters. However, after the victory, he confronted the frustration of many of his supporters and the dissatisfaction of many social groups. The question is how and by what ...
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Rouhani’s promises and programs in the twelfth presidential election created a lot of expectations, especially among his supporters. However, after the victory, he confronted the frustration of many of his supporters and the dissatisfaction of many social groups. The question is how and by what factors this situation was created and what were the consequences. In this article, this question is answered based on an extended model of the theory of "relative deprivation" and by exploring the data available in cyberspace along with the documentary data. The findings of the article demonstrate that the second Rouhani's second administration, on the one hand, had created a high volume of expectations and demands, and on the other hand, from the first days of its establishment, faced increasing restrictions on the fulfillment of these expectations and demands. These constraints are due to several factors. Rising pressure from rival forces and institutions during the arrangement of the cabinet, the withdrawal of US from JCPOA and the escalation of sanctions and inconsistent and contradictory policies of the government, especially in the monetary and budgeting context, were among the most important factors. These factors have deepened the economic crisis, raised inflation, unemployment and poverty, and concerns of the lower and middle classes. This situation provoked a chain of social and political protests in the real world and in cyberspace, especially from January 2018 to August 2018. Although the protests were suppressed, they created political distrust and severe frustration among various groups over the Rouhani government's ability.
Political Sociology
Mohammad Hossein Panahi; Farshad Jamali
Abstract
The view that education should be in accordance with the ideals and goals of the ruling political system is always considered one of the governments and the cultural and social policy makers of the societies main concerns. This is important that in the form of change management, which has always been ...
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The view that education should be in accordance with the ideals and goals of the ruling political system is always considered one of the governments and the cultural and social policy makers of the societies main concerns. This is important that in the form of change management, which has always been considered by the executive managers of the governments. In the investigations related to the government in Iranian society, paying attention to the field of education and creating changes and transformations in it and adapting it to the goals of the Islamic Revolution has always created a challenge between the public sphere and the policy-making sphere in such a way that the issue of change and transformation in Education has become a tragic tragedy. One of the most extensive disputes in recent years between the field of education and the government in the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran is the preparation, approval and implementation of "the fundamental transformation document in education". This important document has been prepared and approved by the highest executive authorities of the government as an upstream document for change and development in the education system.The government in the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran was hoping for such a change and development that the document on the fundamental transformation of education in line with the vision document of 1404 and the comprehensive scientific map of the country and the approvals of the Expediency Council, in the session No.Unfortunately, the implementation process of this document continued facing serious challenges in such a way that after ten years of its approval, it has not been successful in the implementation phase. Therefore, the important point related to the current research is the discussion of social policies that governments apply to change the behavior of large sections of people. In this regard, the purpose of this research was to investigate the process of approving and implementing the document of fundamental transformation in education by adopting the critical approach government in society of the "Joel Migdal". Because from Migdal's point of view and in contrast to Weber's view of this social existence, the government is not a coordinated and coherent entity, but rather a conflicting entity that sometimes works against itself, but this process is not the same for all governments, because governments have the same ability are not. In accordance with Migdal, strong governments are governments that have the necessary abilities to influence, regulate social relations, extract resources and distribute or allocate resources for social transformation through design, policy and program implementation, on the other hand, weak governments are those that are willing or They do not have the ability for making such social changes.The mentioned approach, while providing empirical evidence and conducting field research, deals with the process of making government decisions and their implementation with a different perspective than the Weberian perspective. Therefore, contrary to the state-oriented views that place an important role on the government in the process of transformation of the third world and transitioning countries, she does not consider the government to be the only main player in the political field. In other words, Migdal believes in the dispersion, division and fragmentation of power in networked societies and does not consider the power of the government to be Leviathan-type and maximal.This research was conducted with a qualitative approach and semi-structured interview method in order to collect data and also by using thematic analysis technique to analyze the interviews. A total of 15 interviews were conducted at high levels of policy making and implementation, which led us to the necessary theoretical saturation. The interviewees presented their opinions on topics such as their general attitude towards the fundamental transformation document, the strengths and weaknesses of the document, the obstacles to the implementation of the document, the different types of resistance formed during its implementation, and the role of the education expert body in this regard. The findings of this research show that, as Migdal's theory predicts, the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran is not a unified organization that can easily implement its approved laws. Rather, there are many competitions and disagreements both inside (the taste preferences of the executive authorities, inconsistency between institutions, etc.) and outside it due to the structure of the network society (influence of social political groups and currents, etc.), which hinders the executive It becomes the document of the fundamental transformation of education and similar documents and laws.This review also shows the conflicting interactions of various official and unofficial centers in charge of guiding the people; Centers that try to pull the behavioral and normative pattern of the society in a certain direction, that too in a government structure called formal education and in the form of the Ministry of Education.Of course, such a perception, if it is the statesmen true belief, leads to the simplification of reality and causes statesmen to make unenforceable promises or adopt unenforceable policies without considering the existing facts. Or they don't consider the necessary requirements to implement their policies, the consequences of which are many implementation failures and depriving people of their trust in the government and its ability to solve society's problems. The executive proposal of this plan is for the government to make optimal use of the existing ability in the organized public sphere in order to find problems and provide solutions, especially in the field of education; Failure to include this importance (not considering public demands and demands) in the formulation and implementation of transformational and structural plans will not only lead to the implementation stage; But in the end, it will cause society's disappointment in political institutions and reduce the society's political trust.
