The State
Mahdi Elyasi; Mohammad Tondro
Abstract
Problem and BackgroundTechnological advancements require a deeper understanding of the most effective methods and policies for governance at various levels of government. This paradigm shifts underscores the necessity for active and effective governance policies to facilitate optimal integration and ...
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Problem and BackgroundTechnological advancements require a deeper understanding of the most effective methods and policies for governance at various levels of government. This paradigm shifts underscores the necessity for active and effective governance policies to facilitate optimal integration and further pave the development path. The nature of governance is fundamentally influenced by these policies, which go beyond merely changing the perspective or approach of an organization or government. They alter the very nature of government as well. As such, the challenge lies in new crafting governance and government functions that not only adapt to rapid technological changes but also proactively shape the mechanisms of governance to enhance their relevance and efficiency in the digital era. This change must be forward-looking and inclusive, ensuring that technological benefits are equitably shared while safeguarding against potential disruptions that could undermine societal and political stability.Research ObjectiveThis study examines the various aspects of governance policies considering the Fourth Industrial Revolution's transformative indices and the significance of its revolutionary concepts on development models, emphasizing how these concepts transform the nature of governments. This research focuses on a collection of policy and governance systems at the national and international levels in the United States of America. The purpose of this selection is to analyze and identify governance patterns and policy systems that can effectively respond to the challenges and opportunities arising from the advancements of Industry 4.0 technologies.Research MethodThis examination includes a detailed study of federal policy systems, industrial development strategies, and educational programs related to emerging technologies. It also endeavors to analyze, through the study of over eighteen governmental documents in the United States, using advanced tools of text analysis and natural language processing, the subtleties of technological advancements and the governance aspects present in forthcoming sectors. This method enables deep analysis of texts and documents and encompasses various sections of public, specialized, and international policy systems in the United States in the path of modern governance transformation and transition to Industry 4.0 technologies. It includes an analysis of the nature of state governance, federal policy system strategies, and executive governance models, all of which examine different aspects of the impacts of Industry 4.0 technologies on modern governance. This research focuses on examining how policies and governance models respond to the challenges and opportunities arising from digital transformation in documents presented in various sectors. Using this method, the researcher can identify patterns, important themes, and indicators presented in the context of modern governance practices and the functioning of the government in complex texts.Research FindingsThis investigation will demonstrate how such policymaking gradually alters government functions and governance interaction methods, ultimately leading to a transformation in governance approaches. The primary goal of this research is to explore the complex dynamics governing the coexistence of effective governance policy interventions in the processes of adopting Fourth Industrial technologies, with a focus on multifaceted challenges and highlighting gaps in skills, resource limitations, and access to technology, which recurrently emerge as themes. The results show a close connection between governance policies that emphasize promoting government-industry collaboration and the development of advanced technologies. This integration has not only led to increased innovation and improved technological infrastructure but has also moved governance practices more towards data-driven and technology-dependent methods. Data analysis indicates that challenges such as resource limitations, unequal access to technology, and skill gaps are among the most significant limitations in governance and regulation in this sector. These challenges require more effective governance measures that seriously focus on strengthening technological infrastructure, providing practical education, and fostering international cooperation to broadly create development opportunities.ConclusionTherefore, it is essential to enhance policy systems and accountability, and design innovative governance methods that are flexible and capable of quickly responding to changing needs. The models and findings in this research clearly indicate that effective governance in the era of the Fourth Industrial Revolution requires a multidimensional and comprehensive understanding that encompasses all aspects of technology, economy, and society for proper rule-setting, as governance transformation fundamentally changes government function and introduces a different mode of action. Indeed, only through flexible, innovative, and responsible governance approaches and understanding the substantive transformation of governmental action can sustainable successes be achieved in this transition. These changes can be clearly observed in the changes in policymaking styles and the transformation in the nature of the state in the United States.
The State
Abdolrasoul Kavehfard; Hojjatollah Ayyoubi
Abstract
Extended abstractTitle: The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouyeh countiesAbdolrasoul Kaveh Fard, Ph.D. Student in Political Science/Political Sociology/Faculty of Lows, Theology & Political Science, Science and Research ...
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Extended abstractTitle: The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouyeh countiesAbdolrasoul Kaveh Fard, Ph.D. Student in Political Science/Political Sociology/Faculty of Lows, Theology & Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranHojjatallah Ayyoubi Associate Professor, Faculty of World Studies, Tehran UniversityMojtaba MaghsoudiAssociate Professor, Faculty of Political Science, Islamic Azad University. Central Tehran Branch. Tehran, Iran.Introduction: Since development in developing societies, especially in Iran, depends a lot on the approaches, policies and plans of the government, knowing the special tasks, capabilities and capacities of agents and representatives of the government in the regions is also of fundamental importance in this field. Therefore, the topic of this article, which is derived from a scientific research, among various possible factors, is to study the role of governors in the political development of cities, which is examined from the perspective of political sociology.The purpose of the research: The general purpose of this research is to investigate the role and influence of governorates on the political development of cities.Method: In terms of purpose, this research is applied and among quantitative researches, the data has been collected by survey method. In the research process, a questionnaire was distributed electronically among all the employees of the governorates of "Dashtestan", "Genaveh" and "Asalouyeh" cities (including governors up to assistants in the number of 100 people) in the territory of Bushehr province. Therefore, the sample size was determined to be 100 people using the full enumeration method. Cronbach's alpha method was used to measure the reliability of the measuring instrument, and the questionnaire was confirmed with a reliability coefficient of 0.907. To analyze the data, one-sample t/t tests, analysis of variance and variance-oriented structural equation modeling approach and related software (PLS) were used.Report of findings: The findings of the research show that the highest average in the political development index is related to the "Governorship of Asalouyeh" and the lowest average is related to "Governorship of Genaveh". In the sub-indexes of political development, the governorates of all three cities have had a positive performance. "Activity of news-analytical media" in Dashtestan city has the highest average (3.85), and the lowest average related to the sub-index "political participation" (3.32), in Genaveh city, the sub-index of "activity of political parties and organizations" has the highest average (4.00) and the lowest average related to the sub-index of "political participation" (2.74); and in Asalouyeh city, the sub-index of "efficiency and effectiveness of the government" was the highest average (4.10) and the lowest average was related to the sub-index of "political participation" (3.65). Therefore, overall, in the political development index, the performance of Asalouyeh governorate has been better than other governoratesTo evaluate the political development index, 13 questions were asked, which were evaluated using the single-sample T/T test. The analysis of the collected data shows that the average of all the items of the political development index, except for the item of "governor's performance in the participation of the people in the elections of the Assembly of Experts" are above average, and thus there is a good satisfaction in the political development index. The value of the alpha error or the significance level of the T/T test for all items except for the item of "Governor's performance in the participation of the people in the elections of the Assembly of Experts" is equal to 0.000, since this error rate is less than the acceptable error rate for the test, i.e. is less than 0.05, as a result, it can be argued that the difference between the observation satisfaction level for these measures and the average level of satisfaction is significant at the 95% confidence level. The general results of the political development index express favorable conditions and a positive view of the governorates of the studied cities from the point of view of the statistical community of this research. Following up on the political affairs of the cities is one of the important tasks of the governorates, and in this field, the studied governorates have achieved relative success.Conclusion: on the functions, specialties and capabilities of governors as agents and high representatives of the government (and sovereignty) at the city level and their role in political development, clearly shows that governors, considering their duties and powers, as well as their role The leadership that they have, within the framework of their institutional structure, has helped to facilitate various indicators of political development in the regions and regions, and they play a prominent and prominent role in promoting the indicators of political development in the cities. Because the philosophy of establishing local governments in regions and districts also comes from the need to facilitate development at the regional level and as a result of national development. But in this process, some factors such as the presence of inefficient people at the head of the governorate as governor and the subsequent appointment of inefficient deputies and managers of executive bodies and government organizations at the city level, the sometimes security attitude of the governors to the administration of local affairs and especially the political activities of political currents at the level in the region, very weak financial resources, cumbersome laws and regulations, weak and insufficient human resources within the structure of the governorates and the lack of transparency in decision-making have caused their potential capacities and capabilities to perform effectively and carry out developmental tasks in the political dimension.The results of this research with the conclusion of "Shiari and Farhangi(2018)" research that the role of the government and its policies in the process of political development and the formation of civil society is prominent and significant, as well as the research of "Abiyar et al.(2018)" on this basis that Local governments play an important role in accelerating the process of political development, it is completely consistent.
The State
ahmad farshadian; Mustafa Zali
Abstract
The contemporary understanding of social justice is to ensure that resources are distributed throughout society in such a way that everyone enjoys a certain level of facilities, and therefore most discussions of social justice are based on two basic questions; first, how much facilities should be guaranteed, ...
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The contemporary understanding of social justice is to ensure that resources are distributed throughout society in such a way that everyone enjoys a certain level of facilities, and therefore most discussions of social justice are based on two basic questions; first, how much facilities should be guaranteed, and second, how much government intervention is needed to distribute these facilities. Notwithstanding the differences that can be observed between different theories of social justice, these theories agree that the realization of justice requires some degree of state intervention in the basic rights and freedoms of citizens - especially property rights. Thus, state intervention in the management of the market and the establishment of anti-monopoly mechanisms, as well as the ownership of the means of production, are among the issues examined under the theme of social justice.Justice-oriented policies, however, are linked to basic rights and freedoms, including property rights; that is, they either completely negate or limit private ownership of the means of production, or they leave ownership free and instead confiscate the individual's profit and levy taxes to reduce inequalities and provide a minimum for the less fortunate. The staircases use redistributive policies. On the other hand, not accepting government intervention in property with the aim of redistributing resources leads to the denial of social justice. On this basis, the discussion assumes that social justice can conflict with the application of legitimate rights and freedoms.On the one hand, a cursory glance at the Constitution shows that social justice is widely emphasized in its principles as one of the main objectives of the legal system. On the other hand, this fundamental document observes a broad protection of legitimate fundamental rights and freedoms, to the extent that their deprivation is even prohibited by law. Thus, the maximum guarantee of social justice and the application of fundamental rights and freedoms are in conflict with each other, and this conflict is the problem of the present research. Therefore, the main issue in the agenda of this article is the answer to this question: Can the government limit the fundamental and legitimate rights and freedoms of citizens in order to achieve social justice? The authors have tried to find the answer to the aforementioned problem by referring to the constitution and its foundations in Islamic jurisprudence and thought.The results of the research show that the principle that "the government can intervene in the legitimate rights and freedoms of citizens for the sake of social justice" is one of the basic principles of the theory of social justice in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. On this basis, preparations were made to resolve this conflict.Firstly, in order to resolve the conflict, it should be noted that the reduction of public law relations to private law is normative reductionism and therefore the government is not a person among other natural and legal persons. It is therefore not justified by the norms of private law on which relations between persons are organized. Rather, the legal personality of the government and its obligations to the citizens require that it have its own rules, which are not derived from the development of private rights in the public sphere.Based on Islamic thought and also on the rational-jurisprudential rule of "Negation of loss and damage", public rights and freedoms, especially property rights, cannot lead to harm to others. The collective good and the public interest precede and limit the conflict between personal interest and profit. The legitimate government, as the representative of the public good, has the right to recognize the position of this conflict and also to resolve it by prioritizing the collective good and public benefit.Based on the constitution, Velayat-e-Faqih can be formulated as a plan to move from an unjust situation to a just society. Therefore, it can be said that the legitimizing element in the constitutional system of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the government's intervention in favor of social justice is the theory of the absolute authority of the jurist. Therefore, Velayat al-Faqih is not only the implementation of Islamic rules, but also the authority of temporary legislation with the aim of achieving the main objectives of the Sharia. Therefore, it should be said that whenever a ruling temporarily shuts down the Islamic system and society, the jurist has the authority to resolve the conflict on the basis of absolute authority. Of course, this conflict resolution is not without criteria; rather, its rule is expediency. However, expediency is not a matter of transition to secularism and formalization of laws; rather, expediency also has a function within jurisprudence.Finally, the final aim of the current research is to explain the relationship between the public interest and social justice. The public interest has a common rule with the public good; that is, whatever the public good requires is also the public good. On the other hand, in determining expediency, the purposes of the legal system act as rules. That is, the expediency that the ruler recognizes must necessarily lead to the achievement of the purposes of the legal system. On the other hand, social justice is one of the main objectives of the Sharia and the Constitution. Therefore, social justice, expediency and public interest are mutually exclusive. Therefore, the need for justice is the same as the need for the collective good, public interest and ultimately the expediency of the Muslim social system. Therefore, justice cannot conflict with the efficiency, development and maintenance of the system. As a result, justice plays a key role in determining expediency, and the expediency that the ruler recognizes cannot be in conflict with social justice, and its closure is the result.Based on the previous principles, it can be briefly stated that "since justice is the goal of the legal system provided for in the Constitution, the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran can prefer it to the personal interests of individuals".
