Political Thought
Dariush Rahmati; Anahita Motazed Rad
Abstract
The Religious Foundations of the State in Ancient Iran, the Case Study of the Sasanid EraAbstract: State is a modern concept in the field of governance and administration of society, that its existence seems necessary for any socio-political order in any society. The concept of State, also, is one of ...
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The Religious Foundations of the State in Ancient Iran, the Case Study of the Sasanid EraAbstract: State is a modern concept in the field of governance and administration of society, that its existence seems necessary for any socio-political order in any society. The concept of State, also, is one of the critical concepts in ancient Iran with the foundation of the Median Era and the alliance of immigrant Aryans and resident Iranians. Regarding this, the concept of state in ancient Iran can be understood and explained in Iranian culture as an institution for the implementation of worldliness in the framework of the “Shahriari” (Royalty) concept. This thought that started in the Median Era, was transformed and consolidated in the Achaemenid, Parthian and Sassanid Era. As a result, It was in the Sassanid that the connection between politics and religion reached its conceptual peak in the realm of royal politics and Religion as a formal institution entered to politics and the religious class became the first class in ancient Iranian social fabric. The period of encounter between the newly arrived Aryans and the natives of Iran not only did not cause any distortion of political thought, but even hardly caused a minimum of political order and civility (the basic feature of the state). The coalition of the Aryan immigrants and the natives of Iran in the western region created a new life for them, the first characteristic of which was the emergence of a civil society, specifically a society with a professional classification hierarchy. The main reason for the emergence of civil society characterized by the formation of classes and the subsequent unification of many Aryan tribes under the banner of "Diao Ko" and the establishment of the first state in ancient Iran can be the result of the proximity, familiarity and influence of neighboring civilizations (Mesopotamia) knew. Therefore, the beginning of Diaoco's rule can be considered as the beginning of the formation of the ruling institution based on the Shahi political thought, which itself was rooted in a group of beliefs and convictions of the worldview of Iranians, the most important components and elements of this thought were:a) alignment of religion and politics, b) tendency to monotheism, c) Division of social work, d) The end of political life. Regarding the points, the paper is to find an answer for the following question:” which kinds of conditions and reasons as well as developments in theory and practice provided the contexts and led to establish the first religious state the Sassanians in ancient Iran? In this regard and through the “historical sociology method”, and the primary and secondary peer-rieview sources , the paper has been tried to scrutinize the contexts of philosophical-political concepts of the royal thought (Ideal King, Shahriar Armani) of ancient Iran from the Median period and examine the existing political conditions and its developments in the Achaemenid and Parthian Era as main and basic reasons in theory and practice. The findings of the paper confirm the main hypothesis of the research that the establishment of the first government with religious foundations in the Sassanid Era was the result of the evolution in the structures of royal political thought (religion), political (king) and social (family and classes) domains in the eras Achaemenids and Parthians. Based on the above explanations, the religious foundations of the state and the centralization of political power, as a characteristic of the Sassanid period, constitute the main problem of this research, which was well manifested in the continuation of the idea of "the divine origin of power" or "heavenly legitimacy of the king". continued. Key words: religious government, ancient Iran, Fareh Izadi, Shah Armani (Ideal King), Iranshahri (Iranian-State) thought, Sassanid government
Political Thought
Ebrahim Abbasi; َAdel Nemati
Abstract
Conceptualization of the Idea of Iran Based on:"Iran as a Civilizational Nation"Ebrahim Abbassi, Associate Professor Political Sciences, Shiraz University, Iranorcid:ooo-ooo2-1420-9556 Adel Nemati, Ph.D. in Political Sciences, Shiraz University, Iranorcid: 0009-0001-8870-9385IntroductionThe Iranian agent, ...
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Conceptualization of the Idea of Iran Based on:"Iran as a Civilizational Nation"Ebrahim Abbassi, Associate Professor Political Sciences, Shiraz University, Iranorcid:ooo-ooo2-1420-9556 Adel Nemati, Ph.D. in Political Sciences, Shiraz University, Iranorcid: 0009-0001-8870-9385IntroductionThe Iranian agent, before encountering the civilizational order of Western modernity in their historical context, possessed this historical awareness that they had to shape their destiny on two levels: First: How to create a connector or intermediary among the diverse and various Iranian ethnic groups and religions within the shared geographic bedrock of the Iranian plateau. This connector would serve as a foundation for achieving the technology of "Iranian Peace" within the geographic territory of the Iranian plateau. Second: How to create an intermediary and modality between rulers and the governed, through which they could access the technology of the "Iranian State" in their history. Accessing the technology of "Iranian Peace" and the technology of the "Iranian State" represents two formations of the Iranian governance order. This governance order and its technologies are referred to in this article using the theories of Hegel and some other contemporary theorists of "civilization."The fundamental question of this article is the conceptualization of governance and its nature in Iranian politics and its relation to the nature of governance in the West. The historical nature of governance in the foundational history of Iran, before encountering the civilizational order of Western modernity in the 16th century, cannot be articulated within the dual models of governance in the West, namely "empire" and "nation-state." Instead, this foundational history, based on the geographical and historical components of Iran, possesses a distinct historical structure from the dual Western models of governance. In this article, we have conceptualized this governance model as a "civilizational nation." The idea of a civilizational nation is conceptualized based on James Rosenau's concept of governance and the Hegelian concept of " Avfheben". Based on the concept of the "civilizational nation," the research findings show that the idea of Iran in its history has had the following three levels:1. "Iran": The object of Iran's geographical territory as an independent and non-constructed ontological object with an eternal and everlasting nature.2. "Iranian": The pluralism of various and opposing ethnic groups and religions as social agents that have been constructed and are constantly undergoing historical transformation. 