Political Sociology
Nejat Mohammadifar; Ehsan Kazemi
Abstract
Imagining government as a powerful and all-encompassing institution which effectively controls a geopolitical area has affected the basic role of this institution in the development discourse. Because the government is considered as the main basis of political, economic and social order, its representative ...
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Imagining government as a powerful and all-encompassing institution which effectively controls a geopolitical area has affected the basic role of this institution in the development discourse. Because the government is considered as the main basis of political, economic and social order, its representative role is significant. Today, many thinkers and international organizations believe that the government still plays an essential role in advancing the process of development and poverty reduction but the problem is that always some governments have not been able or willing to play the expected roles. Many governments, due to various social, political, economic and structural reasons do not have the ability and capacities necessary for carring out development and poverty reduction, or basically do not show much political desire and will in this regard. Since the 1990s, those states that their governments lack the necessary ability to perform normal functions and lead their society to development have been known as fragile states. This is a concept that is more related to developing countries. On the basis of this, the main question of the current research is "what are the criteria for evaluating the capacity and willingness of fragile states in planning for development and poverty reduction?" The research method used in this research is systematic review and information are collected using library tools and internet resources. The theoretical framework of the research is based on Torres and Anderson (2004). From the point of view of Torres and Anderson, the development capacities of a government include the foundations of government authority, administrative capacity and efficiency, economic efficiency and the effective exercise of political power. A government that lacks these capacities or has these features just to a limited extent will lose its capacity and ability to advance development and reduce poverty to a large extent. In addition, from thier point of view, along with these features, the political will for development and poverty reduction must exist at the top of the government. In other word there should be an explicit political statement that shows the commitment and desire of a government to advance development and poverty reduction programs. As well, in this direction, attention should be paid to the existence of strategies, tools and motivations for implementation, so that services are provided in the best possible way and has the character of inclusiveness. Finally, Torres and Anderson (2004) present a fourfold typology of governments (weak willingness and capacity governments, strong willingness and weak capacity governments, strong willingness and capacity governments, and weak willingness and strong capacity governments) that can be used to identify the criteria for evaluating the capacity of fragile states in development planning and poverty reduction. The results of the research findings show that governments in fragile states could have a proper planning in order to improve development capacities and reduce poverty by strengthening the foundations of authority, effective exercise of political power, efficiency in macroeconomic management, administrative capacity for implementation, along with the political commitment to reduce poverty and provide comprehensive services. Based on this, the governments that have weak political desire and will, even if they have the necessary capacities for development and poverty reduction, will not succeed. Similarly, those states that have a strong political desire and will but lack the necessary capacities, will not be successful. In transition countries, where governments are usually more fragile, rapid changes may lead to instability. Therefore, it should be emphasized on gradual reforms and more accountability of governments in these countries. As the Iraq experience clearly shows, dramatic changes—including a sudden move toward fully competitive elections—in countries with weak cohesion, fragile institutions, and a history of intergroup hostility can be highly explosive and undermine the entire reform agenda. So, it is better to give priority to solidarity and security and gradually carry out broader reforms in the field of development and poverty reduction so that do not explicitly threaten the status quo. Limits such as increasing transparency and carrying out budgeting methods, strengthening non-governmental organizations, creating a strong civil society, strengthening public cohesion and trust, increasing income and reducing unemployment, improving the rule of law and the government's capacity to judge and implement it can improve relations between governments and people and provide the basis for other actions. It seems that the biggest determining factors eventually are the government, its leadership, policies and institutions; This does not mean ignoring the role of the society as sustainable development requires roles of both government and society. The development-seeking government and the development-seeking society, with their desire and high capacities for development, are the key to success in the advancing development and poverty reduction.