The State
Mahdi Omidi
Abstract
Introduction
Good governance emerged as a dominant agenda in public policy and development discourse during the final decades of the twentieth century. Initially promoted by the World Bank and other international organizations, it emphasized principles such as accountability, transparency, rule of law, ...
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Introduction
Good governance emerged as a dominant agenda in public policy and development discourse during the final decades of the twentieth century. Initially promoted by the World Bank and other international organizations, it emphasized principles such as accountability, transparency, rule of law, institutional effectiveness, and anti-corruption. The concept aimed to provide an institutional framework for sustainable and equitable development. In theoretical literature, good governance is often equated with effective institutions and is assumed to have a reciprocal relationship with economic growth, poverty reduction, and policy effectiveness. However, despite its widespread adoption, the concept has faced significant criticism. These critiques question both its theoretical coherence and its practical applicability across diverse political and social contexts. This study revisits good governance with the benefit of historical distance and accumulated empirical evidence.
Research Question(s) What are the conceptual meanings and implications of good governance as promoted by international organizations, how has this discourse evolved over the past three decades, and what have been its practical outcomes, strengths, and limitations in the fields of public policy and development?
Literature Review
The literature on good governance largely originates from international financial institutions, particularly the World Bank, the IMF, and the United Nations. These organizations associate governance quality with institutional capacity, market efficiency, and effective public management. Empirical studies often report positive correlations between governance indicators and economic growth, income levels, and poverty reduction. At the same time, critical scholarship challenges these findings by questioning causality, measurement validity, and contextual neutrality. Comparative studies highlight cases where growth occurred in the absence of good governance indicators, and others where strong governance scores failed to deliver development outcomes. The literature thus reveals a deep divide between supportive and critical perspectives. This review situates good governance within these competing theoretical traditions.
Methodology
This study adopts a critical review methodology based on qualitative analysis of key international policy documents and foundational academic literature on governance and development.
Results
The findings indicate that good governance functioned both as a theoretical construct and as an operational policy agenda, shaping development interventions globally throughout the 1990s and early 2000s. International organizations framed governance primarily as a set of institutional qualities—such as regulatory effectiveness, control of corruption, and rule of law—designed to reduce transaction costs and enhance market performance. Empirical studies supporting this agenda reported positive relationships between governance indicators and economic growth, foreign direct investment, and public sector efficiency. These findings played a major role in legitimizing governance-based conditionality in development assistance.
However, closer examination reveals substantial limitations. First, the causal direction between governance and development remains contested. While some studies suggest that better governance leads to growth, others demonstrate reverse or bidirectional causality, or argue that a minimum level of economic development is a prerequisite for governance reforms. Second, the universality of governance prescriptions proved problematic. Countries with diverse historical trajectories, political regimes, and institutional legacies were subjected to standardized reform packages, often with limited success. Third, the operationalization of good governance resulted in excessively broad and ambitious reform agendas that exceeded the administrative and political capacities of many developing states.
The findings also show that governance reforms were frequently implemented in highly constrained environments characterized by weak institutions, limited resources, low legitimacy, and fragmented societies. In such contexts, governance indicators often became aspirational goals rather than achievable benchmarks. Moreover, international organizations tended to prioritize formal institutional reforms and “best practices,” leading to isomorphic mimicry rather than genuine capacity building. As a result, many governance reforms failed to deliver their intended outcomes, despite extensive policy adoption. Overall, the evidence suggests that while good governance contributed to re-centering the state in development discourse, it struggled to translate theoretical ideals into context-sensitive and effective practice.
Discussion
The discussion highlights a fundamental tension within the good governance agenda between normative ambition and practical feasibility. While the concept successfully reintroduced the importance of institutions and the state, it underestimated the political and historical conditions necessary for reform. Governance was often treated as a technical issue rather than a deeply political process. This depoliticization limited the effectiveness of reforms and obscured power relations embedded in institutional change. Furthermore, the expansion of governance objectives diluted priorities and overwhelmed implementation capacities. These shortcomings explain the gradual decline of good governance as a dominant development paradigm.
Conclusion
The good governance agenda possessed several important strengths that initially contributed to its prominence in development and public policy discourse. Most notably, it re-centered the state after decades of market-oriented approaches that had marginalized public authority. At the same time, it moved beyond a state-centric perspective by emphasizing the interconnected roles of the market and civil society, thereby promoting more participatory forms of policymaking. Network-based interpretations of governance further enriched this perspective by conceptualizing the state as an open and interactive system, dependent on continuous engagement with social, political, and economic actors.
Nevertheless, these strengths were gradually overshadowed by fundamental weaknesses. Chief among them was the excessive expansion of the good governance agenda, which transformed it into a comprehensive and highly ambitious reform package that exceeded the administrative, political, and institutional capacities of many developing countries. Although enhancing state capacity was one of the declared objectives of good governance, the successful implementation of this agenda itself presupposed the existence of capacities that were largely absent. As a result, goals and means were conflated, and governance reforms became trapped in a self-reinforcing cycle of unmet expectations and expanding prescriptions.
Furthermore, international organizations largely equated governance reform with institution building based on “best practices,” often neglecting political stability, historical context, and social conditions. This led to isomorphic imitation rather than genuine capacity development. Ultimately, the central weakness of good governance lies in its insufficient attention to the actual capacities of implementing states, underscoring the need for context-sensitive and politically informed approaches to governance reform.
Acknowledgments
The author declares no conflict of interest.
The State
Naser Pourhassan
Abstract
Introduction:With the Operation Al-Aqsa Flood of 7 October and the subsequent massive and all-out Israeli attack on Gaza, then on the West Bank, South Lebanon and the spreading of the crisis in the Middle East region, the formation of an independent Palestinian state alongside the Israeli state once ...
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Introduction:With the Operation Al-Aqsa Flood of 7 October and the subsequent massive and all-out Israeli attack on Gaza, then on the West Bank, South Lebanon and the spreading of the crisis in the Middle East region, the formation of an independent Palestinian state alongside the Israeli state once again became a regional agenda. It became international. Whereas before it had been almost completely off the political agenda of the Israeli government, regional actors and major world powers.Purpose of the research:The purpose of this article is the feasibility of realising the theory of two states in the changing conditions ahead. The main question of the article is: "In light of Israel's actions since the onset of the occupation of Palestine, particularly the developments that have transpired in the Gaza Strip during the years 2023 to 2025, the question arises as to the viability of establishing an independent Palestinian state alongside the established Jewish state of Israel.?" The article's hypothesis is formulated as follows: State-building in Palestine has involved two irreconcilable processes. In one process, the areas of positive state-building for the formation and stabilization of the Israeli state have been carried out, and in the opposite process, the possibility of state-building for the Palestinians in the areas of population, territory, government, sovereignty and recognition has been denied and collapsed. For this reason, the formation of two Palestinian and Jewish states is not possible, especially after 7 October 2023.MethodologyThe present study employs a descriptive-analytical approach in its methodological framework. The information was collected through library research, which entailed the review of scientific books and articles, as well as reports from reliable media sources, including the Al Jazeera network, in both English and Persian.ResultsThis article is written within the framework of the concept of " Nation-State -building", which eventually led to the new concept of " Nation-State -destruction". According to the first article of the Montevideo Convention, an independent state is a state that has "a permanent population", "a defined territory", "an independent government" and "sovereignty" and is capable of establishing relations with other countries. In the process of more than a century in the land of Palestine, especially since the Basel Congress in Switzerland in 1897 until 2024, an unfavourable trend has occurred in the land of Palestine in the field of nation-state elements. The contradictory processes of Nation-State building in Palestine have continued and intensified in various aspects. In the field of population, the process of increasing the Jewish population has been implemented against the elimination and destruction of the Palestinian population. With the systematic migration of Jews, the majority of the Palestinian population has been displaced and the process of killing them with genocide and ethnic cleansing has continued in its various aspects. The continuous destruction of the Palestinian population in various ways and the use of conventional and non-conventional weapons, targeted killing, frequent massacres and even the use of starvation as a weapon continue. Since 7 October, 72,000 Palestinians have been killed and more than 200,000 injured, most of them permanently disabled. The inconsistency of state building and state collapse in the territorial element continues to increase. In contrast to the process of expansionism and territorial integration of Israel, the territory of the Palestinians has become smaller and more divided. According to the developments of the last 24 months, the scope of Israel's territorial expansionism has expanded within the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and even in South Lebanon and the Golan Heights.The 364 square kilometer territory of Gaza is divided into four regions. Settlement construction is not only in the West Bank, where an increase of one million people is planned; It will also spread to the Gaza Strip Again The inadequacy of state building is more tangible in the field of administrative-organizational organizations. Since the Jews immigrated to Palestine in the late 19th century, by creating military militias such as The Palmach, Irgun, and Stern, they created a strong military force, and with the direct and indirect aid of the United States, they have become one of the strongest military forces. While labeling any Palestinian military force as a terrorist, it has prevented the creation of a military force as a prerequisite for the government in Palestine. In the economic field, Israel has controlled the resources of the Palestinians, especially the water resources, in various ways, and has placed them under siege and severe dependence in terms of economic structure by capturing Jerusalem and declaring it as the eternal and indivisible capital of Israel, it has practically made the idea of forming a Palestinian state impossibleBy destroying all the infrastructures of life, from houses and roads to water sources and agricultural fields, Israel has destroyed all the infrastructures of the formation of a state in Palestine. During the recent war in Gaza, all the buildings in the Gaza Strip were razed to the ground and even the streets of the cities of the West Bank were ploughed up. While the effort to recognize the Israeli government continues through various methods, from the sale of arms to the influence of Jewish lobbies in America, by depriving Palestinian political identities such as the self-governing organizations of their sovereignty, against the recognition of the Palestinian government by other countries. It has resisted a lot.ConclusionDespite the insistence of some Arab countries, such as Saudi Arabia, that the normalisation of relations with Israel depends on the formation of an independent Palestinian state, as well as international efforts, especially at the level of the United Nations General Assembly, and the recognition of the Palestinian state by some European countries, the realisation of the theory of two states in the land of Palestine will be practically impossible. The increase in the political and military power of the religious Zionists in Israel (especially the right-wing government ministers and Knesset representatives), as well as the density of hatred and disgust between the Israelis and the Palestinian people towards each other during the 2023-2025 war, as well as the coming to power of the most anti-Palestinian government in the second term of Trump's presidency, the United States makes the formation of an independent Palestinian state practically impossible.