3. "Governance Technologies of the Iranian Civilizational Nation": Mechanisms of governance or ruling without the relationship of dominance and subjugation between rulers and the ruled, and between the various and diverse Iranian ethnic groups and religions with the shared geographical bedrock of the Iranian plateau, which mediate between the concept of "Iran" and the concept of "Iranian."ObjectiveNarrating the foundational history of pre-modern Iran based on the governance order of the "Iranian Civilizational Nation" and the governance technologies of "Iranian Peace" and the "Iranian State" that will be presented in this article, represents a reversal of the official and dominant interpretations in discourses on "underdevelopment," such as Mohammad Ali Homayoun Katouzian's reading of "Iranian Despotism," Aramesh Dustdar's "The Impossibility of Thinking in the Religious Culture," Mahmoud Sariolghalam's "Tribal Characteristics of Iranians," Ahmad Ashraf's "Patriarchal Tribal Despotism," and others, which conceptualize the pre-modern historical past of Iranians as the "cause of underdevelopment" in modern times. Contrary to the narratives of "underdevelopment," the concept of the "Iranian Civilizational Nation" conceptualizes the historical past of Iranians before their encounter with the civilizational order of Western modernity not as a "decadent past" but as a "developed past." In this view, the Iranian agent, considering their geographical and historical singularities, was able to articulate their unique governance order in their history. This order or governance technology allowed them to achieve "peace" within their territorial geography and access the "art of connecting" rulers and the ruled in their history.MethodIn this article, the idea of Iran as a civilizational nation is discussed by borrowing from James Rosenau's discussions on governance and Hegel's concept of the concrete universal, with modifications and adjustments made by the authors. The research method in this article is the "history of thought" or "history of ideas." The following foundational principles can be outlined for the conceptualization of this scientific method. The combination of the "descriptive-explanatory" method with the "prescriptive-normative" method is one of the features of the scientific method of the "history of ideas."Research Findings In narrating the history of the Iranian nation within the theoretical framework of the "civilizational nation," we observe a fundamental distinction between the concept of "Iran" as an ontological object, independent of the Iranian subject, eternal and everlasting within the natural boundaries of the geographical territory of the Iranian plateau, and the concept of "Iranian" as a constructed, historical, temporary, and variable subject in history, corresponding to the diverse and non-reducible ethnicities and religions. In the reading of the "Iranian Civilizational Nation," coordination and connection are established between the source of continuity and stability of the Iranian nation, which is the concept of "Iran," and the source of change and transformation in the Iranian nation, which is the concept of "Iranian," through a third level that acts as an intermediary and modality between the two levels of "Iran" and "Iranian." This third level in the "Iranian Civilizational Nation" is the Iranian governance order, which historically acted as an intermediary between the source of continuity and historical stability of "Iran" and the source of change and historical transformation of "Iranian" in the foundational history of Iran before the encounter with the civilizational order of Western modernity. This governance order, through its modality between the geographical territory of the Iranian plateau and the various and diverse Iranian ethnic groups and religions, formed the technology of "Iranian Peace," and through the intermediary between rulers and the ruled, created the technology of the "Iranian State."ConclusionBefore encountering the West, Iranians were able to develop governance technologies as intermediaries between points of unity and diversity in their foundational history. These technologies, independent of individuals and personal power, led to the formation of the "art of connecting," nation-building, integration, historical continuity, stability, and long-term historical perspective.In the governance order of Iranian peace, we observed the technology of unity in diversity through the triad (Nowruz / King of Kings / Royal Road), linking the geographic unity of the Iranian plateau with the diversity of various Iranian ethnic groups and religions in ancient Iran's foundational history. Similarly, in the governance order of the Iranian state, we saw the technology of governance through the triad (Iranian etiquette / Iranian ministry / Dehgân), uniting Arab, Turkmen, and Mongol rulers and conquerors with the diversity of Iranian City in foundational Iranian history.This process began to decline from the mid-reign of Shah Abbas of the Safavid dynasty with Iran's encounter with the West and its efforts to Europeanize, although it had continued well during ancient Iran, the Islamic period, and even the Mongol era. The attempt to Europeanize and eliminate these intermediaries has been the main obstacle to revisiting them and combining Iranian peace and the Iranian state over the past four centuries. The repetition of these orders depends on returning to them with an interpretation that aligns with contemporary needs.Keywords: Civilizational Nation; Governance; Iranian Peace; Iranian State.
Political Thought
Ziba Shams; Zekrollah Mohammadi
Abstract
The problemFrom the very beginning of their entry into the political arena of the Islamic world, the Seljuks resorted to various tools to legitimize their political power and consolidate their rule. Gaining the approval of the Abbasid Caliphs was one of the primary and most significant of these instruments, ...
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The problemFrom the very beginning of their entry into the political arena of the Islamic world, the Seljuks resorted to various tools to legitimize their political power and consolidate their rule. Gaining the approval of the Abbasid Caliphs was one of the primary and most significant of these instruments, which can be considered the core element of the Caliphate-centered legitimacy model. Toghrul, much like his Buyid predecessor, 'Adud al-Dawla al-Daylami, appeared before the Caliph in the Dar al-Khilafa of Baghdad unarmed and prostrated himself on the ground before him. It appears that during the era of Toghrul’s rule and in the early years of Seljuk ascendancy, they were not in a position to conceive a new definition for their relationship with the Caliphate. Therefore, Toghrul, by modeling himself on the conduct of 'Adud al-Dawla al-Daylami and repeating the ceremonial presentation before the Abbasid Caliph, imitated the same legitimization system established by the Buyid Amirs.During the reigns of Alp Arslan and Malik-Shah, while maintaining this tool of legitimacy, the Seljuq Sultans, influenced by the thoughts of Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk, the Vizier, and Imam Muhammad al-Ghazali, moved toward another tool for acquiring legitimacy. Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk, in his Siyasatnama, attributes the happiness of both worlds to a monarchy that possesses divine Farrah (Royal Glory). Al-Ghazali, in his Nasihat al-Muluk (Advice to Kings), introduced the Sultan as the shadow of God on Earth.This trend persisted until the era of Sultan Sanjar (511–552 AH). However, during this time, the relationship between the Caliphate and the Sultanate entered a new phase, for which the letters and decrees of Sultan Sanjar—preserved in the Munsha’at Leningrad and later in the book Utbat al-Kataba—serve as the best documentation.BackgroundRegarding the issue of legitimacy in the Seljuq state, numerous studies and researches have been conducted, with scholars examining it from various angles. Lambton, in the seventh chapter of her book State and Government in Islam, investigates the relationship between the Sultanate and the Caliphate in Sunni thought by reviewing the views of Imam al-Haramayn al-Juwayni and especially Imam Muhammad al-Ghazali. The late Dr. Seyyed Javad Tabataba’i, in his works, discussed the issue of the legitimacy of the Seljuq state and its connection to the Abbasid Caliphate based on the concept of Iranshahr (Iranian-world concept) and the role of Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk. Omid Safi, in his book Politics/Knowledge in the Islamic World, examined legitimacy in the Seljuq period based on Foucault’s and Althusser’s theories, emphasizing the convergence of epistemology and ideology and underscoring the role of scientific and religious institutions in legitimization. Taghi Azad Armaki and Maryam Kamali, in their article “Political Legitimacy and Power Structure in the Government of the Seljuks,” addressed the legitimacy of the Seljuks from the beginning until the end of Malik-Shah’s reign, examining it based on Max Weber’s theory of legitimacy.As is evident, none of the cited studies have explored the Seljuq legitimacy model from the perspective of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) theory. Amidst this, there are a limited number of works that analyze historical letters based on Fairclough’s model. Among these, one can mention the Master’s thesis titled “Critical Discourse Analysis of the Translation of the Letter of Imam Ali (AS) to Malik al-Ashtar,” written by Masihollah Nemati, and the Ph.D. dissertation titled “Stylistic Analysis of Imam Ghazali’s Letters with a Critical Discourse Analysis Approach,” conducted by Maryam Darpar at Ferdowsi