The State
Mostafa Kavakebyan; Azim Matin
Abstract
In explicating the essence of a modern state, one must navigate a theoretical landscape defined by a set of characteristics, criteria, and requisites that differentiate the theory of the modern state from alternative paradigms, notably the absolute state. This theoretical realm, characterized by a prescriptive ...
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In explicating the essence of a modern state, one must navigate a theoretical landscape defined by a set of characteristics, criteria, and requisites that differentiate the theory of the modern state from alternative paradigms, notably the absolute state. This theoretical realm, characterized by a prescriptive understanding of modern governance, serves as a guiding force, prompting governments worldwide to emulate its structural blueprint. This form of governance, intricately woven into the fabric of contemporary political landscapes, commands loyalty from its constituents. It wields influence both directly and indirectly, orchestrating societal affairs through a bureaucratic apparatus that intricately affects diverse aspects of citizens' lives.
In stark contrast to premodern governance reliant on tribute and force, the modern government garners economic sustenance directly from its citizenry, levying taxes to fulfill its distinct responsibilities. At the core of the modern state lies the imperative of nation-building, an endeavor necessitating the homogenization of social identity. However, the crux of our inquiry lies in the intricate relationship between us Iranians and the modern state. Delving into the historical narrative of the modern state as an experiential journey and scrutinizing it as a malleable theoretical model emerge as imperative undertakings.
The overarching purpose of this research is to meticulously examine the historical trajectory underpinning the formation and stabilization of the modern state in Iran. Anchored in the intellectual currents of Western thought, this scholarly pursuit aspires to enhance our understanding of the state's essence and its nuanced position within the Iranian milieu. A discerning analysis of the country's policies and orientations naturally unfolds as a byproduct of this historical exploration.
Guiding our intellectual journey is a theoretical framework rooted in historical institutionalism. This approach, a beacon in the study of state building in Iran, focuses on unraveling the intricate tapestry of social, political, and economic behaviors, tracing their evolution over time. Institutions, elevated to the status of independent variables, emerge as architects shaping individual and collective actions alongside the broader panorama of social and political phenomena. Recognizing that institutions not only mold actors' strategies but also sculpt their objectives, historical institutionalism, with its attention to structural variables such as class position and mediating entities like political parties and unions, provides a nuanced lens through which to study the formation and construction of the government in Iran.
The research methodology, a dual-pronged approach, employs the content analysis method to scrutinize definitions of the modern state put forth by Western thinkers. This analytical approach, eschewing the exploration of attitudes and beliefs in favor of dissecting produced messages, is complemented by the historical research method. This method involves a meticulous examination of specific past events within a defined temporal scope, integrating historical facts through a rigorous regimen of data collection, evaluation, and verification.
Tracing the historical trajectory of government formation in the West, political scientists posit that the foundations of the modern state or nation-state were laid in the late Middle Ages, influenced by the Catholic cultural context. The formation of modern national states was shaped by factors such as religious reform movements and conflicts among European countries. The Treaty of Westphalia in the 16th to 18th centuries is considered a pivotal event in the emergence of the modern state. From the 19th century onward, the modern government model gradually supplanted other political systems globally.
The indicators and criteria of modern governments encompass a legitimate monopoly on controlling the means of violence, a specific territorial territory, sovereignty, centralized power, a codified constitution, the use of impersonal power, nationalism, a public bureaucracy, authority/legitimacy, citizenship, and provincial tax.
The historical exploration of government formation in Iran reveals nuanced epochs, beginning with the Safavid era's establishment of a robust central government to counter threats from the Sunni Ottoman Empire. Shah Abbas I marked a zenith, unifying the country politically, relocating the capital to Isfahan, fostering a unified religious identity based on Shiite Islam, and expanding diplomatic relations. Subsequent governments, such as the Afshariya and Zand, did not significantly alter national and state organizations. The Qajar dynasty witnessed an expansion of central government power, albeit rooted in the Illyrian system. The constitutional revolution of 1285 emerged as a historical turning point, ushering in constitutionalism and paving the way for a more structured political system in Iran. The subsequent Pahlavi absolute government, while characterized by economic nationalism and centralization of power, laid the foundations for absolute rule.