The State
Razieh Mehrabi Koushki; Mohammadreza Hamidi
Abstract
Problem Statement & BackgroundWith the advent of the digital era and the rapid advancement of ICT technologies such as cloud computing, artificial intelligence, blockchain, and IoT, the foundational structures and governance mechanisms of governments are undergoing profound transformation. This change, ...
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Problem Statement & BackgroundWith the advent of the digital era and the rapid advancement of ICT technologies such as cloud computing, artificial intelligence, blockchain, and IoT, the foundational structures and governance mechanisms of governments are undergoing profound transformation. This change, often encapsulated under the term "digital transformation of government," encompasses shifts not just in technology but also in institutional behavior, public service delivery, legal frameworks, and citizen expectations. The global move from e-government to more integrated models like agile government, transformational government, and open governance illustrates the growing complexity of digital-era governance.Iran, like many other developing countries, faces multifaceted challenges in adapting to these paradigms. Issues such as political resistance, fragmented data governance, outdated legal frameworks, insufficient financial and technical resources, and a lack of coordinated planning hinder effective transformation. The central question this research addresses is: What are the systemic issues hindering digital government transformation in Iran, and how can these challenges be identified and addressed through structured methodologies?Research ObjectiveThe primary aim of the study is to investigate and articulate the system of problems ("Nizam-e-Masael") surrounding the digital transformation of government in Iran. Using a structured interpretive methodology—Soft Systems Methodology (SSM)—the research seeks to:Identify key conceptual and operational barriers to digital transformation.Capture perspectives of key stakeholders and experts within Iran’s digital ecosystem.Develop conceptual models that reflect stakeholder understandings and identify actionable changes.Suggest institutional, legal, managerial, and technological reforms necessary to achieve transformative digital governance. MethodologyThis study employs Soft Systems Methodology (SSM), a qualitative, interpretive method developed by Peter Checkland, suitable for analyzing complex, ill-structured, human-centered problems where multiple stakeholders and perspectives exist.Key steps included:- Unstructured Problem Exploration – through semi-structured interviews with 11 national experts from government, academia, private sector, and civil society.- Stakeholder Identification – mapping all key actors, including executive bodies (ministries, councils), judiciary, parliament, private tech sector, and citizens.- Root Definitions using CATWOE – structured definitions of the situation from multiple perspectives using the CATWOE tool (Customers, Actors, Transformation process, Worldview, Owners, Environmental constraints).- Conceptual Model Building – building models to represent ideal systems based on each major stakeholder’s worldview.- Real-World Comparison – comparing models with current practices to identify gaps.- Feasible and Desirable Changes – suggesting policy and structural changes.FindingsThe study identifies that Iran’s digital transformation is constrained by challenges across four domains:Political Challenges:Resistance to structural change due to fear of transparency and loss of control.Political factionalism causing instrumental use or obstruction of large-scale digital projects.Data silos and institutional security-centric data ownership models obstructing integration.Economic Challenges:Severe underfunding and lack of financial prioritization due to broader fiscal crises.Lack of digital infrastructure, such as cloud platforms and broadband access.No coherent roadmap or leadership for multi-sectoral funding and execution.Social Challenges:Concerns about the societal effects of digital technologies (e.g., on family, youth).Mixed perceptions of ICT’s impact, with some blaming digitalization for rising divorce or unemployment, while others cite benefits like transparency and remote work.Legal and Regulatory Challenges:Outdated laws incompatible with emerging technologies (e.g., AI, Metaverse).Lack of enabling legislation for cross-agency digital integration.No prioritization of digital transformation in high-level legislative or strategic documents.SSM-Based Stakeholder Findings:Executive Branch: Lacks coherent leadership and budget alignment. Coordination across ministries is absent or fragmented.Judiciary: Digitization efforts are sporadic and lack systemic support or coordination.Parliament: Limited awareness of digital transformation imperatives. Legislative inertia blocks innovation.Supreme Cyberspace Council: Weak coordination authority; recommendations often lack enforcement power.Conceptual Models: Each of these stakeholder groups had tailored conceptual models reflecting:Key activities (e.g., legislation drafting, budget allocation, program implementation).Ideal vs. actual performance assessments.Interdependencies and feedback loops.Identified Gaps:Lack of central vision: No unified national transformation roadmap exists.Ineffective coordination mechanisms: Overlapping mandates and institutional silos dominate.No performance tracking: There are no KPIs, monitoring tools, or learning systems.________________________________________Conclusion and RecommendationsDigital transformation of government is not a choice but a necessity for countries facing socio-economic, demographic, and political pressures. Iran’s journey from basic e-government toward full digital governance is impeded by structural, political, economic, and cultural barriers. While technologies are available, their adoption is hindered by outdated processes, limited awareness, and fragmented leadership.The study recommends:National Strategy Formulation: Develop and ratify a high-level digital transformation policy endorsed by all three branches of power.Legal Overhaul: Revisit all major legal codes (data privacy, cybersecurity, digital services) with digital transformation in mind.Institutional Reform: Designate a lead digital transformation agency with executive authority.Capacity Building: Train government staff and lawmakers in digital governance principles.Public Participation and Transparency: Establish feedback mechanisms to involve citizens and civil society in shaping digital policies.Performance Measurement: Develop a national digital governance index and integrate it into annual government performance reports.
The State
Farzad Kalateh; Faez Dinparast
Abstract
Research problem
The performance of governments in resolving individual and collective conflicts depends on their ability; in the modern era, unlike the pre-modern era, societies, affected by various developments, including the industrial revolution in the economic sphere, the Renaissance and modernization ...
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Research problem
The performance of governments in resolving individual and collective conflicts depends on their ability; in the modern era, unlike the pre-modern era, societies, affected by various developments, including the industrial revolution in the economic sphere, the Renaissance and modernization in the cultural sphere, and urbanization in the social sphere, have undergone extensive, very complex, and specialized changes, and the amount of conflicts and demands of society from the government has expanded in quantitative and qualitative terms; therefore, governments must also develop to resolve conflicts, and one of the important requirements for the development of governments is structural separation; that is, the institution of the government should deal solely with political affairs and delegate other matters to other institutions; specialization of institutions will lead to an increase in their capacity and power; increasing the capacity of the political institution of the government will make the government more efficient, and the efficiency of the government will lead to the stabilization of the prevailing political order.
The available evidence and data confirm that despite the 1979 revolution, the state of structural differentiation during the Islamic Republic of Iran has not only not improved, but has also intensified to the point that today, some researchers use terms such as state capitalism, crony capitalism, quasi-state capitalism, and khusulati to describe the Iranian economic system (see Ghaninejad, 2017, Sattari, 2010, Pesaran, 2011). In this regard, the issue of this research is to explain the state of structural differentiation during the Islamic Republic of Iran; that is, to answer why the current situation arose; in other words, what factors have caused the widespread interference and dominance of political power over economic power during the Islamic Republic of Iran?
Research Background
Researchers have conducted many studies to explain the issue of structural differentiation during the Islamic Republic of Iran; in most studies, the rentier nature of the government institution in Iran has been introduced as the main reason for the weakening of structural differentiation (see Katouzian, 2013, Karshenas, 2003, Haji Yousefi, 2000, Heshmatzadeh, 2000, Ghaffari and others, 2019). However, oil rent has played a key role in the emergence of this situation and it cannot be denied, but the available evidence shows that some countries that enjoy oil rents are in a much better position than Iran in terms of separation of powers, or even some countries that do not enjoy oil rents are in a much lower position than Iran. Therefore, this evidence shows us that the mere existence of oil rent is not sufficient to explain the situation of structural differentiation and it seems that other factors are involved in this context. In fact, in these works, the pathology of the separation of power is referred to an external and non-political factor, namely oil; but the innovative aspect of the present research is that it tries to explain the challenges of structural differentiation during the Islamic Republic of Iran from a political perspective.
Research Objective
Describing and explaining the state of structural disintegration in Iran during the Islamic Republic.
Research Method
In this study, the documentary method was used to collect data and the process tracing method was used to judge the data; process tracing is a technique that helps the researcher to examine certain mechanisms through which an independent variable is linked to a dependent variable. Causal mechanisms mean processes or intermediary variables through which an explanatory variable has a causal effect on the dependent variable (Taliban, 2008: 96). The use of this method is because the process of the emergence of institutions is contextual and time-dependent and is affected by various factors. The unit of research analysis is Iran and the time period, the Islamic Republic period (1978 to 1991), the observation unit is political events, such as the Islamic Revolution of 1978 and the establishment of the political system of the Islamic Republic, the process of drafting and approving the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the measurement unit is the state of separation of political power from economic power.
Research findings
To determine the status of the separation of political power from economic power in Iran during the Islamic Republic, global indicators were used. The scores received during the period in question were aggregated and the average was obtained by dividing it by the number of years. The results of the calculations show that the separation of political power from economic power in the Islamic Republic is in the "unfree" state overall.
Table No. (5): Status of structural differentiation (separation of political structure from economic structure) during the Islamic Republic of Iran
Index
Time period Total Scores Average Score Status
1 Economic Change from the Bertelsmann Foundation 16 years (from 2005 to 2020) 118 45.2 Unfree
2 Economic Freedom from the Heritage Foundation 26 years (from 1996 to 2021) 1104 46.42 Unfree
3 Free Economy from the Legatum Institute 14 years (from 2007 to 2020) 254 18 Unfree
4 Economic Freedom from the Fraser Institute 23 years (from 2000 to 2018 and 1980, 1985, 1990, 1995) 119 17.5 Relatively unfree
5 Government Ownership of the Economy 42 years (from 1979 to 2020) 5568 63.1 Relatively unfree
Source: Research findings
Conclusion
The Constitutional Revolution is considered the starting point of the modernization of the state in Iran, but the economic structure and structure of society and the authoritarian modernization approach of the Pahlavi government led to the expansion of the government's ownership, duties, and powers in the field of economy. After the victory of the Islamic Revolution of 1979, despite the widespread opposition of political forces to the previous political order and the minor and general differences that existed between them regarding the nature of the new political order, except for a small part of the political forces, the rest of the forces, considering the prevailing institutional context, and for various reasons and with varying intensity and weakness, were in favor of the stateization of the economy; In addition, the weakness of the theoretical and empirical knowledge of political forces in the field of how to regulate economic affairs, the rentier nature of the state, and the occurrence of the Eight Years' War also contributed to the cause and were effective in weakening structural differentiation; After the establishment of the new political order, the relative increase in political and economic benefits resulting from the new way of organizing economic affairs in the political order of the Islamic Republic of Iran caused the supporters of the ruling status quo not only to oppose and resist any structural reforms in the field of improving the separation of political power from economic power, but also, due to the pattern of unequal distribution of political power among the elected and appointed parts of the political structure, the economy became more and more state-owned and the majority of economic resources were taken over by the state. In fact, the non-uniformity of the state institution and the conflict and conflict between the elected and appointed parts of the government over the issue of the distribution of political power have been very effective in opposing the separation of power and the intensification of the state-owned economy; the political power tries to manage and control the citizens' bio-politics by dominating their economic and bio-economic resources. In fact, it can be said that from the second half of the seventies onwards, the role of beliefs in the state-owned economy has become less important, and economic and political benefits have become more prominent in the continuation and intensification of the existing situation. On the other hand, given the data and the economic situation of the society, it seems that the continuation of the current situation is impossible and requires fundamental reforms. However, any policy-making to overcome the current situation requires the management of conflicts of interest and the consensus of the instrumental/political elites of the society. Otherwise, the ability and capacity of the state institution to respond to the demands of the people will decrease, and, in the same proportion, the dissatisfaction of the society with the state and the conflict between this state and the society will increase, and the continuity and strength of the political system will face challenges.