University of Mashhad in 2011, which was recently published as a book. The significance of these theses lies in their direct application of CDA to the level of letters, which is also the subject of the current research. Although the above studies are not directly related to the topic of the present article, they have nevertheless provided useful theoretical and framework information for the authors of this paper.MethodCritical Discourse Analysis theory, known as “CDA” in specialized discourse analysis texts, was founded by the English linguist and researcher Norman Fairclough in 1989, based on the theories of Michel Foucault. Fairclough, in his book Critical Discourse Analysis, mentions three essential and primary characteristics for “CDA,” which are: Relational, Dialectical, and Trans-disciplinary. Accordingly, his three-tiered model of critical analysis consists of:1)Description: The first level of Fairclough’s critical discourse production is the description level, which examines the formalistic and superficial characteristics of the text. He describes these apparent features in three domains: Vocabulary, Grammar, and Textual Structure. At this level, every word is chosen with specific objectives; therefore, one of the initial steps in the critical analysis of texts is the recognition and identification of words and phrases that carry a specific semantic load.2)Interpretation: This focuses on the relationship between the text and its interaction with existing or prior discourses in society—specifically, which existing or prior discourses the author has utilized to produce their discourse and text, and conversely, how the researcher employs these discourses to interpret the existing text. In other words, the researcher seeks to answer the following questions: Who created the text? Who is the audience? Who is involved? And what relationships exist?3)Explanation: The third and final stage of critical analysis is explanation, where the interactions and the rationale behind the discourse production are examined in relation to social conditions. At this stage, the discourse is analyzed as part of a social process: What social conditions led to the emergence of this discourse? And is the existing discourse seeking to maintain or change the structures?The purpose of the research: The subject of discourse analysis can also be framed historically. Since discourse analysis views everything from the perspective of language and narration, considering the world as nothing more than text and narrative, historical narratives, texts, and letters can be examined and analyzed within this theoretical framework. It appears that among the numerous discourse analysis theories, Norman Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis can be one of the best frameworks for historical investigations. One of the most authoritative historical letters is the letter of Sultan Sanjar Seljuq to the Vizier al-Mustarshid Billah al-Abbasi. Given these explanations, the research question is: From the perspective of Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis, what transformation in the discourse of legitimacy for the Seljuq state is indicated by Sultan Sanjar’s letter to the Abbasid Caliph?Findings and ConclusionsIn the analysis of this letter based on Fairclough’s CDA, the following results were obtained: At the description level and in terms of vocabulary, Sultan Sanjar, by highlighting his own Sultanate-centered discourse and marginalizing the Caliphate-centered discourse, defines the source of legitimacy for his role as inheritance, personal entitlement, and divine. At the interpretation level, Sultan Sanjar is influenced by the new view of the Sultanate propagated by al-Ghazali, which posits the Seljuq Sultan as the shadow of God on Earth. Finally, at the explanation level, within the context of the social events and historical transformations of that period, it can be argued that the confrontation between Sultan Sanjar and al-Mustarshid al-Abbasi compelled Sultan Sanjar to replace the dominant Caliphate-centered discourse with his own Sultanate-centered discourse.
Political Thought
Rouhollah Eslami; Somayeh Maleki
Abstract
Governance is the same as governance and means the techniques and strategies that take place on the population in a geographical area. The logic of governance has gone through three periods of metaphysics, mechanics and quantum. Political thought from Machiavelli to Marx belongs to the period of mechanical ...
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Governance is the same as governance and means the techniques and strategies that take place on the population in a geographical area. The logic of governance has gone through three periods of metaphysics, mechanics and quantum. Political thought from Machiavelli to Marx belongs to the period of mechanical rule. In this article, governance meaning the logic of government and governance at three levels of principles, institutions and techniques has been considered and the framework of Foucault and religion theory has been used to interpret the texts. The evolution of governance from metaphysical to physical and the emergence of mechanical governance are directly related to governance practices based on modern political logic and wisdom and the emergence of humanities and new technologies. This article examines the establishment, glory, and decline of mechanical rule. The ideas of Machiavelli, Hobbes, and the social contract were formulated and established in the form of mechanical rule, and flourished with the intellectual efforts of Montesquieu, Kant, Hegel, Mill, and others. The next century saw Nozick, Habermas (and postmodern critics) come up with alternative techniques for overcoming bottlenecks. Throughout the article, the principles, institutions and techniques of mechanical governance are analyzed. Throughout the article, the principles, institutions and techniques of mechanical governance are analyzed. The article shows that from Machiavelli to Marx we see the formation of the mechanics of power and the establishment, glory and decline of mechanical rule.
Political Thought
Mohammad Abdolahpour Chenari
Abstract
Extended Abstract
Introduction
Behemoth is one of Hobbes’s most important and final works. Its significance for research lies not in its references to historical events or the links between its arguments and historical materials. Instead, its value stems from addressing a fundamental question: ...
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Extended Abstract
Introduction
Behemoth is one of Hobbes’s most important and final works. Its significance for research lies not in its references to historical events or the links between its arguments and historical materials. Instead, its value stems from addressing a fundamental question: what causes the collapse and downfall of newly established states? Centered around that same Hobbesian concern, the present study aimed to understand the conditions under which newly established states fail, and the factors that lead to their downfall. A central assumption of the study is that collapse is fundamentally a cognitive phenomenon. In the realm of political knowledge, the issues of collapse and fall are as vital as those of establishment and continuity. This idea also resonates within the Iranian intellectual tradition, particularly in Siasatnameh by Khajeh Nizam al-Mulk. Hobbes is a fitting figure for this research, not only for his insights as a thinker of the New Testament, but also for recognizing that the collapse of newly established states—what we might now call in the modern context artificial persons characterized by political sovereignty—is a defining problem of the modern age. This age has seen repeated regressions into the state of nature, civil war, and national disintegration. For Hobbes, the breakdown of the state involves two dimensions: the legal aspect, addressed in Leviathan, which concerns the moment of the establishment of the state; and the mental or psychological aspect as discussed in Behemoth, which relates to the continuity of power. Before Hobbes, Machiavelli had tackled a similar issue in Discourses, using the decline of the ancient Roman as a historical case. In contrast, Hobbes philosophically examined the collapse of state authority in the context of 17th-century England, particularly during the reign of Charles I. He developed a more expansive theory of state collapse in newly established states and offered an innovative solution that went beyond Machiavelli’s emphasis on brute force.