In conclusion, this historical exploration, spanning from the Safavid era to the Pahlavi period, unveils Iran's trajectory of independent political thought and the evolution of a nation transitioning to citizenship. Constitutionalism emerges as the cornerstone of modern governance, establishing a balanced relationship between the government and the nation. The era of Reza Shah, marked by economic nationalism and the consolidation of government power, signifies a fundamental shift, laying the groundwork for absolute rule. This scholarly endeavor sheds light on the nuanced tapestry of Iran's political evolution.
The State
Mazaher Ziaei
Abstract
Background and ContextNumerous studies have indicated that the state instability existence in past of countries has not only delayed their development but also influenced their current level of development. The study of political instability in the Eurasian region during the agricultural era (3000 BC ...
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Background and ContextNumerous studies have indicated that the state instability existence in past of countries has not only delayed their development but also influenced their current level of development. The study of political instability in the Eurasian region during the agricultural era (3000 BC to 1600 AD) encompasses a significant portion of the history and the contemporary world geography. It can serve as a basis for examining political instability in the history of Iran. Many scholars have considered the proximity to the Central Asian nomadic societies as one of the factors contributing to instability in Eurasian countries. Some of them argue that the history of these tribes' interactions with neighboring regions forms the core of Eurasian history. There are also a limited number of quantitative studies that have encompassed various aspects of these tribes impacts on neighboring communities. There have been numerous studies on the effects of these tribes on Iran as well, but none of them have covered this temporal and geographical scope.Objective of the ResearchThe main objective of this research is to investigate political instability in Eurasia, particularly in Iran, during the agricultural era. It focuses on the Central Asian nomadic influence tribes on the creation of political instability in Eurasia. The research utilizes this framework of interactions and gathered information to periodize political instability in the history of Iran.Research MethodologyIn this study, political instability is perceived as a low average lifespan of states and a high coefficient of variations (standard deviation-to-mean ratio). The study considers Continental Eurasia (including Europe and Asia, excluding their islands) as the studied region and the agricultural era 3000 BC to 1600 AD as the studied period. To assess the timing and extent of Central Asian tribes' influence on political instability in Eurasian states, a total of 432 Eurasian states in the study period were identified. Subsequently, the time and extent of Central Asian tribes' impact on political instability were examined by applying three categorizations to these states: 1) Regional categorization based on the importance of the region each government could have for Central Asian tribes, dividing into Central Asia, unimportant region, less important region, and highly important region. 2) Since the period of significant influence of these tribes on Eurasian developments occurred between 500 BC and 1600 AD, states that existed before 500 BC were classified as belonging to the first period, while others belonged to the second period. 3) By combining the previous two categorizations, the states were grouped into four categories: (I)Central Asian states, (II)unattractive states, (III)low unattractive states, and (IV) highly unattractive states.Descriptive analysis, Two-sample Kolmogorov–Smirnov test (KS2), and categorical regression were used for data analysis and inference.FindingsThe findings regarding regional categorization show the significant differences in the lifespan of states among regions. The average lifespan of states in unimportant regions is more than 3.5 times that of highly important regions, and the coefficient of variation for highly important regions is higher than for other regions. Regression results confirm the model and regression coefficients validity, indicating that this four-group categorization explains 29% of the variations among states.Statistical analysis demonstrates a significant difference in the mean lifespan of states between these two periods. Specifically, the average lifespan of states in the first period in the Region Two, a significant region, is nearly eight times higher than the states in second period of that region. Additionally, the lifespan of states, particularly in Iran, has decreased during the agricultural era.These analyses also reveal significant differences in the average lifespan of states within the categorized groups, with coefficient determination of 0.429. The mentioned item indicates that this model accounts for a significant portion of the variations in the lifespan of the examined states.Moreover, Iran's status in terms of the number, average lifespan, and coefficient of variation of states is examined within different groupings, and the KS2 test confirms that Iran's belonging to specific groups and the irconcordance lack of other groups, except for its concordance with Central Asia.Several supplementary studies on Chinese history, the timing of the beginning and end of the agricultural era, and the period of Central Asian tribes' influence provide further support for the stability of the results.ConclusionThe statistical analysis results show an inverse relationship between the average states lifespan and the level of threat from Central Asia in various categories of states. Evidently, the agricultural-era states' political instability was significantly affected by the invasions of Central Asian tribes. The four-group categorization explains approximately 43% of the variation in states’ lifespans. Notably, this level of explanation is achieved with only four categorical variables.Regarding Iran, the findings indicate that the political instability of Iranian agricultural-era states was also influenced by interactions with Central Asian tribes. The periodization of Iranian history can be established as mentioned bellow:(up to 600), (600 to 1000), (1000 to 1250), and (1250 onwards), with distinct events in the second period onwards attributed to Central Asian tribes, such as the emergence of the Seljuks and the Mongol invasions. The results demonstrate that political instability in Iran was higher than the average for other regions, with an average government lifespan of 90 years during the fourth period, which lasted for approximately 550 years, slightly exceeding the average lifespan of a human today.