The State
Mandana Sajjadi
Abstract
IntroductionIn recent years, the landscape of policymaking and political decision-making has evolved significantly, transcending traditional frameworks. The integration of behavioral sciences—encompassing cognitive science, behavioral economics, and experimental studies—has prompted governments ...
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IntroductionIn recent years, the landscape of policymaking and political decision-making has evolved significantly, transcending traditional frameworks. The integration of behavioral sciences—encompassing cognitive science, behavioral economics, and experimental studies—has prompted governments to leverage these insights in their governance strategies. Since around 2010, various countries, led by the United Kingdom, have recognized the importance of embedding behavioral science data into their policymaking processes. However, the path to institutionalizing cognitive governance varies across nations, influenced by their unique political cultures. This study aims to conduct a comparative qualitative analysis of the experiences of the United Kingdom, Germany, and the Netherlands in embedding behavioral sciences into their policymaking frameworks. The central research question investigates how the differing political cultures of these countries have shaped their cognitive governance models. Literature ReviewAlthough the beliefs and attitudes of citizens have always been taken into account in policymaking, England was the first country to officially establish an institution called the Behavioral Insights Team in 2010. Around the same time, various countries began researching and examining the application of behavioral sciences and neuroscience in policymaking, resulting in the establishment of similar institutions in Canada, Australia, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Singapore, and the United States. Today, many countries around the world have sought to create both formal and informal institutions to utilize brain science and behavioral sciences in their policymaking processes. The structure of these institutions has been influenced by the general culture of the country and, specifically, its political culture. Researchers generally agree on the necessity of incorporating behavioral sciences and neuroscience in the policymaking process. Mazari (2024) has attempted, using a meta-synthesis method, to provide a scientific definition of cognitive governance, defining it as governance based on the convergence of disciplines such as psychology, neuroscience, and cognitive studies. Mofazari, Moieni, and Sobhanifard (2023), through a systematic review of 376 articles in a reputable international database, identified eight themes as components of behavioral policymaking. The book "Behavioral Sciences and Public Policy," translated and published by Salehi and Shadkhast (2021), scientifically articulates the principles and foundations of policy-making based on behavioral sciences in an academic style. While the above-mentioned studies and similar ones—although limited in number—examine the importance of integrating neuroscience in the policymaking process, no research has been conducted in Iran that delves into the institutionalization process and its structuring, or explores the experiences of various countries in this regard. Conversely, this subject has attracted more interest from non-Iranian researchers. Khadzhiradiyova and Hershko (2019) conducted their research in Ukraine to examine the process of institutionalizing insights derived from behavioral sciences in governance. Kuzon and Yildiz (2021) undertook a similar study on Turkey's experience of institutionalizing public policy units based on cognitive and behavioral sciences. They noted that although 200 public institutions have been established worldwide to integrate insights from brain science into public policymaking, Turkey has recently succeeded, with the help of the British Embassy in Ankara, in establishing its first official institution. Fitzmaurice (2019), in an article titled "Specialists with Behavioral Insights in Government," critically examines this process, aiming to reduce some of the prevailing optimism surrounding brain-based governance. Gofen and his colleagues (2021) also take a research-oriented and academic perspective on the process of institutionalizing brain science in public policymaking. MethodologyThis research employs a qualitative comparative case study methodology to analyze the cognitive governance structures in the United Kingdom, Germany, and the Netherlands from 2010 to the present. The study begins with a comprehensive literature review and data collection on the political cultures of the three countries. Data sources include governmental reports, academic literature, and reputable national and international organizations. The analysis focuses on the impact of political culture on the formation of cognitive governance structures. Key concepts such as civic engagement, trust in government, political ideology, and political socialization are examined to provide a nuanced understanding of each country's political culture. The research also considers historical, social, and economic factors that may influence political culture and, consequently, cognitive governance. The findings are presented through a thematic analysis, highlighting the similarities and differences in cognitive governance models across the three countries. This approach allows for a comprehensive understanding of how political culture shapes the institutionalization of cognitive governance.ResultsThe findings indicate that the political culture of each country plays a crucial role in shaping its cognitive governance structure. In Germany, the centralized and consensus-driven political culture has resulted in a more structured and formalized approach to cognitive governance. The establishment of behavioral insights units within federal ministries reflects this centralized model, where decision-making processes are heavily influenced by expert opinions and data-driven approaches.Conversely, the Netherlands' polder model promotes a decentralized and networked approach to cognitive governance. The collaborative nature of Dutch politics encourages the integration of behavioral insights across various sectors, fostering a culture of dialogue and negotiation among stakeholders. This networked model allows for greater flexibility and adaptability in policymaking, as different actors contribute to the development and implementation of behavioral strategies. In the United Kingdom, the evolution of cognitive governance has been marked by a gradual shift from a centralized to a more decentralized model. The establishment of the Behavioral Insights Team (BIT) in 2010 marked a significant milestone in the UK's approach to integrating behavioral insights into policymaking. While the initial focus was on public health and energy efficiency, the BIT has expanded its scope to include various policy areas, reflecting the UK's commitment to leveraging behavioral science in governance.Acknowledgments The authors gratefully acknowledge the financial and moral support provided by the Innovation Center of the Islamic Consultative Assembly of Iran, which made this research possible
The State
Hossien Salimi
Abstract
IntroductionAlthough the study of politics is no longer limited to the examination of the state as an institution and encompasses all aspects of social life, the nature and function of the state remain among the most significant subjects of discussion in this historically significant field. Especially ...
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IntroductionAlthough the study of politics is no longer limited to the examination of the state as an institution and encompasses all aspects of social life, the nature and function of the state remain among the most significant subjects of discussion in this historically significant field. Especially as continuous and fundamental changes in society and global relations have led to transformations in both functions and perceptions of the state. States still represent the most important social institution in human existence, and the primary question facing social and political scientists is whether the fundamental transformation of global relations will lead to the elimination or alteration of the state institution. Some theorists of international relations, particularly among realists, believe that the state neither disappears nor does its primary function change. The state of the world and international relations is fundamentally the same as it has always been. That is, states will remain the main actors in the field of international relations, and their primary role will continue to be ensuring security and protecting interests within their borders, all within an anarchic world that lacks any centralized power to govern it and has its own unique rules and order.Accordingly, the main question of this article is how, according to Anne-Marie Slaughter, can the state continue to play its role in a networked world. The secondary question is whether the indicators proposed by Slaughter for the state's role in a networked world align with current realities.Our preliminary answer to this question is that, according to Slaughter, the functions of the state continue in a manner that aligns with the internal rules of global networks, albeit the discontinuous state as Slaughter has described has not yet fully materialized. The subsidiary hypothesis is that the state will act as a discontinuous institution within judicial, decision-making, action-oriented, and norm-setting global networks. However, we cannot yet speak of the emergence of a new form of the state called the discontinuous state.Our method for examining these hypotheses is a mixed approach derived from a deductive strategy. This means that Anne-Marie Slaughter's theory will serve as the main framework for analysis, and this theory will be tested using qualitative interpretations and indicators on one hand, and quantitative indicators on the other. To this end, we will first examine Slaughter's concepts based on her primary sources and then evaluate the indicators of this theory with empirical evidence.Although Anne-Marie Slaughter has been influenced by other theorists' viewpoints, she strives to present new insights. She believes we are facing a serious paradox in the age of global networks. On one hand, there are global networks that have made globalization an inevitable part of human life, and on the other hand, there is an increasing need for states to govern and manage various issues that encompass all dimensions of social life in different countries. Some believe that the expansion of globalization and the inevitability of global networks will weaken or eliminate the state, thus reducing the need for its governance and role. However, Slaughter argues that the need for states and their roles in the process of globalization will increase, presenting a paradox in the modern world. She understands global political networks as follows: "Global political networks stem from diverse projects of 'reinventing and reimagining the state,' both academically and practically. These projects focus on various ways the private sector can perform functions and roles traditionally associated with government, from providing expertise for public services to overseeing and controlling compliance."An examination of the indicators that Slaughter presents regarding state networks in the global arena shows that these indicators somewhat reflect reality, but as this theorist claims, they have not led to the emergence of a new phenomenon. An analysis of global realities indicates that such networks do exist, and as we will explore in subsequent pages, their existence and influence cannot be denied. However, given that her central concept is the discontinuous state, these networks have not yet resulted in a discontinuity of states. As we will demonstrate, these networks influence decisions and laws in various countries, but not to the extent that would transform a continuous state into a discontinuous one.Anne-Marie Slaughter offers a new perspective on the role and manner of state functioning in the global age, aptly termed the disaggregated state. This new perspective can explain many phenomena and new developments in the world and provide a fresh theoretical framework for understanding the state. Nevertheless, while Slaughter's concept and theory align with many ongoing transformations and open a new window for understanding them, they still cannot explain all dimensions of the actual state and political world, nor can many new political currents and realities be accounted for within this theory. The statistics and examples presented in this article reveal that although initial sprouts of the phenomenon of the discontinuous state are visible, it has not yet fully materialized. States continue to play significant roles in most areas...
The State
Mohammad javad Moosanezhad
Abstract
IntroductionThinking about the formation, contexts, and contexts of an authoritarian state has a deep history in political thought. However, the history of studies related to the connection and link between this model of political systems and psychology dates back to the twentieth century and after the ...