Materials and Methods
This research adopted a cognitive psychology approach to analyze Hobbes’s thought. This method is chosen because alternative approaches—such as Quentin Skinner’s hermeneutic intentionalism, John Donne’s biographical method, or Strauss’s reading between the lines—do not adequately address mental and psychological metaphors. These approaches primarily focus on political concepts, often overlooking the significance of psychological factors. Gardner (2017) suggests that the cognitive approach seeks to illustrate how mentalities within a political society evolve. He argues that individuals’ mindsets can shift in response to various empirical conditions. One such condition is exposure to environments where diverse beliefs and convictions—often at odds with one’s own—are presented. Another is the experience of trauma, which can profoundly alter a person’s outlook on their surroundings. In addition, encounters with enlightened or influential figures can prompt shifts in perspective. These changes may occur suddenly, such as a rapid shift in religious belief, or gradually over time (Gardner, 2017, p. 101). Ultimately, metaphors play a crucial role in explaining these changes—whether they are the metaphors used by thinkers to interpret the world or those through which ordinary people perceive politics.
Results and Discussion
According to Carl Schmitt, the metaphor of leviathan in Hobbes’s political theory suggests that just as the establishment of the modern state is rooted in political matters, so is the collapse of newly founded states dependent on political and cognitive factors. On the one hand, behemoth serves as a metaphor within a religious context, illustrating the relationship between the Creator and the creature, as well as the dynamics between limited and unlimited power. On the other hand, this concept carries an additional metaphorical significance, implying that collapse, unlike a simple fall, is primarily a mental phenomenon influenced by human cognitive beliefs. Accordingly, the demise of a state should be understood in terms of its mental dimensions, rather than its natural aspect—defined as the end of political power. Hobbes argued that beliefs such as the desire for power and self-interest have led individuals to conflict with one another, prompting a regression to a more primitive state and creating challenges for newly established states. The historical expression of these dual beliefs is evident in the concepts of salvation and liberation. The first belief highlights the issue of sin, positing that the path to salvation involves seeking forgiveness and pardon, which, over time, has undermined the authority of the ruling prince. Conversely, the second belief addresses oppression, suggesting that liberation can be achieved through popular rule—emphasizing the necessity of eradicating tyranny by invoking historical references and contemporary events. In the context of Hobbes’s cognitive framework presented in this work, the notion of departure emerges as a fundamental belief. He contends that realizing and maintaining security depends on creating political fear and instilling a sense of political subordination. This approach is arguably more problematic than the previously mentioned beliefs. According to Hobbes, this educational endeavor should aim to purge the populace of these two rebellious beliefs, fostering obedience and compliance with the ruler’s mandates. The ultimate goal of this education is to cultivate a politically constructed individual—a subject entirely submissive and perceived as the foundation of the prince’s power.
Political Thought
Ehsan Kazemi; Morteza Kazemi
Abstract
Extended AbstractIntroduction Any attempt to review the history of philosophical thought inevitably begins with ancient Greece. As the cradle of political thought, ancient Greece holds an influential position in the history of political thought. Thus, examining political thought in ancient Greece remains ...
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Extended AbstractIntroduction Any attempt to review the history of philosophical thought inevitably begins with ancient Greece. As the cradle of political thought, ancient Greece holds an influential position in the history of political thought. Thus, examining political thought in ancient Greece remains a compelling area of study for historians of political thought. A critical aspect of ancient Greek political thought is its evolution and the elements that influenced its development. Historians of political thought argue that various elements—such as governance systems, culture, and geography—served as key drivers in shaping political thought in ancient Greece. Understanding these elements provides deeper insight not only into ancient Greek political thinking but also into the broader development of Western political thought. In this respect, the present study aimed to analyze the role and significance of the discourse on the polis in the evolution of political thought in ancient Greece. The central question guiding this research is: What influence did the emergence of the polis have on the foundations of thought in ancient Greece? The research is based on the hypothesis that the rise of the polis as a dominant discourse not only influenced daily political relations in ancient Greece but also played a decisive role in the development of political thought as a distinct field of knowledge. In other words, political thought, as a form of historical knowledge, evolved according to the norms of discourse formation and transformation.Materials and MethodsThe current study employed discourse analysis as the methodological approach to explore the underlying logic behind the formation of political thought in ancient Greece.Results and DiscussionAccording to the research methodology, the prevailing discourse of each era significantly shapes its modes of thought. In the monarchical discourse, mythical thinking—shaped by dominant values andnorms—laid the foundation for a specific form of thought known as mythical thought. This discourse constructed methods and models of thinking that would reproduce the dominant discourse. With the transition from the monarchical discourse to the discourse on the polis, it was not only the political order that underwent change but also the entirety of Greek social and political life. Beyond shifts in lifestyle and living models, a new mode of thinking emerged within the polis discourse. This new paradigm marked a shift from mythical to rational thought, emphasizing rationality over instinctual or national aspects of the human. This transformation reshaped the nature of relations between political institutions. As a result, the foundation of political legitimacy and stability moved away from metaphysical or mythical justifications toward an earthly, citizen-centered foundation.ConclusionThis research examined the discourse on the polis in contrast with the discourse of monarchy, outlining several transitional stages from the monarchy to the polis. The first stage involved the crisis and eventual decline of the hegemonic monarchical discourse. The second stage marked the emergence and consolidation of the polis as the new dominant discourse. The third and final stage was characterized by the structuring of the discursive elements of political thought around a central sign, namely the polis itself. With the transition from the discourse of monarchy to that of the polis or city-state, not only did the political order change, but the entire social and political life of the Greeks was transformed. Beyond mere biological changes, a new mode of thinking emerged within the discourse of the polis. In thisA new way of thinking, rational thought gradually replaced mythical thinking, and rationalism led to the emergence of political thought.