The State
Masoud Akhavan Kazemi; Golnaz Narimani
Abstract
A few historical governments have existed for a long time, but the government is relatively old and lasts up to a few centuries, especially in its modern form. A modern government is an organization that controls legal law and applies it legitimately. The government is the only organization with the ...
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A few historical governments have existed for a long time, but the government is relatively old and lasts up to a few centuries, especially in its modern form. A modern government is an organization that controls legal law and applies it legitimately. The government is the only organization with the authority and right to use legitimate violence. Throughout history and during the past eras, many governments have been formed in all parts of the world, and each of them has reached the point of collapse after some time. Although the existence of the state is more durable and survival compared to the government, and in other words, it is "more or less than ever," the specific policies of the formation of the states are taken into consideration. However, the point is under what conditions they fall apart; it has received less attention from researchers. This article aims to answer the question, under what conditions can a government be destroyed or collapsed?To find the causes and factors of the collapse and fall of governments, the current research, using the theories of systemic analysis, besides explaining the various forms of government collapse, examines all the internal and external factors and factors of the collapse of a government. To understand this issue, it has been taken from systemic analysis; systemic analysis refers to a point of view that can be used to investigate and analyze a phenomenon. Systemic analysis leads to a better understanding of phenomena and avoids reductionism. In recent decades, system analysis has been proposed as an efficient tool for new sciences and specialized supplementary studies in various social fields in scientific and academic circles. This causes a general and multifaceted understanding of why and the phenomena and events governing behavioral affairs.In systemic analysis, the political system, as an intellectual system, has several subsystems. A crisis in any of these subsystems, including the economic or political subsystem, can lead to the fragility and collapse of the government. In this view, the government is a set of interconnected and systematic elements and propositions. Disruption in any of these elements can lead to the collapse or destruction of the state.In addition to the internal connection between its components, the government as a system also has a connection with external changes at different and numerous levels. The state has the property of food with its external elements. As a result of these connections between the government and the environment and the actions and reactions between them, differences or imbalances occur in the government system.In a general classification, the collapse and disintegration of governments can be classified in the form of two main categories—external factors and factors and internal factors. External factors deal with the relations between the government and other countries in the international community. The second category also refers to the relationship between the government and its internal society. It is essential to mention that these two groups of factors influence each other, and a change in the intensity and weakness of one causes a change in the intensity and weakness of the other. This means that the collapse of the government extends from the internal situation to the foreign relations of the troubled government. Also, the weakening of foreign authority substantially impacts its internal stability.Research studies indicate that at the external level of the government system, essential factors such as war and foreign invasion, climate change, the pressures of powers and economic sanctions, and issues of a succession of governments can become the fragility of the government and against it. It will eventually collapse. In the internal dimension, crises in three subsystems, political, economic, and social, can turn into the collapse of the government. In other words, factors such as political crises and the distortion of governance, economic crises such as inflation and damage, and social issues such as the crisis of failure to start and the crisis of participation are the main factors affecting the collapse and disintegration of a government. The weakening, incapacity, decline, and decay of governments either due to external factors, in the economic forms of political policies and foreign invasion and war, and in some cases, due to climate change and the succession of governments to another place. It occurs or results from internal changes in the political, economic, and social structure, civil wars, accumulation of crises, and loss of internal legitimacy.