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IntroductionThinking about the formation, contexts, and contexts of an authoritarian state has a deep history in political thought. However, the history of studies related to the connection and link between this model of political systems and psychology dates back to the twentieth century and after the formation of non-democratic governments in Western Europe. Among the people who tried to explain the phenomenon of an authoritarian state using psychology was Manes Sperber, who was strongly influenced by Adler's teachings on individual psychology in his psychological studies and research and used his central concepts in the political psychology of an authoritarian state. Sperber, who was initially an ardent supporter of the Stalinist state, turned away from it after the terrible events and assassinations of the Stalinist state in the 1930s and wrote several works on the subject of how an authoritarian state is formed in countries.Research objective and MethodsThe aim of this article is to understand the dimensions of the political psychology of an authoritarian state according to Sperber's views and perspectives. The main question of this article is how and on what basis do autocratic states form in the thought of Manes Sperber, and what psychological characteristics do the autocratic leader and the society hosting this type of state have?Results and Discussion To answer this question, Sperber's famous book entitled "The Psychological Investigation of Autocratism" was examined and analyzed. According to the data, Manes Sperber went through two main stages in his life. In the first stage of his life, considering the developments in European societies and his spirit of seeking justice, he had a positive and favorable view of socialism and the Soviet Union. At this stage, he was busy producing content, literature, and statements on this subject. However, from the mid-1930s, he fundamentally changed his thinking and approach and became a critic of the Soviet Union and Stalin's policies. Sperber's perspective and analysis was a new scientific field called "political psychology." This scientific branch was a new and interdisciplinary field of social science that aimed to analyze the political behaviors of leaders, political figures, groups, and individuals, and ultimately led to providing a picture of understanding and comprehending the political behaviors of leaders and the masses. The findings show that in Sperber's political psychology, autocratic states can only be realized and actualized under two basic events and preconditions - one is the existence of an individual with the conditions for autocratic rule and the other is the existence of a mass and disintegrated society. Manes Sperber analyzed the authoritarian state using Adler's individual psychology approach.According to Adler's theory, people who are defective, whether physical or mental, suffer from an inferiority complex, and this feeling of inferiority causes them to seek compensation in the future, and as a result, the second sense, which is superiority, comes into play. These people are the ones who, in Sperber's political psychology, have the background and preparation for dictatorship and can be autocratic leaders. However, as Manes Sperber says, the existence of these people in society does not in itself lead to the formation of an autocratic government. It is possible that many of these people are present in different societies, but they only act from power under conditions where the economic, social, and political conditions give them such an opportunity and the basis for its acceptance by the people is prepared. Therefore, not all people in society can or do not have the conditions to reach the position of autocratic leadership. Another requirement for the formation of an autocratic government in Sperber's thought is a mass and fragmented society. A society in which people have no dependence or solidarity with each other and has become an atomized society in a way.ConclusionAccording to Sperber's thought, they are large groups of selfish people whose selfishness is picked up by the autocratic person and arouses their emotions. These people are the same people who, according to Adler's individual psychology, have a feeling of inferiority due to various disabilities and have a sense of hatred for life. In the feeling of hatred for this life, the desire to destroy and annihilate the people who played a role in creating this kind of life is formed. The people of this society are looking for compensation for their past; to compensate for the past, they are looking for a good and dreamy future; but according to Sperber's analysis, they cannot compensate for their past alone and practically no one is able to change them alone. Such people know that they are not able to change their fate and compensate for their past lives alone and if there is to be a change, this change requires special and different people. This particular person is the autocratic leader.
The State
Gholamreza Hadad; Ali Aleali
Abstract
IntroductionThere are different views in different schools of political economy about size of the government and its effects on efficiency of policies and on productivity in markets. Government downsizing as a way to increasing economic efficiency, effectiveness of public management and participation ...
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IntroductionThere are different views in different schools of political economy about size of the government and its effects on efficiency of policies and on productivity in markets. Government downsizing as a way to increasing economic efficiency, effectiveness of public management and participation of the private sector has been considered by some researchers and politicians since the 80s. The most important problem in the approach of government downsizing is the ineffectiveness of the government's intervention in the economy. so, government intervention in markets by creating monopoly for state companies and actors reduces the level of competition and innovation among private enterprises. The necessity of government downsizing was demonstrated by the economic recession in the 70s and the debt crisis among developing countries. In order to organize their economy, these countries started to receive help from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund and put the policies of reducing state ownership on the agenda. So, the root of problems was assessed in the large presence of the government in this field.The downsizing of the government in Iran has also brought a diverse range of researchers' opinions. Iranian researchers have used different methods to organize their research when faced with the concept of government downsizing in Iran. This has caused a wide range of researches with different approach, methodology, sampling, data combination and different results. The aforementioned diversity in practice makes it difficult to have a precise and systematic knowledge of different opinions about government downsizing in order to use them in new researches or their application to the (practical) policy field. This necessitates the use of new research methods for the systematic classification of previous research and providing a new synthesis. Meta-synthesis is one of the appropriate methods to achieve this goal. In the meta-synthesis method, by systematically studying and reviewing the researches related to a topic, the researcher provides a detailed perspective of the researches in question and provides a new synthesis of them. According to these points, this article is trying to use the Meta-synthesis method in the field of studies related to the downsizing of the government in Iran.The main goal of this article is to evaluate the opinions of Iranian researchers regarding government downsizing solutions in Iran and their systematic classification using the meta-synthesis method in order to provide a new synthesis of previous studies. In this way, the main question is as follows; What is the synthesis of opinions of Iranian researchers regarding the goals, solutions and obstacles in the process of government downsizing in Iran?Materials and MethodsIn this article, the opinions of Iranian researchers regarding the goals, solutions, and obstacles of government downsizing in Iran have been evaluated and a systematic classification of them has been made using the meta-synthesis method in order to provide a new synthesis of previous studies. The meta-synthesis carried out in this study consisted of 33 studies. This number of researches has been selected from more than 100 researches based on the indicators of the scientific validity, the validity of the publisher, the scientific and research history of the author and the citations to it.Results and DiscussionThe results of this synthesis show that according to Iranian researchers, the goals of government downsizing in Iran include reducing government economic activities, increasing efficiency and competition in market. Regarding downsizing solutions, privatization, modern public management, and good governance are also considered by Iranian researchers. According to Iranian researchers, the obstacles of government downsizing include rentierism, Iranian political culture, the lack of prerequisites for the implementation of the government downsizing policy, and the emergence of class conflict following the implementation of the government downsizing policy. Finally, the synthesis of the article was presented by examining the public-private partnership model (PPP) as a new solution for government downsizing and as an alternative to the Previous solutions. ConclusionUsing the experience and knowledge of the private sector in Iran's economy, whether in the form of downsizing or in general, according to the special conditions of access to natural rent, has a different situation compared to the experience of the early models of the process of government downsizing, that is, England and the United States. The synthesis made in this article suggests the use of the public-private partnership model. In this way, a balance is created between the use of knowledge, expertise and, more precisely, the market-based performance of the private sector with the responsibility and accountability of the government institutions. The result is that both the possibility of reducing the economic burden of the government institutions and the natural rent belonging to all members of the society in the form of public property will not be converted into private property.
The State
Mazaher Ziaei
Abstract
Extended AbstractIntroductionInvestigating how the Safavid state emerged and flourished in today’s Iran territory is very useful for understanding Iran's history and current situation. Interpreting states' evolution over time requires a theory that considers the dynamics of the internal relations ...
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Extended AbstractIntroductionInvestigating how the Safavid state emerged and flourished in today’s Iran territory is very useful for understanding Iran's history and current situation. Interpreting states' evolution over time requires a theory that considers the dynamics of the internal relations of individuals in the government organization and the mutual effects the society in the economic, political, and social fields over time. A look at the mass of studies about the Safavids shows that despite the many efforts made, there are still many differences of opinion about the causes of the emergence, peak, and decline of the Safavid era. It is expected that the use of more comprehensive theories in interpreting state developments will contribute to the coherence of interpretations of common understanding in this field.Recently, three experts centered on Douglas North, the joint winner of the 1993 Nobel Prize in Economics, have presented a conceptual framework for development, which they claim can be used to interpret and analyze the written history of mankind and the relationship between historical developments and development.BackgroundThe North et al. conceptual framework attracted the attention of Iranian researchers and it has been used in the research (Ziaei, 1402) to interpret the developments of the Sasanian state from the beginning to its fall, and in (Qarakhani et al. 1400) for the Pahlavi state. One research, with the same theoretical framework was conducted by (Ostad and Heydari 1400) for the Safavids, although its title seems to include the entire Safavid period, its purpose is to investigate the causes of the downfall of the Safavids. Also, in the theoretical framework of North et al., the changes in the government are the changes in the coalition, which can be analyzed by the principle of double balance, as described in the theoretical part, but in this research, this capacity is neglected and in some cases, the concepts of other theoretical frameworks are used.GoalThe aim of this is to use the conceptual framework of the "natural state" to provide a new interpretation of the progress of Safavid dynasty from the beginning to the end of Shah Abbas I's reign, which is expected to be more comprehensive and coherent than the existing interpretations.MethodologyThe period from the Safavid sect era to Abbas I is divided into seven periods.From endowment management to country government (1300-1499)From the coalition of warriors to the government of an empire (1514-1499)The containment of Qazalbashan by the break down Ismail (1514-1524)War of the elders in the presence of the child king (1524-1533)Stable and durable coalition (1576-1533)Civil war and shaky alliances (1576-1589)The perfect coalition (1629-1589)For each period, at first, the related part of the theoretical framework is presented, then state evolution is interpreted according to the combination of the coalition’s members, their relative political power, and environmental conditions.FindingsThe results show that the initial coalition of the Safavid state, which was formed by the absolute dominance of the Shah and the strong role of the Qizelbashs and Sufis, with some ups and downs reached its peak during the period of Abbas I. This coalition includes the king, wardens, governors of kingdoms and Khalsa states, pastoral and professional soldiers, jurisconsult, bureaucrats, courtiers, and on its margins were merchants, architects, doctors, and some other elites. The geographical size of the Safavid state during the last conquests of Ismail I and the time of the death of Abbas I did not differ much, and except for around the beginning of the kingdom of Abbas I, it had little fluctuations during this period.The characteristics of the Safavid coalition are: 1) The axis of this coalition was a dynasty with a long history was urban, with a religious attraction among the society and especially acceptance among the military of the alliance. It had economic, political facilities and military command experience. This family was always above all, more or less the manifestation of the hopes of the members, the arbiter and the speaker of the conflicts and the controller of all the members of the coalition. In other words, the axis of the coalition was often "people of religion", "people of the sword", "people of the pen" and "people of economic accounting" at the same time.2) Although the military force always played an important role in the coalition, it was fragmented and as a result, one of them couldn't dominate the entire coalition. They were basically the defenders of the coalition and they competed to the extent that the coalition would not fall apart.3) The composition of the members, their role and power were such that it provided various military and economic rents to the coalition and to some extent provided the growth of some economic activities. The whole coalition and especially its axis, unlike most of the great Mongol and Turkish empires, was not alien to agriculture, urban life and trade, but promoted trade and urbanization.ConclusionAccording to the theory of "natural state" by North et al. the relation of the Safavid coalition to the development of Iran It can said:- The Safavid state was not an absolute European state or a national state, but the rule of a single government over the current territory of Iran for more than two hundred years accelerated and facilitated the achievement of a centralized state in the following years.- The role of religion in this coalition has been much more complicated than in Europe, and it seems that each of the different points of view in this field has only dealt with a part of these complexities.- From an organizational point of view, no organization was formed outside the state, but the juris consults had an organization parallel to the state to some extent- In terms of the government's support for organizations outside the government, it can be said that no organization of this kind was formed, but the scholars recently had an organization that was somewhat parallel to the government.- The dominance of the militaries, especially nomads, in the coalition and the consecration of officials and individuals caused the discussion on the powers of the coalition members, especially the restrictions on the king's powers, to not lead to official and written agreements like what happened in Europe.
The State
Abolfazl Ghasemi
Abstract
AbstractIntroductionThe complexity of governing countries, coupled with changes in the roles and functions of governments, has led to a more complex administrative and managerial structure. At the dawn of the 21st century, two main currents have shaped development policy worldwide: globalization, which ...