Political Thought
Hussein Gholami; Vahidreza Masoumi
Abstract
Extended AbstractProblem Definition This exploration of the intersection between Republican theory and criminal law as the last and least resort highlights a significant dialogue on freedom, justice, and governance. The concept of "liberty as non-domination," articulated by scholars like Philip Pettit, ...
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Extended AbstractProblem Definition This exploration of the intersection between Republican theory and criminal law as the last and least resort highlights a significant dialogue on freedom, justice, and governance. The concept of "liberty as non-domination," articulated by scholars like Philip Pettit, challenges traditional liberal notions of freedom that prioritize personal autonomy. This redefinition is particularly relevant in contemporary criminal justice discussions, where it has profound implications for state power and individual rights.This research explores the intersection of Republican theory and the principle of criminal law as a last and least resort, highlighting critical issues surrounding freedom, justice, and governance. The concept of "liberty as non-domination," articulated by Philip Pettit, challenges traditional liberal views that prioritize individual autonomy. This redefinition is particularly pertinent in contemporary criminal justice discussions, where it impacts state power and individual rights.There exists a fundamental tension between Republicanism and the punitive measures typical of modern legal systems, which often emphasize retribution and deterrence over communal responsibility and protection from arbitrary state actions. This research addresses the potential for integrating Republican ideals into criminal law, advocating for restorative practices and greater citizen participation.In the context of Iranian legal thought, the adoption of Republican principles could foster transformative insights, particularly in advancing restorative justice frameworks that promote healing and community engagement. By critiquing existing retributive frameworks, this research aims to illuminate pathways toward a more just and participatory legal system that embodies the principles of freedom, justice, and communal responsibility.The questions of the paper areFundamental deviation: It questions whether Republican theory fundamentally deviates from contemporary understandings of criminal law.Theoretical Foundations: It seeks whether Republican theory provides the necessary theoretical support for the principle of criminal law as the last and least resort.Implications for Justice: It investigates how the principles of Republican thought can inform and enhance justice systems, especially in the context of restorative justice and community engagement. The purpose of the paper is to explore the relationship between Republican theory and the principle of criminal law as the last and least resort, particularly in the context of Iranian legal discourse. It aims to:Analyze the concept of freedom as non-domination and its implications for justice and governance.Critique the limitations of retributive and consequentialist approaches in modern criminal law, highlighting their role in perpetuating power imbalances.Advocate for the principle that criminalization should be a last resort, promoting restorative practices over punitive measures.Investigate whether Republican theory diverges fundamentally from modern criminal law and how it can support the last and least resort principle.Enhance the understanding of justice in Iran by integrating Republican principles and emphasizing citizen empowerment and community engagement in the legal system.Overall, the paper seeks to enrich the understanding of how Republican theory can inform and transform contemporary approaches to criminal justice.Methodology: Literature Review: A comprehensive examination of existing literature on Republican theory, liberty as non-domination, and modern criminal law. This includes works by key scholars like Quentin Pettit, and John Braithwaite, and historical texts from Machiavelli and ancient Roman legal traditions. Conceptual Analysis: Analyzing the definitions and implications of key concepts such as "freedom," "domination," and "criminal law as last and least resort" within the context of both Republican and liberal theories.The findings of this research are as follows:Integration of Republican Theory: Republican theory effectively informs contemporary criminal law discussions, particularly through the concept of "liberty as non-domination."Support for Criminal law as the last and least resort: The principles of Republicanism advocate for criminal law as the last and least resort, arguing that criminalization should be a last resort and promoting restorative justice over punitive measures.Critique of Existing Frameworks: Modern retributive and consequentialist approaches are critiqued for perpetuating social inequalities and failing to protect individuals from domination.Theoretical Divergence: There is a fundamental divergence between Republican and liberal theories regarding freedom and the state's role in justice, with Republicanism offering a more social understanding of freedom.Implications for Iranian Legal Discourse: Incorporating Republican ideas into Iranian legal discussions can enhance the understanding of justice and promote restorative practices.ConclusionThe Republican tradition was revitalized in the late 20th century, offering an alternative to liberal theory by redefining liberty as non-domination. Contemporary Republicans critique modern criminal law for its individualistic focus and lack of coherent normative theory. They emphasize that the primary aim of criminalization should be to protect fundamental rights and freedoms, warning against methods that impose domination. The principle of criminal law as last and least resort emerges as central, advocating for a broad definition of crime to limit state power over individuals. This perspective ultimately contributed to the development of restorative justice as a new approach to addressing social norm violations.
Political Thought
Reza Javid
Abstract
IntroductionThe Takyeh Dowlat, a significant architectural structure from the Naseri period, played a crucial role in the development of political theology during both the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah and the Constitutional Revolution in Iran. Allegorically, the building can be seen as representing the ...
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IntroductionThe Takyeh Dowlat, a significant architectural structure from the Naseri period, played a crucial role in the development of political theology during both the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah and the Constitutional Revolution in Iran. Allegorically, the building can be seen as representing the end of the Constitutional Revolution and the emergence of a new government. So far, most research on the Takyeh Dowlat has focused on descriptive accounts of its construction, emphasizing its spatial and architectural features, as well as its social and ritual functions. In an attempt to move beyond the mere architectural analysis and social descriptions, the present study aimed to apply Walter Benjamin’s historical theory and methodology to interpret the building as a historical allegory of political theology spanning the pre-Constitutional, Constitutional, and post-Constitutional periods. The study sought to examine the Takyeh Dowlat as an allegory for the rise and fall of political theology, analyzing the building’s allegorical dimension and contrasting it with its symbolic grandeur. The allegorical interpretation was discussed concerning the formation of the Constitutional Revolution in Iran. The results highlighted the tension between the allegorical and the symbolic, with the Takyeh Dowlat symbolizing the emergence of new conquerors while simultaneously serving as an allegory for destruction and decay. This allegorical reading of political theology is historically significant, not only during the Constitutional era but also in subsequent periods, as it continued to influence the history and politics of Iran.Materials and MethodsThis research adopted Walter Benjamin’s approach of allegorical reading of history. Benjamin contrasts the allegorical reading with the symbolic interpretation of history. Symbolic history centers on conquerors, imbuing them with glory, mystery, and a sense of transhistorical significance. In the symbolic view, history finds a linear and unifying process that connects histories of triumphs. In contrast, allegory engages with themes of destruction and decay, focusing on the neglected and thus aligning itself with the defeated. The allegorical reading views history through fragments, ruptures, and ruins, inevitably turning our attention to the defeated and the deprived. Concerning the present study, Naser al-Din Shah’s political will to build the Takyeh Dowlat and establish its associated ceremonies and rituals can be considered as a form of symbolizing theology for political exploitation. If so, in the later periods, the building would take on an allegorical dimension due to the potential possibility of liberation. For this purpose, Benjamin’s method proved useful by addressing both the possibility of salvation in theology and the destruction and decay of worldly happiness and salvation.Results and DiscussionNasir al-Din Shah developed an interest in theaters during his travels to Western countries. On returning to Iran, he sought to replicate them. Facing opposition from religious scholars, he decided to construct a building dedicated to religious performances. Through the rituals held in this space, he recognized the influence of theology on the masses. After Nasir al-Din Shah’s death, the building became a site for public protests during the Constitutional Revolution. Many mass protests mirrored the rituals previously held there, infusing the revolution with a theological color. In this way, the building played an important role in transforming religious rituals into a social movement. Following the victory of the Constitutional Revolution, however, the Takyeh Dowlat was largely forgotten. With the rise of Reza Khan, it regained attention. The Constituent Assembly convened there, and Reza Khan took his oath as king within its walls. Afterward, the Takyeh Dowlat, having sunk into obscurity once more, was destroyed during the Second Pahlavi.ConclusionThe Takyeh Dowlat can be viewed as an allegory of political theology. During the Naseri period, it was intended to symbolize the ruling religious policy, but during the Constitutional Revolution, it became an allegory of revolutionary liberation. In the post-constitutional era, the Takyeh Dowlat represented the decay and destruction of the ideals of the Constitutional Revolution, serving as the place where new rulers and conquerors established their dynasties.