The State
Majid Ostovar
Abstract
Although Iran's contact with developments in the Western world can be found in the European travelogues of Iranians during the “Safavid” and “Qajar” periods, But Iranians' dealings with the West go back to the Iran-Russia War.When Iran's military forces were defeated by Russia, ...
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Although Iran's contact with developments in the Western world can be found in the European travelogues of Iranians during the “Safavid” and “Qajar” periods, But Iranians' dealings with the West go back to the Iran-Russia War.When Iran's military forces were defeated by Russia, “Abbas Mirza”, the war commander and Qajar crown prince, decided to increase Iran's military power by hiring military, medical and technical experts from Europe and sending a number of Iranian students to the West. As a result, from the beginning of the 19th century, reforming the educational system and importing technology and hiring military experts from Europe were the first actions of the crown prince to modernize Iran. So, from the beginning of the 19th century, reforming the educational system and importing technology and hiring military experts were among the first actions of the Crown Prince for modernization in Iran. The link between Iran's modernization and westernization created consequences and opposition in the country, and the traditional and religious system of education in Iran did not reflect it, and Iran's modernization faced complex obstacles. After “Abbas Mirza”, the other efforts of Iranian reformers in modernizing and reforming education in Iran continued with the establishment of “Daral-Funu”, School of Political Sciences, Missionary and “Rushdieh” schools until the formation of the constitution in 1906. But Iran could not benefit from a modern government and a coherent education system. This goal was postponed until the establishment of an absolute government during Reza Shah's period, and it was with the emergence of his government that the modernization of Iran in various dimensions with a focus on modern education became the fundamental goal of the new government.So far, many Researches have examined the performance of the first Pahlavi government and his modernization policies in Iran, but the studies have mainly focused on the government's identity building policy and less attention has been paid to the mutual effects of modernization and modern education in Iranian society. By examining the studies, the distinction and innovation of the current research is the explanation of modernization and education in the first Pahlavi government by relying on the theory of elitism. Based on this, the current research has tried to discuss and investigate the educational policies and measures of the first Pahlavi government, considering the cultural trends of modernization, such as the expansion of educational institutions and bureaucracy, nationalism and secularism. Therefore, the aim of the current research is to analyze the modernization and education in the first Pahlavi period and the fundamental change of Iranian society. The main question of the current research is; what changes did the performance of Reza Shah's government in the field of modernizing the educational system bring about in Iran? In order to investigate this issue, the current research has been investigated through descriptive and historical analysis. Historical analysis is a method that examines past records and documents to understand the past. In this research, by examining the actions and historical documents of the first Pahlavi government, an attempt has been made to analyze the modernization and educational policies of this period.As the findings of the research show, the constitutional failure in the formation of the centralized government of Iran was the basis for the emergence of the Pahlavi I absolute government and Reza Shah's authoritarian modernization in the country. Focusing on the political and military forces and the structure of the army, court and bureaucracy under modernization from above, his government started measures to transition Iran from traditional to capitalist and modern. One of the most important actions of this authoritarian modernization was the expansion of education in Iran. Accordingly, education in Iran during the first Pahlavi period was not only based on learning science, but had a dual function. On the one hand, the formation of citizens interested in the land of Iran in the direction of serving the country and loyalty to the king and the political system was considered, and on the other hand, the educational structure of the country in the service of modernizing the administrative apparatus in order to supply the strength of the newly established bureaucracy, nationalism, secularism and Westernization was placed. Although this view strengthened the central and inclusive government in Iran, the country's education system faced many challenges that continued for decades. The modern educational system, like the traditional educational system, relied on maintaining a large amount of information and strengthening memory and theoretical sciences that prepared citizens for administrative and managerial positions. As a result, since the beginning of the establishment of this educational system, we have witnessed quantity instead of quality and the efforts of graduates to gain status and prestige in the government and society.In such an arrangement, the cultivation of people with critical rationality and demanding citizenship is not considered, and the school, as a man-making factory, finds the task of making people in line with the ideological beliefs of the ruling regime. Emphasizing this demand, Reza Shah asked students and graduates to be obedient and patriotic people who serve the ideals of the political system. Because the first Pahlavi modernization lacked flexibility and acceptance of reforms from below, and with modernization from above, he followed educational policies in Iran and spread Pahlavi ideology in the society in this way. This ideological construction was indifferent to religious and local traditions and focused on the combination of Iranism and secularism in order to build a new Iran. On this basis, the new educational system was also used to build the ideology of modernization from above and did not pay attention to the educational functions and its compatibility with the local conditions of the Iranian society.