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AbstractIntroductionThe complexity of governing countries, coupled with changes in the roles and functions of governments, has led to a more complex administrative and managerial structure. At the dawn of the 21st century, two main currents have shaped development policy worldwide: globalization, which integrates private sector interaction and trade relations, and localization, which is the process of devolution of roles, financial responsibilities, and management from central government to a subnational unit. Administrative systems are considered the executive arms of political leaders in society. Administrative systems can be divided into two categories: centralization and decentralization. Centralization is a type of administration under a single command. In a centralized system, a country's affairs are managed from a central location by ministers who are the highest decision-making authorities in the government and are usually based in the capital. Decentralization is a system in which the authority to make decisions about matters is devoted to authorities who are more or less independent of the central authority. In other words, they have a degree of administrative independence and freedom of action.Decentralization is used in many countries as one of the principles of good governance and is a means of promoting political, economic, civil, and managerial governance. Intending to find solutions to problems in cities such as poverty, unemployment, inflation, and environmental pollution, a transformation has occurred in the urban development management system, the basis of which is the focus on a decentralized approach in organization. In this approach, the concept of urban governance is first used, meaning the simultaneous and joint participation of people, local institutions, and government and non-governmental organizations as actors in urban development.In Iran, with the growth of cities, their management and administration have also faced various challenges, as meeting the demands of different groups of citizens requires interaction with various institutions. Metropolises have sought good urban governance to be managed correctly and appropriately, in which citizens have the opportunity to freely agree and establish various social, economic, political, and cultural relationships without violating the rights of othersResearch Question(s): Why has decentralization and good urban governance not been realized in Iran?Literature ReviewBy reviewing the background of conducted research, the fundamental gap observed is the lack of a coherent study examining the simultaneous causes of the failure of decentralization and good urban governance in Iran. The author aims to fill this research gap concerning decentralization and the delegation of powers to formal sub-national, as well as good urban governance, since the failure to achieve these two has led to unfavorable consequences at the urban level in Iran.MethodologyThis research is Institutionaly (Public Administration) approach. The data collection tool is a library-documentary approach, referring to books, articles, official reports, and electronic resources.ResultsHistorically, Iran's administrative system has been characterized by a strong hierarchical structure, reflecting a deep-rooted cultural emphasis on obedience and authority. This hierarchical mindset, evident in the bureaucratic culture, has its roots in centuries of centralized governance. The Iranian state has traditionally been structured around a unitary political center, with power concentrated at the national level. This centralized model, while providing a degree of stability and control, has often hindered local initiative and responsiveness to diverse regional need. In this tradition, decision-making processes were given less consideration, and executive authorities preferred broader government powers to enable rapid decision-making on various issues at all levels of the territory. The concept of decentralization first emerged during the Constitutional Revolution. After the Islamic Revolution, decentralization, administrative deconcentration, and the council system were also given attention, and the Constitution explicitly mentioned the council-based governance of the country. Urbanization has been on the rise in Iran, with the urban population increasing from 54.3% to 74% between 1986 and 2016, according to post-revolutionary censuses. The number of cities has also grown from 199 in 1956 to 1431 in 2022.To achieve good urban governance, certain requirements are necessary, based on global lived experiences, whereby decision-making powers are delegated to sub-national institutions. Among the most important factors influencing the strength or weakness of good urban governance are the political elites' perspective on the delegation of powers, their understanding and vision of sub-national governance, political culture, the historical background of governance, the social and class base of the state, and the geopolitical position of the state.Iran's political elites' perspective, lack of a Referential, political culture, bureaucratic culture, oil revenues, the tradition of governance in Iran, and the government's security-oriented view of society have all contributed to the continued centralization, leaving local governance not particularly strong in practice. The consequences of centralization and the failure to achieve good urban governance in Iran can be summarized as follows: reduced civic participation, reduced transparency, reduced accountability, Disruption, and inefficiency in service delivery, Increased government intervention and complex bureaucratic processes, and Growth of corruption.ConclusionAn evaluation of urban planning and management experiences in Iran indicates a centralized approach. In a centralized political management system, planning is influenced by the overall thoughts and programs of the government and central institutions. The Iranian government, with its oil revenues excessive independence from society, and the dependence of social classes on it, has focused on centralized decision-making. To successfully decentralize at the urban level, there is a need for a strong will among high-level government officials to share power, authority, and financial resources with sub-national entities.
The State
Alireza Samiee Esfahani; Sara Farahmand
Abstract
IntroductionOn August 15, 2021, in a strategic shock, the Taliban entered Kabul to seize power after a cascading crisis triggered by the Western military withdrawal and the reluctance of the Afghan government and its national security forces to engage in military conflict. The question arises as ...
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IntroductionOn August 15, 2021, in a strategic shock, the Taliban entered Kabul to seize power after a cascading crisis triggered by the Western military withdrawal and the reluctance of the Afghan government and its national security forces to engage in military conflict. The question arises as to where the roots of this unexpected political event lie. At the beginning of the 21st century, the September 11 attacks and the American government’s decisive analysis of the Taliban’s role set the stage for a military invasion led by an international coalition. Under U.S. leadership, Afghanistan became the frontline for implementing the strategy of war against terrorism. However, America’s sustained involvement in Afghanistan cannot be understood simply as an effort to eliminate Al-Qaeda terrorist groups. This objective appeared to be of secondary importance to the coalition forces, particularly the United States. The primary focus of their policies was the establishment of political and social stability within Afghan society. American security theorists believed that terrorism was a consequence of bankrupt governments and the social environment, which they saw as manifestations of chaos that had persisted for years. As a result, state-building in Afghanistan became a key focus of U.S. security policy. With the support of other nations and various international organizations, the United States pursued a policy aimed at forming a powerful government and a stable society in Afghanistan. This effort involved several steps, including drafting the constitution, holding presidential and parliamentary elections, building political institutions, and granting political and social freedoms to civil society institutions and political activists. The Karzai administration even invited the Taliban to join the government and renounce violence in hopes of establishing political stability and forming an inclusive government. The 2014 presidential election was therefore expected to be an important opportunity for the institutionalizing of a democratic government and the peaceful transfer of power in Afghanistan. However, many successive crises in Afghanistan seem to stem from the limitations and obstacles of the international state-building project. The governments have struggled to incorporate all political factions and effectively manage conflicts. Both the Karzai and Ghani administrations faced growing political and social instability and significant crises (e.g., crises of authority, influence, and legitimacy), ultimately losing the support of the Afghan people.After nearly two decades of democratization rhetoric supporting the international state-building initiative in Afghanistan, the modern state and democracy, with their inherent positive attributes, have yet to take root among the Afghan people. Moreover, political security and stability has remained elusive, becoming a rare and expensive commodity for both the elites and the general populace. In this respect, the present study aims to address the central question of what led to the failure of the political reconciliation process and the subsequent re-establishment of Taliban control in Afghanistan in August 2021. The research is based on the hypothesis that this political failure primarily stemmed from the unique nature of the international state-building project in Afghanistan. For the process of political settlement and the successful advancement of the state-building project to be effective, stability must be achieved on two levels: 1) horizontal stability and 2) vertical stability. To address the research question, the article first examined the political settlement among the elite and statesmen (horizontal stability), and then explored the legitimacy of the new political order within various segments of Afghan society (vertical stability).Materials and MethodsThe current study relied on a qualitative, causal-explanatory approach, as well as the data collected from library and internet sources. Following a pathological perspective, the research used a theoretical framework based on state-building and political stability to examine the Western efforts in state-building and political reconciliation in Afghanistan. It also sought to identify the reasons behind the failure of these policies, which ultimately led to the Taliban’s return to power within Afghanistan’s complex sociopolitical landscape during the period of 2014–2021.Results and DiscussionAccording to the theoretical framework of state-building and political stability, Afghanistan’s National Unity Government can be considered a point of weakness in the country’s state-building process. The National Unity Government consistently failed to control power centers, both directly and indirectly and was unable to establish its authority and legitimacy in dealing with these centrifugal forces. Formed with external support through a political agreement brokered by the United States, the government was a temporary solution intended to address the crisis through a short-term coalition. However, it faced numerous challenges, including internal political divisions, increasing financial dependence on foreign countries (particularly the U.S.), failed peace talks with the Taliban, a rise in suicide operations, the Afghan National Army’s inability to counter the Taliban and establish security, administrative corruption, and political and economic crises. These issues severely undermined the legitimacy and authority of Ashraf Ghani’s administration, making it increasingly fragile and unable to provide the necessary political stability during the transition period. According to the theoretical model, for the process of political settlement and the successful advancement of the state-building project to be effective, stability must be achieved on two levels: 1) horizontal stability characterized by political agreements, officials’ respect for their obligations, and adherence to the rules of the political game; and 2) vertical stability referring to the constructive and mutual interaction between the government and society, including the domestic legitimacy of the government and non-interference of external forces. In Afghanistan, however, the international state-building efforts led by the Western alliance failed to establish the necessary consensus at both the horizontal and vertical levels. ConclusionThe current study aimed to address the central question of what led to the failure of the political reconciliation process and the subsequent re-establishment of Taliban control in Afghanistan in August 2021. In the international war against terrorism, fragile states like Afghanistan became the focus of Western security discourse, leading to the proposal of international state-building through the theory of liberal peace as a solution to create political stability and a powerful central government in the country. This approach shaped the Western agenda in Afghanistan. However, nearly two decades later, the international state-building project failed to deliver the expected outcomes for both Afghan society and the international community. This article argued that the failure of national reconciliation and the peaceful political transition over the past two decades—especially after 2014—stems largely from the nature of the international state-building project. This project imposed a linear, mechanical, supranational–subordinate approach to state-building and political stability, failing to account for the internal dynamics and unique logic of intervened societies like Afghanistan. Therefore, the international state-building project struggled, as the liberal values of the West would contradict the traditional sociopolitical context of Afghan society. This fueled corruption, inefficiency, and the weakness of the quasi-government, which was heavily reliant on foreign support. Ultimately, the Taliban unexpectedly capitalized on anti-American sentiment among Afghans and regained power, plunging Afghanistan’s peaceful political transition into deep uncertainty.
The State
Mostafa Kavakebyan; Azim Matin
Abstract
In explicating the essence of a modern state, one must navigate a theoretical landscape defined by a set of characteristics, criteria, and requisites that differentiate the theory of the modern state from alternative paradigms, notably the absolute state. This theoretical realm, characterized by a prescriptive ...