Political Thought
Sadegh Saffarzadeh; Mohammad Javad Gholam Reza Kashi
Abstract
IntroductionHistorians and political scientists have long debated the key influences of the Founding Fathers of the United States in establishing the government and drafting the Constitution. Thinkers like John Locke, Montesquieu, Algernon Sidney, and James Harrington are frequently cited, yet the influence ...
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IntroductionHistorians and political scientists have long debated the key influences of the Founding Fathers of the United States in establishing the government and drafting the Constitution. Thinkers like John Locke, Montesquieu, Algernon Sidney, and James Harrington are frequently cited, yet the influence of Machiavelli’s ideas has often been overlooked. Only a few scholars, such as Walter McDougall and John Pocock, have briefly suggested the possibility that the Founding Fathers were influenced by Machiavelli’s ideas, while others, like Anthony DiMaggio, have approached the topic solely from the perspective of foreign policy and empire. Given Machiavelli’s significance as a political theorist, it is crucial to explore his potential influence on the Founding Fathers’ thoughts in establishing the American Republic. Such an examination is important because it reveals how Machiavellian principles may have shaped state-building efforts and contributed to the stability and longevity of the U.S. government and constitution.Materials and MethodsThe present study used a qualitative, text-based documentary approach and analyzed library–documentary sources to demonstrate how Machiavelli’s ideas had influenced the views of the Founding Fathers. A close examination of Chapters 2–8 of The Discourses: Book 1 was conducted to reveal Machiavelli’s influence. These chapters are considered essential because they focus on the organization of political regimes. Four of these chapters are particularly significant, as they directly address the prudent establishment of a regime and constitution, offering guidance to future founders.Results and DiscussionThe analysis revealed that the Founding Fathers were significantly influenced by Machiavelli in their understanding of human nature and the formulation of the constitution. They drew on his ideas to create a mixed regime. The Founding Fathers were also guided by Machiavelli in their approach to foreign policy, their pursuit of empire, and their definition of the role of the people as defenders of freedom and guardians of the constitution. Consequently, some of the most fundamental aspects of the United States of American were rooted in Machiavelli’s theories and perspectives, even if they were not openly acknowledged. The durability and stability of the U.S. Constitution, in contrast to the instability and variability of the French Constitution, can be attributed to the Founding Fathers’ reliance on the insights of a thinker who had gained his wisdom through “long experience of modern things and the continuous readings of ancient [things]” (Machiavelli, 1989, p. 1); who had opposed fictitious principalities and republics that existed only in theory (Ibid, p. 93). In contrast, the French pursued abstract concepts and implemented purely theoretical ideas, guided by a philosopher whose “true masterpiece” was referred to as “Reveries of the Solitary Walker” (Rousseau, 1782, p. 12). The utopian republic they aimed to establish had to remain a mere figment of the imagination. According to the findings, ConclusionAccording to the results, the Founding Fathers’ views aligned with and were shaped by Machiavelli’s theories. The findings can provide a new foundation for American studies and Machiavelli studies, and pave the way for further research. Given that the theoretical foundations underlying the establishment of the United States of America have been neglected in academic discussions in Iran, the present study can be considered a pioneering effort to address the Founding Fathers’ thoughts and the influence of other philosophers on the establishment of the U.S. government. Furthermore, by focusing on the founding principles of America, the results of the study can lead to a more realistic approach toward the U.S. and the adoption of more thoughtful strategies in foreign policy. This study does not claim that the Founding Fathers relied solely on Machiavellian theories while disregarding other intellectuals. Rather, it aimed to demonstrate that dismissing or denying Machiavelli’s influence on the establishment of the United States is both unjustified and unwise, despite the Founding Fathers not explicitly referencing his ideas. Nevertheless, by focusing on two fundamental texts, the present inquiry sought to provide meaningful insights without undermining the results. A more precise and detailed understanding of the topic requires an examination of numerous documents and extensive debates that took place during the Constitutional Convention until the adoption of the Constitution in the thirteen state assemblies.
Political Thought
Kioomars Ashtarian
Abstract
Analyzing the structure of Constitutional law in the Islamic Republic of Iran can be used to identify the capacities of amending the Constitution and redefining the Iranian governance system. This article, with an institutional-normative approach, seeks to show the theoretical capacities of the constitutional ...