The State
Ahmad Zarean
Abstract
After the massive and sudden attack of ISIS on Iraq, the existence of the Iraqi state and nation and the sanctities of Muslims were under serious threat. While ISIS was approaching gates of Baghdad and the Iraqi army and security forces were not able to deal with it, with Ayatollah Sistani's fatwa regarding ...
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After the massive and sudden attack of ISIS on Iraq, the existence of the Iraqi state and nation and the sanctities of Muslims were under serious threat. While ISIS was approaching gates of Baghdad and the Iraqi army and security forces were not able to deal with it, with Ayatollah Sistani's fatwa regarding jihad to confront ISIS and ward off this real danger, a defense-security organization called Hashd al-Shaabi, consisting of volunteers People and militia groups, which are considered the military arm of Iraqi political parties and currents, were formed. The Iraqi state, which was in a state of emergency, supported the formation of this new defense-security organization and provided it with financial, logistical and weapons support. With the threat of ISISremoval and the end of state of emergency, the existence of such an organization, which is mainly controlled by militia groups, has become a significant challenge for Iraqi state, which seeks to obtain a monopoly on the use of legitimate force. Therefore, after 2014, all heads of the Iraqi government have tried to prevent the formation of a parallel defense-security institution outside the government's control by adopting different strategies. This article, in which the data has been collected by referring to library and online sources and explained and analyzed with a descriptive-analytical method, seeks to find an authentic answer to this question: "The relationship between the Iraqi government and Hashd al-Shaabi and its constituent militia groups. How has it been?" The findings of the article show that the relationship between the Iraqi government and the militia groups was subject to the requirements of the time in such a way that in emergency and threatening situations, the government used the capacity of these groups and in the absence of these conditions, these groups were considered by the government as a disturbing, undesirable and threatening element, a range of control policies and strategies have been applied to them by the Iraqi government. In the post-crisis era, the Iraqi government, as a system actor that considers itself committed and accountable to the existing rules, norms and order, cannot support the anti-systemic actions of the militia groups that it cooperated with and supported during the ISIS crisis in the form of Hashd al-Shaabi. to bear Therefore, since 2014, the governments of Haider al-Abadi, Adel Abdul Mahdi and Mostafa Al-Kazemi have tried to control these groups as much as possible through adopting a series of strategies and measures. Among the four strategies of repression, containment, collusion and integration, these governments have put two strategies of collusion and integration on their agenda. The reason for choosing these two strategies is that, firstly, Hashd al-Shaabi and its constituent groups are still considered strategic allies of the government, and the political currents of which these groups are considered as their military arm participate in the political process and in the formation of the government. Secondly, even if these groups strongly deviate from the government's criteria and the relationship between the militia groups turns from reconciliation to conflict, the Iraqi government does not have the ability to restrain or suppress these groups. In the collusion strategy, the Iraqi government tries to relatively control the actions of Hashd al-Shaabi groups by granting some concessions and through financial and logistical support tools. As well, in the integration strategy, the Iraqi government has put the recruitment of the Hashd al-Shaabi and its integration in the official Iraqi defense-security structures on its agenda, and the heads of the Iraqi government have issued orders and adopted measures in this regard. Collusion and integration strategies have not been able to be fully and effectively implemented due to the resistance and opposition of the commanders of the militia groups and their insistence on their organizational independence and ideological and identity foundations, and these two strategies have only been implemented superficially and formally.
