International Relations
Hadi Taghipour Ardeshiry; Morteza Nourmohamadi
Abstract
Extended Abstract:The Model of Complex Relations in the Age of Artificial Intelligence: Transformation in the Existence of Actors in International Political EconomyIntroduction and AimsThe increasing integration of artificial intelligence (AI) into the global political and economic system is producing ...
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Extended Abstract:The Model of Complex Relations in the Age of Artificial Intelligence: Transformation in the Existence of Actors in International Political EconomyIntroduction and AimsThe increasing integration of artificial intelligence (AI) into the global political and economic system is producing a transformative shift in how actors—particularly states and transnational institutions—function within the international political economy (IPE). While the role of technology in shaping IPE has been extensively studied, the emergence of AI introduces a qualitatively different dynamic that challenges traditional models of agency and actor relations. This research addresses the central question: How can artificial intelligence transform the existence of actors in the international political economy, especially the state?The study hypothesizes that artificial intelligence transforms the existence of actors through changing their capacities in areas such as decision-making, data-driven operations, and autonomy, thereby generating new and complex model of actor relations. Accordingly, the study seeks to analyze this transformation through a structured framework grounded in the theory of complex interdependence proposed by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye.MethodologyThis study employs a descriptive-analytical approach using qualitative methods. It analyzes developments in the political economy landscape before and after 2010, a critical turning point in the evolution of AI technologies. Data is drawn from comparative case studies, academic literature, institutional reports, and global AI development indicators. The analysis is structured around four key indicators derived from Keohane and Nye’s theory:1. The impact of AI on the nature of actors;2. The emergence of new actors enabled by AI;3. The transformation of goals and interests of existing actors;4. The reconfiguration of inter-actor relationships in IPE.Results and Discussion1. Impact on the Nature of Actors:AI has begun to alter the fundamental nature of actors, particularly states, by transforming them into entities increasingly reliant on non-human, intelligent tools for decision-making, governance, and economic activity. This shift redefines the existence of the state, pushing it toward an AI-augmented actor embedded in data governance, algorithmic regulation, and digital sovereignty.2. Emergence of New Actors:The evolution of AI has led to the emergence of non-traditional and non-human actors in IPE, such as algorithmic trading systems, AI-driven platforms, cloud infrastructures, and tech communities. These actors increasingly participate in power and wealth generation, challenging the state-centric structure of the global economy. Moreover, AI itself begins to function as an autonomous actor, influencing outcomes across borders without direct human mediation.3. Transformation of Goals and Interests:The strategic objectives of states and institutions are shifting toward technology-based assets and knowledge economies, moving beyond traditional resource-based power structures. National and transnational actors now compete over AI capabilities, seeking technological leadership as a means to economic and geopolitical dominance. The emergence of innovation blocs and tech alliances further signals a recalibration of interest formation in IPE.4. Reconfiguration of Relationships Among Actors:AI has intensified the interdependence among actors by enhancing real-time data processing, algorithmic decision-making, and global digital connectivity. The growing reliance of national actors on transnational institutions, technological infrastructures, and global data flows fosters a polycentric model of governance. This model is defined by complex and multi-layered relations, where states no longer hold a monopoly over authority and must navigate a network of interdependent actors and systems.ConclusionThe development and deployment of artificial intelligence are not only reshaping the tools and mechanisms of international political economy but also transforming the very existence of its actors. This transformation unfolds across four interconnected dimensions:1. Redefinition of actor identity and functionality,2. Emergence of AI-driven and non-human actors,3. Shifts in strategic goals and economic priorities, and4. Deepening interdependence among actors.These dimensions collectively establish a new model of complex relations in IPE, wherein actors, especially states, must adapt to an environment marked by decentralization, networked authority, and AI-centric cooperation. In this context, the international political economy is transitioning from a system dominated by intergovernmental relations to one increasingly governed by AI-enabled interdependence and multi-actor complexity. Thus, by examining the dimensions of artificial intelligence’s impact, it becomes evident that AI now functions not merely as a technological tool, but as a force shaping the complex and reciprocal interactions among actors, states, and transnational institutions. It directly influences the power and authority of states and other players, placing them in a new environment in which machines and AI-driven tools play a significant role.Accordingly, and based on the analyses presented in the previous sections, it can be concluded in relation to the research hypothesis that artificial intelligence has created a new environment of cooperation and complex interwoven relations among actors, altering their function, though not necessarily their existence. This transformation in function—from physical roles to reliance on AI-based tools, such as the centrality of data in political-economic relations—has, to some extent affected on the role of the human agent.