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Analyzing the structure of Constitutional law in the Islamic Republic of Iran can be used to identify the capacities of amending the Constitution and redefining the Iranian governance system. This article, with an institutional-normative approach, seeks to show the theoretical capacities of the constitutional movement on the one hand and the capacities of Mantaghato-laugh (Free area of Islamic regulation) on the other hand to review the Constitution of the Islamic Republic. In Iranian governance, the distortion of the national division of institutional tasks in the form of bureaucratic-tribal monarchy has been widespread in the governance structure. As such, the structural differentiation of social spaces, which leads to the logical separation of religion from public policies, has been ignored. This is while the concept of a “Free area of Islamic regulation” gives general directions to public policies that can return powers and duties to the people, to the government, and the parliament without compromising the legitimacy of the political regime. This article has several theoretical pillars that are used synthetically in connection with the main finding of the article. 1) order and power, 2) separation of powers, 3) legitimacy, 4) unity of religion and politics, and 5) constitutional orientation of public policy making. The main point of the article is that the theoretical capacities of these 5 pillars can be useful for analyzing the structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran's Constitution and revising it. First, with a normative approach, we have discussed the right to exercise power and the separation of powers (the first and second theoretical pillars). The fact that the constitution guides the operation of political societies is born from the idea that the government must protect the fundamental rights of individuals. The fundamental rights have a technical dimension that organizes the exercise of power and therefore creates limitations for the exercise of power. That is why separation of powers is considered a tool against abuse of power, prevention of tyranny, and a factor of national self-actualization, and according to Montesquieu, there will be no freedom without separation of powers. In terms of the third theoretical pillar of this article, it has been discussed that the relation of legitimacy and efficiency are closely intertwined in Iranian governance. In the Constitution, there are several principles that not only determine the direction of the policy-making systems but also lay the foundations of an interventionist government with full responsibility for the welfare of the citizens. As a result, public policies take into account the legitimacy of the political system, and in practice, the legitimacy of the political regime depends on its efficiency. This phenomenon has found an ideological facet in the shadow of the theory of Unity of religion and politics. With regards to the relationship between religion and politics in the Islamic Republic (the fourth pillar of the article), we are facing two aspects of political jurisprudence theory and legal tradition, which appear to be aligned but at the same time can be contradictory. On the one hand, legitimacy refers to the divine sovereignty over the world, and it is embodied in the Islamic Republic's Constitution. On the other hand, for some “official” theorists of the last two decades, this divine sovereignty has led to the acceptance of an approach called the theory of “discovery” and “designation”, which we call "revelation legitimacy". This revolutionist approach, in its essence, makes the legal processes of the constitution irrelevant, which means that at first, it reduces the role of experts to a passive role in the designation of Leader. The fifth pillar of the article deals with the "basic rules of public policies" and the issues of political structure related to public policies. The importance of this article is that it allows freedom of public policy-making to the citizens.
Political Thought
Sajjad Chitfroush
Abstract
The modern state is among the major political institutions that encompass all dimensions of human life. Despite its useful aspects, this institution, drawing from foundations that may diminish human freedom in its interaction with individuals, ultimately hinders the growth of human thought and the revelation ...
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The modern state is among the major political institutions that encompass all dimensions of human life. Despite its useful aspects, this institution, drawing from foundations that may diminish human freedom in its interaction with individuals, ultimately hinders the growth of human thought and the revelation of the true essence of humanity. The historical experience of Western countries and the subsequent spread of this thinking to other nations have led many thinkers to critically examine various aspects of the Modern State, aiming to reform and evolve it into a theoretical framework. One of the most important critics and theorists of the Modern State, adopting a humanistic approach, is Hannah Arendt.Some of the most important research on the critique of the Modern state includes:Steven E. Aschheim, in the book "Hannah Arendt in Jerusalem," examines Arendt's controversial views on the Eichmann trial and also discusses the nature of justice and the Modern State. The focus is primarily on the case study of Eichmann, without providing a comprehensive framework for Arendt's critical thinking on the existence of the Modern state.Richard King, in the book "Arendt and America," analyzes Arendt's interaction with American political thought and critiques of the Modern State. The emphasis is on the political and societal features of America, with limited philosophical discussions.Dana Villa, in "The Cambridge Companion to Hannah Arendt" gathers articles from researchers addressing various aspects of Arendt's political philosophy, including her critique of the Modern state. However, direct critiques of Arendt on the Modern state are the focus of only one article, and the overall article leans more towards a review of Arendt's critiques without presenting a philosophical argument.While foreign research on Arendt's critique of the Modern state differs from the present study in several aspects, the most notable differences lie in the lack of explicit attention to existential aspects of criticism and the relatively limited exploration of the pragmatic aspect and establishing a conceptual relationship between these two aspects in the research. Additionally, the presuppositions of researchers in geography-based or ideologically-specific research have not been explicitly stated, and interested readers can refer to the following sources for examples of such research.Examining books and articles written about Arendt within the country also indicates limited research on government in her thought. One of these articles, titled "Politics and Existentialism" by Dr. Mostafa Younesi and Ali Tadayyon Rad, explores the connection between politics and existentialism through the discussion of "action" and considers the role of politics and government institutions in creating a space for human growth.Another article, titled "Political Order in the Thought of Aristotle and Hannah Arendt and Critique of Its Place in the Present Era" by Seyed Javad Emam Jom'ehzadeh and Ali Tadayyon Rad, argues that political order in the modern era has found a different definition and, contrary to the past, where political order aimed at the excellence and happiness of society, current affairs are mundane and lack a metaphysical position in modern thought. The author aims to challenge modern political order through a reevaluation of Arendt's ideas.Although foreign articles have extensively addressed Arendt's critiques of the Modern State, this study innovatively focuses on differentiating existential aspects from non-existential ones. The innovation lies in initially critiquing the political philosophy of the new West from Arendt's perspective and suggesting her alternative. This study, using a descriptive-analytical method, first refers to Arendt's most important texts and books to describe her intellectual method (with an emphasis on epistemological discussions). Subsequently, it highlights the main indicators of the Modern state and, as a research framework, compares them with Arendt's theoretical-political views. One of the most important indicators of the Modern state is the existence of a unified authority and power within a specific geographic area. Another important indicator is the control of violent instruments by the Modern State. This political structure implies that superior power is not in the hands of individuals but is entrusted to governance through the use of legal structures and norms. One of the significant indicators of the Modern state discussed in this research is the bureaucratic and administrative structure where individuals are placed at various administrative levels based on their interests and competence. Nevertheless, critics argue that in this space of Modern state and bureaucracy, the freedom of individuals is compromised.This article attempts to present Hannah Arendt's criticism of the Modern state based on her impartial perspective on government. Typically, the prevailing view of government tends to be biased. Using Arendt's impartial perspective, Pierre Bourdieu argues that the characteristic of this institution is the struggle for power among groups and different interests, often hidden behind a façade of impartiality and objectivity. The article aims to emphasize the importance of political action and the public sphere for human freedom from Arendt's perspective, demonstrating how the Modern state has weakened these values. Additionally, the article explores the conceptual frameworks of civic virtue and individuals' need for participation in public life based on Arendt's views.Another overlooked point in most domestic research is the examination of Arendt's critique of the Modern state at a macro level, i.e., the critique of the Modern state itself. Arendt's criticisms are often focused on a limited scale, examining actors within political systems such as totalitarianism. However, it is essential to recognize that these criticisms, even when specifically addressing certain types of political systems, are presented under a political system that exists in the modern context. Therefore, the present article innovatively addresses this aspect as well.This research aims to critique this extensive and significant institution using Arendt's perspective. Findings based on Arendt's principles indicate that modern philosophy has led to the separation of theology from nature, the expansion of positivism, and the excessive growth of a form of individualism. This has resulted in the Modern state becoming an extensive and harsh authoritarian regime, dominating economic aspects over political and cultural facets of human life. Arendt suggests that the only way to reform this extensive, inefficient, and dehumanizing institution is through gradual reform of people's interactions in the public sphere and the utilization of theories such as councils in political structures.