The State
Elaheh Sadeghi; Samaneh Movahedi
Abstract
In 1978, the Islamic Revolution achieved victory with the aim of fighting injustice, oppression, tyranny, establishing security, freedom, independence, and most importantly, forming a single nation. After the victory of the revolution, the first Shiite democratic system was established under the title ...
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In 1978, the Islamic Revolution achieved victory with the aim of fighting injustice, oppression, tyranny, establishing security, freedom, independence, and most importantly, forming a single nation. After the victory of the revolution, the first Shiite democratic system was established under the title of Islamic Republic based on the principle of divine sovereignty (Islamism) and people's sovereignty (Republic). Undoubtedly, the establishment of an Islamic state is one of the ultimate goals of the Islamic revolution, so that the laws and rulings of the Islamic religion are implemented, which, in addition to regulating the current affairs of the people, also guides the direction of the society towards perfection and nearness to God. But until today, the actions and efforts taken were not enough and the Islamic state has not yet been realized in the real sense. Therefore, the explanation of Ayatollah Khamenei's point of view as the great leader of Iranian society and also as the most important Shiite thinker in the Islamic world regarding the foundations and indicators of the Islamic state is very effective and can be a guide for the formation and theoretical and practical activity of the Islamic state. Because during his leadership period, he explained the five stages of the objectives of the Islamic revolution (Islamic revolution, political system, Islamic state, Islamic society and Islamic civilization) and drew the Islamic state as the most important and third stage of this process and repeatedly They have emphasized the importance and necessity of forming an Islamic state as an important factor in the realization of Islamic civilization. Therefore, it is requisite and necessary to explain his point of view regarding the foundations and indicators of the Islamic state.Question: This research seeks to answer the question that, from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei, how are the foundations and indicators of the Islamic state drawn?Methodology: The method of this research is based on the qualitative content analysis method, in order to benefit from this method, attention was paid to the hidden themes of Ayatollah Khamenei's statements from 1981 to 2022 and inference and extraction of meaning was made from it. Thematic search of the word (Islamic State) among the statements of Ayatollah Khamenei was obtained with the help of MAXQDA software, and the search results of his statements were prepared in the form of a slip, which is about the topic of the foundations and indicators of the Islamic State. The next step after collecting the slips is the analysis procedure in three ways: purification, explanation and which is the structure analysis procedure of this research. The next step is to specify the units of analysis, which are divided into word (symbol), theme, character (personality), paragraph and title (item), and in this research, the unit of analysis is paragraph. The next step is coding to determine the categories. The next step is coding to determine the categories, which in this research was done in an open and inductive approach, because the qualitative view prevails in it. Therefore, for this coding, it is necessary to read and review the text of the statements 2-3 times, line by line, and then convert it into the smallest possible component, where similar codes are merged and categories are extracted from these codes. And finally, each of these categories is analyzed and interpreted.Result and Discussion: Using qualitative content analysis method, three categories were determined regarding the foundations of the Islamic state and ten categories were determined regarding the indicators of the Islamic state, and each of these categories was analyzed and examined, and several points can be made from the findings. He deduced the basic:From the point of view of Ayatollah Khamenei, the Islamic state is the most important and the third stage of the five-fold process of the ideal of the Islamic Revolution, and if it is not fully realized, the Islamic society will not be formed.What distinguishes the Islamic state from other states; Its Islamic foundations and orientation are rooted in the connection between religion and politics in Islam, the necessity of social life and the necessity of realizing a virtuous life for the Muslim community in material and spiritual dimensions.From his point of view, the model of the Islamic State is the prophetic and Alawite state, which has indicators for the formation of the Islamic state at present, the most important of which are justice-oriented, adherence to the standards of religious democracy (importance of people's vote and opinion)., anti-tyranny, law-oriented, value-religious orientation, preservation of Islamic identity, service, science-oriented, wisdom-oriented, fight against corruption, etc.