International Relations
Fariborz Arghavani Pirsalami; Sajjad karimian
Abstract
One of the most important attentions to international affairs as well as the category of power and order is giving importance to ideas, values and concepts. The importance of ideas, values and concepts in formulating and presenting the best options for order creation in the international arena is always ...
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One of the most important attentions to international affairs as well as the category of power and order is giving importance to ideas, values and concepts. The importance of ideas, values and concepts in formulating and presenting the best options for order creation in the international arena is always considered. In this context, values, concepts and intellectual ideals act as raw materials for building the international order. With Deng Xiaopeng coming to power and adopting a different foreign policy, China's economic growth dazzled the eyes. As a result of economic growth, China's military growth accelerated. In recent years, these two fields have attracted so much attention of international relations researchers that the third field, namely Chinese culture, is on the sidelines of international attention and is paid less attention to it. Considering the increasing power of this country and also being among the great international powers, the importance of the ideas, thoughts and ideals of this country in building order is taken into consideration.According to what was said, what are China's ideals and ideals for the desired order of this country? Paying attention to ancient history and thought in this country is one of the basic requirements to answer this question. When China's long and deep history turns its pages, one of the most important and basic ideas of Chinese human life is the category of "harmony". This issue is so broad and deep that it is not far from reality if I say that the central signifier of social discourse in China is the concept of "harmony". Accordingly, the main research question is what is the nature of Chinese international order under the concept of coordination? In other words, how does the concept of coordination shape the Chinese international order? This article, relying on the descriptive-analytical method and using intellectual propositions in the context of Chinese history, asserts that the Chinese order does not seek uniformity and pursues a balance achieved through recognizing differences. Therefore, the Chinese international order reflects this meaning in the international system.Chinese worldview is a unique and exceptional worldview among the attitudes of different people in today's world. Apart from the five thousand years of historical continuity of China, in the philosophical perspective of this country, there is no existence of a creator that is outside of world creation. This feature makes this worldview completely naturalistic, self-sufficient and self-generating. Accordingly, good and evil do not exist in the mental geometry of Chinese people, and instead there is balance and harmony in contrast to disharmony. Balance has been the guiding light of man and Chinese society throughout the history of this society, and this harmony has emerged as the central sign of various thoughts in China. One of the most important of these ideas is Confucius and Taoism, which is several thousand years old.According to Confucius, the main goal of government is to create harmony, and the last step in achieving this goal is to achieve harmony at the global level. The three basic principles of moral force, empathic understanding and harmony with differences were recognized as the foundations of creating harmony in the international arena. Taoism, like Confucius, pays special attention to the concept of harmony and order. However, Taoism has a different view on the category of harmony and interprets it as cosmic. In this view, the category of order has a place to organize order in the cosmic system. The important and common Taoist principles are isolation, simplicity and harmony with nature.The emphasis of Chinese culture is on fostering harmony not only between different people, but also between people and the fundamental world. The four basic characteristics of harmony are balance in the whole, harmony in difference, order in complexity, and unity in diversity. It was on this basis that certain viewpoints were created to explain and describe the category of harmony in Chinese philosophy, which had a special application in the field of domestic and foreign politics, and therefore are highly contextual and historical. Based on this, the representation of the concept of harmony and social balance in the political sphere of China can be seen in the creation of political constructions such as the Son of Heaven, a strong family system and orderly social hierarchies. These structures, which have always declined and risen for many years, are not the only representations of the concept of harmony emanating from Confucian and Taoist thoughts in China's domestic political sphere. The history of China's political history makes it clear that China has been characterized by the growth and expansion of the hierarchical structure and the formation of the Confucian bureaucracy and, as a result, a powerful political system. In general, the ontology of Chinese man and all aspects of his social and individual life cannot be imagined outside of the concept of under the sky. Accordingly, the inclusion of the concept of harmony includes all areas of Chinese human life.In the Chinese intellectual geometry and the concept of harmony arising from mutual recognition and deepening it is not to meet needs but to create harmony and prevent distance from a balanced world. Based on this, it can be said that order based on demand from the concept of hegemony and geometry in Chinese thought is fundamentally different from Western order in terms of ontology and epistemology, and its nature and essence does not seek to create uniformity and equalization; Rather, it seeks to recognize diversity and at the same time build a world based on mutual understanding. Based on this, it can be concluded that from the point of view of the geometry of Chinese thought and harmony, the role of China is benign. In this way, according to the aforementioned, this country seeks to create a balance at the world level with an emphasis on harmony.Based on the Chinese point of view, order should be based on the deep expansion of China's relations with all countries of the world. In such a way that the final result of these relations should lead to the improvement of the level of world peace and prosperity. Another characteristic of this type of international relations is that it leads to the production of power relations for each side of these relations. The most important examples of promoting coordination and balance in China's international order in the fields of institutions, security and international economy are the Belt and Road Initiative, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Asian Development and Infrastructure Bank. In terms of rules and regulations and the degree of China's presence and authority in them, each of them reflects the category of international coordination and the resulting order in the international arena.