Political Thought
Ali Babaei; Kamal Pouladi
Abstract
AbstractExamining the special place of Mirza Taghikhan Amirkabir in the contemporary history of Iran requires attention to his perception of the "Janus face of modernity". According to historical sociology, modernity has a dual and interconnected nature, whose positive, civilizational or objective aspect ...
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AbstractExamining the special place of Mirza Taghikhan Amirkabir in the contemporary history of Iran requires attention to his perception of the "Janus face of modernity". According to historical sociology, modernity has a dual and interconnected nature, whose positive, civilizational or objective aspect emphasizes the development and progress of civilizational, economic, scientific and technical elements, and its psychic, subjective and subjective aspects emphasize the importance of achievements. Cultural, corresponding to the freedom of mankind, equality, democracy, pluralism and law, which is manifested in the philosophical language of Kant and Hegel in the concept of "reason itself". In this article, we are going to find out how Amir Kabir, as the great reformer of our society, has thought about the relationship between the elements of modernity. Has Amir Kabir believed only in the positive and industrial aspects of modernity, or has he become aware of the importance of its cultural aspects, including the "law"He has gained faith to the same extent as his predecessors Qaim and Abbas Mirza? The rule of Amir Kabir with the beginning of the reign of Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar in 1230 AH is accompanied by extensive changes Our hypothesis is that Amir Kabir's emphasis on the "fantasy of constitutionalism" reflects his understanding of the need to apply the dual achievements of modernity. Accordingly, We have critically examined the place of "law" in his intellectual and practical system.
Political Thought
Mohammad Amir Ahmadzadeh; Farhad Baradar shad
Abstract
During the constitutional period changes, a new force emerged that and played an important role in the awakening of the people, familiarization with the West, and the publishing of the press, and also thought for a way out of the upcoming deadlocks. Iranian intellectuals came to understand Iran's backwardness ...
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During the constitutional period changes, a new force emerged that and played an important role in the awakening of the people, familiarization with the West, and the publishing of the press, and also thought for a way out of the upcoming deadlocks. Iranian intellectuals came to understand Iran's backwardness through familiarity with the ideas of the new world, and by proposing and publishing new issues in Iranian society, they established different poles of thought that led to the mixing and even opposition of tradition and modernity. The epistemology of the reforms and the explanation of this new reading from thought to the fulfillment of an important precondition is stopped, and that is the knowledge of intellectuals and the fundamental components of their thought. This research, with a thought-oriented approach and documentary content analysis method, deals with the purposeful rereading of the works of Afrasiab Azad, the founder of Hezb Khuda and a traditionalist intellectual of the constitutional and Pahlavi periods, and by evaluating it through the logic of Skinner's contextual approach, In search of an answer to this central question, how is the position of nationalism in the works of Afrasiab Azad and its metamorphosis compared to his contemporaries and contemporaries, and how does this flow contribute to the establishment of the Pahlavi government? Free thoughts are evaluated in the context of the modernist thought of contemporary thinkers.The documents of Afrasiab Azad are available in the sources of purchase documents and in the form of about a thousand files in the repository of documents and national archives. A small number of documents attributed to Afrasiab Azad are available in the Library of the Islamic Council and the Astan Quds Razavi Document Center and have been indexed. An autopsy of a political gathering related to the bread riot in December 1942/Azar 1321 in Tehran has quoted an article about Afrasiab Azad's speech in this context. He has also mentioned the effect of modernization and de-religion in the chapter of westernized plays in relation to the conditions of this art in the first Pahlavi period and the important role of Afrasiab Azad as one of the initiators of the play. The purpose of this study is to put Azad's key concepts in the cultural and discourse contexts from which they were formed with Skinner's method, so that the advantage and validity of his thought can be put to the test. The aim of Skinner's methodology is to enable us to recover the historical identity and genealogy of each such intellectual history text. The guide to the content analysis of the data in this research based on this approach is, on the one hand, the internal logic of the intellectuals' thought system as a whole and a text, and on the other hand, measuring it with the external logic and comparing it with contemporary publications and press - including the magazine Iranshahr, Kaveh and Aindeh- will take place and the focal point is to pay attention to the recognition of opinions and goals, ideas and the thought system of Afrasiab Azad.The findings of the research aim to prove the hypothesis that the association of intellectuals from the intellectual spectrum of Afrasiab Azad led to the expansion of the acceptance of the discourse of authoritarian nationalism and the theorization of the legitimacy of the first Pahlavi government. With the reduction of modern components in the eyes of Azad in the atmosphere of political and intellectual obstruction of the Reza Shahi era, his influential social and political positions declined. In his works and publications, Afrasiab Azad was introduced as an orator, a freedom-seeker and a modernist of the post-constitutional era, who was later introduced as a writer, lawyer and playwright of the political and social genre. He used the ideas of modernism in his opinions to seek transformation along with the tradition and he believed in a form of moderate or reductionist modernism, which at the same time accepted the new concepts of antiquity and nationalism, and religion as well. He saw the base of social mobility and ethnic solidarity in the special political and social conditions of the post-constitutional period. This approach was interpreted and propagated in the service of authoritarian nationalism at the level of the government superstructure and the national unity of ethnicities and religions at the level of the people and the subalterns in order to gain legitimacy. Gradually, the modern ideas were transformed in his opinions and works and with the establishment of Pahlavi I, he only focused on describing and theorizing the existing conditions and the failure of the primary elements. The reduction and transformation of these ideas and accompanying the first Pahlavi government by Afrasiab Azad during the political and intellectual blockage of the Reza Shahi era, turned him into a messenger of the government's official discourse and led to the loss of his influential social and political base and the decline of his role. In the society of writers, a new idea was created.