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In explicating the essence of a modern state, one must navigate a theoretical landscape defined by a set of characteristics, criteria, and requisites that differentiate the theory of the modern state from alternative paradigms, notably the absolute state. This theoretical realm, characterized by a prescriptive understanding of modern governance, serves as a guiding force, prompting governments worldwide to emulate its structural blueprint. This form of governance, intricately woven into the fabric of contemporary political landscapes, commands loyalty from its constituents. It wields influence both directly and indirectly, orchestrating societal affairs through a bureaucratic apparatus that intricately affects diverse aspects of citizens' lives.In stark contrast to premodern governance reliant on tribute and force, the modern government garners economic sustenance directly from its citizenry, levying taxes to fulfill its distinct responsibilities. At the core of the modern state lies the imperative of nation-building, an endeavor necessitating the homogenization of social identity. However, the crux of our inquiry lies in the intricate relationship between us Iranians and the modern state. Delving into the historical narrative of the modern state as an experiential journey and scrutinizing it as a malleable theoretical model emerge as imperative undertakings.The overarching purpose of this research is to meticulously examine the historical trajectory underpinning the formation and stabilization of the modern state in Iran. Anchored in the intellectual currents of Western thought, this scholarly pursuit aspires to enhance our understanding of the state's essence and its nuanced position within the Iranian milieu. A discerning analysis of the country's policies and orientations naturally unfolds as a byproduct of this historical exploration.Guiding our intellectual journey is a theoretical framework rooted in historical institutionalism. This approach, a beacon in the study of state building in Iran, focuses on unraveling the intricate tapestry of social, political, and economic behaviors, tracing their evolution over time. Institutions, elevated to the status of independent variables, emerge as architects shaping individual and collective actions alongside the broader panorama of social and political phenomena. Recognizing that institutions not only mold actors' strategies but also sculpt their objectives, historical institutionalism, with its attention to structural variables such as class position and mediating entities like political parties and unions, provides a nuanced lens through which to study the formation and construction of the government in Iran.The research methodology, a dual-pronged approach, employs the content analysis method to scrutinize definitions of the modern state put forth by Western thinkers. This analytical approach, eschewing the exploration of attitudes and beliefs in favor of dissecting produced messages, is complemented by the historical research method. This method involves a meticulous examination of specific past events within a defined temporal scope, integrating historical facts through a rigorous regimen of data collection, evaluation, and verification.Tracing the historical trajectory of government formation in the West, political scientists posit that the foundations of the modern state or nation-state were laid in the late Middle Ages, influenced by the Catholic cultural context. The formation of modern national states was shaped by factors such as religious reform movements and conflicts among European countries. The Treaty of Westphalia in the 16th to 18th centuries is considered a pivotal event in the emergence of the modern state. From the 19th century onward, the modern government model gradually supplanted other political systems globally.The indicators and criteria of modern governments encompass a legitimate monopoly on controlling the means of violence, a specific territorial territory, sovereignty, centralized power, a codified constitution, the use of impersonal power, nationalism, a public bureaucracy, authority/legitimacy, citizenship, and provincial tax.The historical exploration of government formation in Iran reveals nuanced epochs, beginning with the Safavid era's establishment of a robust central government to counter threats from the Sunni Ottoman Empire. Shah Abbas I marked a zenith, unifying the country politically, relocating the capital to Isfahan, fostering a unified religious identity based on Shiite Islam, and expanding diplomatic relations. Subsequent governments, such as the Afshariya and Zand, did not significantly alter national and state organizations. The Qajar dynasty witnessed an expansion of central government power, albeit rooted in the Illyrian system. The constitutional revolution of 1285 emerged as a historical turning point, ushering in constitutionalism and paving the way for a more structured political system in Iran. The subsequent Pahlavi absolute government, while characterized by economic nationalism and centralization of power, laid the foundations for absolute rule.In conclusion, this historical exploration, spanning from the Safavid era to the Pahlavi period, unveils Iran's trajectory of independent political thought and the evolution of a nation transitioning to citizenship. Constitutionalism emerges as the cornerstone of modern governance, establishing a balanced relationship between the government and the nation. The era of Reza Shah, marked by economic nationalism and the consolidation of government power, signifies a fundamental shift, laying the groundwork for absolute rule. This scholarly endeavor sheds light on the nuanced tapestry of Iran's political evolution.
The State
Mazaher Ziaei
Abstract
Background and ContextNumerous studies have indicated that the state instability existence in past of countries has not only delayed their development but also influenced their current level of development. The study of political instability in the Eurasian region during the agricultural era (3000 BC ...
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Background and ContextNumerous studies have indicated that the state instability existence in past of countries has not only delayed their development but also influenced their current level of development. The study of political instability in the Eurasian region during the agricultural era (3000 BC to 1600 AD) encompasses a significant portion of the history and the contemporary world geography. It can serve as a basis for examining political instability in the history of Iran. Many scholars have considered the proximity to the Central Asian nomadic societies as one of the factors contributing to instability in Eurasian countries. Some of them argue that the history of these tribes' interactions with neighboring regions forms the core of Eurasian history. There are also a limited number of quantitative studies that have encompassed various aspects of these tribes impacts on neighboring communities. There have been numerous studies on the effects of these tribes on Iran as well, but none of them have covered this temporal and geographical scope.Objective of the ResearchThe main objective of this research is to investigate political instability in Eurasia, particularly in Iran, during the agricultural era. It focuses on the Central Asian nomadic influence tribes on the creation of political instability in Eurasia. The research utilizes this framework of interactions and gathered information to periodize political instability in the history of Iran.Research MethodologyIn this study, political instability is perceived as a low average lifespan of states and a high coefficient of variations (standard deviation-to-mean ratio). The study considers Continental Eurasia (including Europe and Asia, excluding their islands) as the studied region and the agricultural era 3000 BC to 1600 AD as the studied period. To assess the timing and extent of Central Asian tribes' influence on political instability in Eurasian states, a total of 432 Eurasian states in the study period were identified. Subsequently, the time and extent of Central Asian tribes' impact on political instability were examined by applying three categorizations to these states: 1) Regional categorization based on the importance of the region each government could have for Central Asian tribes, dividing into Central Asia, unimportant region, less important region, and highly important region. 2) Since the period of significant influence of these tribes on Eurasian developments occurred between 500 BC and 1600 AD, states that existed before 500 BC were classified as belonging to the first period, while others belonged to the second period. 3) By combining the previous two categorizations, the states were grouped into four categories: (I)Central Asian states, (II)unattractive states, (III)low unattractive states, and (IV) highly unattractive states.Descriptive analysis, Two-sample Kolmogorov–Smirnov test (KS2), and categorical regression were used for data analysis and inference.FindingsThe findings regarding regional categorization show the significant differences in the lifespan of states among regions. The average lifespan of states in unimportant regions is more than 3.5 times that of highly important regions, and the coefficient of variation for highly important regions is higher than for other regions. Regression results confirm the model and regression coefficients validity, indicating that this four-group categorization explains 29% of the variations among states.Statistical analysis demonstrates a significant difference in the mean lifespan of states between these two periods. Specifically, the average lifespan of states in the first period in the Region Two, a significant region, is nearly eight times higher than the states in second period of that region. Additionally, the lifespan of states, particularly in Iran, has decreased during the agricultural era.These analyses also reveal significant differences in the average lifespan of states within the categorized groups, with coefficient determination of 0.429. The mentioned item indicates that this model accounts for a significant portion of the variations in the lifespan of the examined states.Moreover, Iran's status in terms of the number, average lifespan, and coefficient of variation of states is examined within different groupings, and the KS2 test confirms that Iran's belonging to specific groups and the irconcordance lack of other groups, except for its concordance with Central Asia.Several supplementary studies on Chinese history, the timing of the beginning and end of the agricultural era, and the period of Central Asian tribes' influence provide further support for the stability of the results.ConclusionThe statistical analysis results show an inverse relationship between the average states lifespan and the level of threat from Central Asia in various categories of states. Evidently, the agricultural-era states' political instability was significantly affected by the invasions of Central Asian tribes. The four-group categorization explains approximately 43% of the variation in states’ lifespans. Notably, this level of explanation is achieved with only four categorical variables.Regarding Iran, the findings indicate that the political instability of Iranian agricultural-era states was also influenced by interactions with Central Asian tribes. The periodization of Iranian history can be established as mentioned bellow:(up to 600), (600 to 1000), (1000 to 1250), and (1250 onwards), with distinct events in the second period onwards attributed to Central Asian tribes, such as the emergence of the Seljuks and the Mongol invasions. The results demonstrate that political instability in Iran was higher than the average for other regions, with an average government lifespan of 90 years during the fourth period, which lasted for approximately 550 years, slightly exceeding the average lifespan of a human today.
The State
Masoud Akhavan Kazemi; Golnaz Narimani
Abstract
A few historical governments have existed for a long time, but the government is relatively old and lasts up to a few centuries, especially in its modern form. A modern government is an organization that controls legal law and applies it legitimately. The government is the only organization with the ...
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A few historical governments have existed for a long time, but the government is relatively old and lasts up to a few centuries, especially in its modern form. A modern government is an organization that controls legal law and applies it legitimately. The government is the only organization with the authority and right to use legitimate violence. Throughout history and during the past eras, many governments have been formed in all parts of the world, and each of them has reached the point of collapse after some time. Although the existence of the state is more durable and survival compared to the government, and in other words, it is "more or less than ever," the specific policies of the formation of the states are taken into consideration. However, the point is under what conditions they fall apart; it has received less attention from researchers. This article aims to answer the question, under what conditions can a government be destroyed or collapsed?To find the causes and factors of the collapse and fall of governments, the current research, using the theories of systemic analysis, besides explaining the various forms of government collapse, examines all the internal and external factors and factors of the collapse of a government. To understand this issue, it has been taken from systemic analysis; systemic analysis refers to a point of view that can be used to investigate and analyze a phenomenon. Systemic analysis leads to a better understanding of phenomena and avoids reductionism. In recent decades, system analysis has been proposed as an efficient tool for new sciences and specialized supplementary studies in various social fields in scientific and academic circles. This causes a general and multifaceted understanding of why and the phenomena and events governing behavioral affairs.In systemic analysis, the political system, as an intellectual system, has several subsystems. A crisis in any of these subsystems, including the economic or political subsystem, can lead to the fragility and collapse of the government. In this view, the government is a set of interconnected and systematic elements and propositions. Disruption in any of these elements can lead to the collapse or destruction of the state.In addition to the internal connection between its components, the government as a system also has a connection with external changes at different and numerous levels. The state has the property of food with its external elements. As a result of these connections between the government and the environment and the actions and reactions between them, differences or imbalances occur in the government system.In a general classification, the collapse and disintegration of governments can be classified in the form of two main categories—external factors and factors and internal factors. External factors deal with the relations between the government and other countries in the international community. The second category also refers to the relationship between the government and its internal society. It is essential to mention that these two groups of factors influence each other, and a change in the intensity and weakness of one causes a change in the intensity and weakness of the other. This means that the collapse of the government extends from the internal situation to the foreign relations of the troubled government. Also, the weakening of foreign authority substantially impacts its internal stability.Research studies indicate that at the external level of the government system, essential factors such as war and foreign invasion, climate change, the pressures of powers and economic sanctions, and issues of a succession of governments can become the fragility of the government and against it. It will eventually collapse. In the internal dimension, crises in three subsystems, political, economic, and social, can turn into the collapse of the government. In other words, factors such as political crises and the distortion of governance, economic crises such as inflation and damage, and social issues such as the crisis of failure to start and the crisis of participation are the main factors affecting the collapse and disintegration of a government. The weakening, incapacity, decline, and decay of governments either due to external factors, in the economic forms of political policies and foreign invasion and war, and in some cases, due to climate change and the succession of governments to another place. It occurs or results from internal changes in the political, economic, and social structure, civil wars, accumulation of crises, and loss of internal legitimacy.
The State
Majid Ostovar
Abstract
Although Iran's contact with developments in the Western world can be found in the European travelogues of Iranians during the “Safavid” and “Qajar” periods, But Iranians' dealings with the West go back to the Iran-Russia War.When Iran's military forces were defeated by Russia, ...