International Relations
Sajjad Sadeghi
Abstract
IntroductionIt is customary for heads of state or their delegates to deliver speeches at the opening of each regular annual session of the General Assembly, addressing the most pressing current international issues that affect their national interests. These speeches typically outline their government’s ...
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IntroductionIt is customary for heads of state or their delegates to deliver speeches at the opening of each regular annual session of the General Assembly, addressing the most pressing current international issues that affect their national interests. These speeches typically outline their government’s perspective on global developments and propose solutions aimed at resolving crises and promoting sustainable regional and global peace and security. Analyzing the speeches delivered by heads of state at the UNGA provides valuable insights: first, into the foundations of their view on the international order; second, into the key global issues as seen through their foreign policy lens; and finally, into their proposed actions for overcoming crises through global partnership, as articulated in official policy statements. Since 1980, when then-Prime Minister Mohammad Ali Rajaee attended the UNGA and presented the Islamic Republic of Iran’s positions on global affairs, Iranian presidents have participated in the General Assembly 24 times up to the 79th session in 2024. They have consistently used this platform to articulate the Foreign Policy Doctrine of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI). This trend has been particularly notable since tensions surrounding Iran’s nuclear program escalated, with Iranian presidents leveraging the UNGA stage to convey the overarching principles of the IRI’s foreign policy to the international community. The relevant Persian-language studies generally examine the speeches from two main perspectives: 1) discourse analysis from a linguistic perspective, and 2) content analysis based on international relations concepts. It is worth noting that some research in the field of international relations addresses aspects of presidential speeches at the UN as part of broader studies on foreign policy. However, these works bear little relevance to the present research. When considering studies that focus specifically on individual presidents, Hassan Rouhani’s speeches have received the most attention from researchers. Overall, the existing literature shows that none of these studies is comparable to the current work in terms of scope or final approach, nor have they attempted to develop a comprehensive foreign policy model based on the policies declared by the presidents. In this respect, the present research aimed to examine the 45-year trajectory of the IRI’s foreign policy and develop a model for future research on Iran’s foreign policy behavior.Materials and MethodsThis research adopted the method of modeling based on inductive content analysis. Content analysis aims to uncover underlying linguistic meanings within a text. When applied qualitatively, this method can develop conceptual models and frameworks by systematically combining themes, indicators, and specialized metaphorical concepts. From a broader perspective, it can also identify and categorize recurring elements within the text, thereby enabling the qualitative formulation of specialized metaphors.Results and DiscussionThe analysis helped identify several common features in the foreign policy doctrine of successive IRI’s administrations. These include a negative and pessimistic perception of the great powers and a prevailing view that international organizations—particularly the United Nations and its Security Council—are ineffective and in need of fundamental reform and transformation. The international system is perceived as characterized by a continuous confrontation between two primary forces: the protectors and supporters of the status quo and the agents of change. Over the past two decades, this dynamic has gradually evolved toward what can be described as a Neo-Cold War order. The IRI’s administrations also believe that a new international order is emerging, one that is in fundamental conflict with the existing system. Given their strong desire for systemic change, they seek to define themselves as agents of change within this emerging international order. Furthermore, they regard the current international system as an unjust system of domination. Taken together, these findings indicated that the core and enduring principle of the IRI’s foreign policy is the doctrine of change-seeking within the current international system.ConclusionAccording to the findings, the fundamental principle shaping the IRI’s foreign policy framework is the concept and trend of revolutionism or change-seeking in opposition to the status quo. In the context of foreign relations and the international system, this can be defined as an approach of revolutionism against the current international order. This principle explains the consistent alignment in the foreign policy of successive administrations over the past 45 years, despite differences in domestic political orientations. Therefore, change-seeking based on the negation of the system of domination—which has evolved into change-seeking against the current international system within the IRI’s foreign policy doctrine—can be considered the foundation for the IRI’s foreign policy behavior. In this regard, two propositions can be made from the futures studies perspective. First, the foreign policy of the IRI will support any international actor, coalition—whether bilateral or multilateral—or process that contributes to altering the existing international order. Second, and in contrast, the IRI’s foreign policy will resist and oppose any trend, process, actor, or coalition within the international system that seeks to reinforce or maintain the status quo.