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Although Iran's contact with developments in the Western world can be found in the European travelogues of Iranians during the “Safavid” and “Qajar” periods, But Iranians' dealings with the West go back to the Iran-Russia War.When Iran's military forces were defeated by Russia, “Abbas Mirza”, the war commander and Qajar crown prince, decided to increase Iran's military power by hiring military, medical and technical experts from Europe and sending a number of Iranian students to the West. As a result, from the beginning of the 19th century, reforming the educational system and importing technology and hiring military experts from Europe were the first actions of the crown prince to modernize Iran. So, from the beginning of the 19th century, reforming the educational system and importing technology and hiring military experts were among the first actions of the Crown Prince for modernization in Iran. The link between Iran's modernization and westernization created consequences and opposition in the country, and the traditional and religious system of education in Iran did not reflect it, and Iran's modernization faced complex obstacles. After “Abbas Mirza”, the other efforts of Iranian reformers in modernizing and reforming education in Iran continued with the establishment of “Daral-Funu”, School of Political Sciences, Missionary and “Rushdieh” schools until the formation of the constitution in 1906. But Iran could not benefit from a modern government and a coherent education system. This goal was postponed until the establishment of an absolute government during Reza Shah's period, and it was with the emergence of his government that the modernization of Iran in various dimensions with a focus on modern education became the fundamental goal of the new government.So far, many Researches have examined the performance of the first Pahlavi government and his modernization policies in Iran, but the studies have mainly focused on the government's identity building policy and less attention has been paid to the mutual effects of modernization and modern education in Iranian society. By examining the studies, the distinction and innovation of the current research is the explanation of modernization and education in the first Pahlavi government by relying on the theory of elitism. Based on this, the current research has tried to discuss and investigate the educational policies and measures of the first Pahlavi government, considering the cultural trends of modernization, such as the expansion of educational institutions and bureaucracy, nationalism and secularism. Therefore, the aim of the current research is to analyze the modernization and education in the first Pahlavi period and the fundamental change of Iranian society. The main question of the current research is; what changes did the performance of Reza Shah's government in the field of modernizing the educational system bring about in Iran? In order to investigate this issue, the current research has been investigated through descriptive and historical analysis. Historical analysis is a method that examines past records and documents to understand the past. In this research, by examining the actions and historical documents of the first Pahlavi government, an attempt has been made to analyze the modernization and educational policies of this period.As the findings of the research show, the constitutional failure in the formation of the centralized government of Iran was the basis for the emergence of the Pahlavi I absolute government and Reza Shah's authoritarian modernization in the country. Focusing on the political and military forces and the structure of the army, court and bureaucracy under modernization from above, his government started measures to transition Iran from traditional to capitalist and modern. One of the most important actions of this authoritarian modernization was the expansion of education in Iran. Accordingly, education in Iran during the first Pahlavi period was not only based on learning science, but had a dual function. On the one hand, the formation of citizens interested in the land of Iran in the direction of serving the country and loyalty to the king and the political system was considered, and on the other hand, the educational structure of the country in the service of modernizing the administrative apparatus in order to supply the strength of the newly established bureaucracy, nationalism, secularism and Westernization was placed. Although this view strengthened the central and inclusive government in Iran, the country's education system faced many challenges that continued for decades. The modern educational system, like the traditional educational system, relied on maintaining a large amount of information and strengthening memory and theoretical sciences that prepared citizens for administrative and managerial positions. As a result, since the beginning of the establishment of this educational system, we have witnessed quantity instead of quality and the efforts of graduates to gain status and prestige in the government and society.In such an arrangement, the cultivation of people with critical rationality and demanding citizenship is not considered, and the school, as a man-making factory, finds the task of making people in line with the ideological beliefs of the ruling regime. Emphasizing this demand, Reza Shah asked students and graduates to be obedient and patriotic people who serve the ideals of the political system. Because the first Pahlavi modernization lacked flexibility and acceptance of reforms from below, and with modernization from above, he followed educational policies in Iran and spread Pahlavi ideology in the society in this way. This ideological construction was indifferent to religious and local traditions and focused on the combination of Iranism and secularism in order to build a new Iran. On this basis, the new educational system was also used to build the ideology of modernization from above and did not pay attention to the educational functions and its compatibility with the local conditions of the Iranian society.
The State
Ahmad Zarean
Abstract
After the massive and sudden attack of ISIS on Iraq, the existence of the Iraqi state and nation and the sanctities of Muslims were under serious threat. While ISIS was approaching gates of Baghdad and the Iraqi army and security forces were not able to deal with it, with Ayatollah Sistani's fatwa regarding ...
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After the massive and sudden attack of ISIS on Iraq, the existence of the Iraqi state and nation and the sanctities of Muslims were under serious threat. While ISIS was approaching gates of Baghdad and the Iraqi army and security forces were not able to deal with it, with Ayatollah Sistani's fatwa regarding jihad to confront ISIS and ward off this real danger, a defense-security organization called Hashd al-Shaabi, consisting of volunteers People and militia groups, which are considered the military arm of Iraqi political parties and currents, were formed. The Iraqi state, which was in a state of emergency, supported the formation of this new defense-security organization and provided it with financial, logistical and weapons support. With the threat of ISISremoval and the end of state of emergency, the existence of such an organization, which is mainly controlled by militia groups, has become a significant challenge for Iraqi state, which seeks to obtain a monopoly on the use of legitimate force. Therefore, after 2014, all heads of the Iraqi government have tried to prevent the formation of a parallel defense-security institution outside the government's control by adopting different strategies. This article, in which the data has been collected by referring to library and online sources and explained and analyzed with a descriptive-analytical method, seeks to find an authentic answer to this question: "The relationship between the Iraqi government and Hashd al-Shaabi and its constituent militia groups. How has it been?" The findings of the article show that the relationship between the Iraqi government and the militia groups was subject to the requirements of the time in such a way that in emergency and threatening situations, the government used the capacity of these groups and in the absence of these conditions, these groups were considered by the government as a disturbing, undesirable and threatening element, a range of control policies and strategies have been applied to them by the Iraqi government. In the post-crisis era, the Iraqi government, as a system actor that considers itself committed and accountable to the existing rules, norms and order, cannot support the anti-systemic actions of the militia groups that it cooperated with and supported during the ISIS crisis in the form of Hashd al-Shaabi. to bear Therefore, since 2014, the governments of Haider al-Abadi, Adel Abdul Mahdi and Mostafa Al-Kazemi have tried to control these groups as much as possible through adopting a series of strategies and measures. Among the four strategies of repression, containment, collusion and integration, these governments have put two strategies of collusion and integration on their agenda. The reason for choosing these two strategies is that, firstly, Hashd al-Shaabi and its constituent groups are still considered strategic allies of the government, and the political currents of which these groups are considered as their military arm participate in the political process and in the formation of the government. Secondly, even if these groups strongly deviate from the government's criteria and the relationship between the militia groups turns from reconciliation to conflict, the Iraqi government does not have the ability to restrain or suppress these groups. In the collusion strategy, the Iraqi government tries to relatively control the actions of Hashd al-Shaabi groups by granting some concessions and through financial and logistical support tools. As well, in the integration strategy, the Iraqi government has put the recruitment of the Hashd al-Shaabi and its integration in the official Iraqi defense-security structures on its agenda, and the heads of the Iraqi government have issued orders and adopted measures in this regard. Collusion and integration strategies have not been able to be fully and effectively implemented due to the resistance and opposition of the commanders of the militia groups and their insistence on their organizational independence and ideological and identity foundations, and these two strategies have only been implemented superficially and formally.
The State
Elaheh Sadeghi; Samaneh Movahedi
Abstract
In 1978, the Islamic Revolution achieved victory with the aim of fighting injustice, oppression, tyranny, establishing security, freedom, independence, and most importantly, forming a single nation. After the victory of the revolution, the first Shiite democratic system was established under the title ...
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In 1978, the Islamic Revolution achieved victory with the aim of fighting injustice, oppression, tyranny, establishing security, freedom, independence, and most importantly, forming a single nation. After the victory of the revolution, the first Shiite democratic system was established under the title of Islamic Republic based on the principle of divine sovereignty (Islamism) and people's sovereignty (Republic). Undoubtedly, the establishment of an Islamic state is one of the ultimate goals of the Islamic revolution, so that the laws and rulings of the Islamic religion are implemented, which, in addition to regulating the current affairs of the people, also guides the direction of the society towards perfection and nearness to God. But until today, the actions and efforts taken were not enough and the Islamic state has not yet been realized in the real sense. Therefore, the explanation of Ayatollah Khamenei's point of view as the great leader of Iranian society and also as the most important Shiite thinker in the Islamic world regarding the foundations and indicators of the Islamic state is very effective and can be a guide for the formation and theoretical and practical activity of the Islamic state. Because during his leadership period, he explained the five stages of the objectives of the Islamic revolution (Islamic revolution, political system, Islamic state, Islamic society and Islamic civilization) and drew the Islamic state as the most important and third stage of this process and repeatedly They have emphasized the importance and necessity of forming an Islamic state as an important factor in the realization of Islamic civilization. Therefore, it is requisite and necessary to explain his point of view regarding the foundations and indicators of the Islamic state.Question: This research seeks to answer the question that, from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei, how are the foundations and indicators of the Islamic state drawn?Methodology: The method of this research is based on the qualitative content analysis method, in order to benefit from this method, attention was paid to the hidden themes of Ayatollah Khamenei's statements from 1981 to 2022 and inference and extraction of meaning was made from it. Thematic search of the word (Islamic State) among the statements of Ayatollah Khamenei was obtained with the help of MAXQDA software, and the search results of his statements were prepared in the form of a slip, which is about the topic of the foundations and indicators of the Islamic State. The next step after collecting the slips is the analysis procedure in three ways: purification, explanation and which is the structure analysis procedure of this research. The next step is to specify the units of analysis, which are divided into word (symbol), theme, character (personality), paragraph and title (item), and in this research, the unit of analysis is paragraph. The next step is coding to determine the categories. The next step is coding to determine the categories, which in this research was done in an open and inductive approach, because the qualitative view prevails in it. Therefore, for this coding, it is necessary to read and review the text of the statements 2-3 times, line by line, and then convert it into the smallest possible component, where similar codes are merged and categories are extracted from these codes. And finally, each of these categories is analyzed and interpreted.Result and Discussion: Using qualitative content analysis method, three categories were determined regarding the foundations of the Islamic state and ten categories were determined regarding the indicators of the Islamic state, and each of these categories was analyzed and examined, and several points can be made from the findings. He deduced the basic:From the point of view of Ayatollah Khamenei, the Islamic state is the most important and the third stage of the five-fold process of the ideal of the Islamic Revolution, and if it is not fully realized, the Islamic society will not be formed.What distinguishes the Islamic state from other states; Its Islamic foundations and orientation are rooted in the connection between religion and politics in Islam, the necessity of social life and the necessity of realizing a virtuous life for the Muslim community in material and spiritual dimensions.From his point of view, the model of the Islamic State is the prophetic and Alawite state, which has indicators for the formation of the Islamic state at present, the most important of which are justice-oriented, adherence to the standards of religious democracy (importance of people's vote and opinion)., anti-tyranny, law-oriented, value-religious orientation, preservation of Islamic identity, service, science-oriented, wisdom-oriented, fight against corruption, etc.