International Relations
Amirroham Shojaie; Reza Simbar
Abstract
IntroductionThe Gaza crisis, which turned into a full-scale war after the events of October 7, 2023, became the center of international attention. Different countries of the world, according to their internal and external requirements, adopted different approaches to this crisis and played a role according ...
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IntroductionThe Gaza crisis, which turned into a full-scale war after the events of October 7, 2023, became the center of international attention. Different countries of the world, according to their internal and external requirements, adopted different approaches to this crisis and played a role according to these approaches. Meanwhile, the countries of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain, Oman, and Kuwait, each of them, according to their own interests and their attitude towards this crisis, has followed certain policies, the variety of which has sometimes been very different among these six countries. Among these diverse orientations, support for Hamas and other Palestinian groups, neutrality, support for Israel, etc., can be seen. Considering the diversity of foreign policies of this country in response to the extraordinary crisis, it seems that a single-level analysis is not suitable for explanation. Therefore, in this article, using the theory of neoclassical realism, which brings the tool of multilevel analysis and explains the differences. The central research question of this study is: What factors have influenced the foreign policy of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries toward the Gaza crisis (October 7, 2023), how have these factors manifested, and how can they be explained?The findings underscore the significant role of domestic variables, particularly the perceptions and interpretations of political leaders and elites. This study adopts an analytical-explanatory methodology, drawing upon the most recent academic and media sources. Given the complexity of the current conflict in Gaza, the study argues that a multi-causal analytical framework is more effective in explaining the foreign policy behavior of GCC countries. Such a framework simultaneously considers structural pressures at the systemic level and internal dynamics at the unit level—including leadership perceptions and state-society relations.One of the core contributions of neoclassical realism lies in its capacity to explain variations in the foreign policies of different states by incorporating both systemic-level factors and domestic-level dynamics. This theoretical framework is therefore particularly well-suited for analyzing complex cases. The Middle East, as a region characterized by deep-seated geopolitical, ideological, religious, and ethnic cleavages—alongside the involvement of extra-regional powers—presents a uniquely intricate environment for political analysis. The interplay of these multi-layered and often conflicting elements makes it especially challenging to interpret and predict foreign policy behavior in this context.In the meantime, the relations between the Zionist regime and the Persian Gulf countries have had many ups and downs and are always influenced by various factors such as the Palestinian issue, their relations with America, the economic and political interests of these countries, the internal ideology and perceptions of the elites, and ... have been. Among these factors, the issue of Palestine is an important issue that the countries of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council are forced to take a stand against. In this regard, the relations of the Gulf Cooperation Council countries with Israel have historically been affected by the Palestinian-Israeli peace process, and the lack of an agreement between Palestine and Israel has played an important role in the non-normalization of the relations between these actors (Niakoui and Haji, 2019: 231).The Al-Aqsa Storm operation came as a shock to the international community. Arguably, its most defining feature was the element of surprise. The Gaza war erupted at a time when significant shifts were anticipated in Arab-Israeli relations. Before the conflict, indicators suggested that the regional balance of power was tilting, particularly with the anticipated normalization of relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel—a development perceived as unfavorable to Iran. However, the outbreak of the war at least temporarily halted this trajectory. From a broader perspective, the crisis has exposed the diverse and divergent responses of the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. These responses range from support for Hamas and other Palestinian factions to neutrality, and in some cases, overt or tacit support for Israel. This variation underscores a critical point: understanding the foreign policy behavior of GCC states amid the ongoing Gaza conflict necessitates a multifaceted analytical approach—one that accounts for both unit-level (domestic) and system-level (international) factors.Materials and MethodsThe research method is analytical-explanatory and relies on up-to-date library and media sources. The theory of neoclassical realism has also been used to analyze the foreign policy of the actors.Results and DiscussionIn a general division, it can be said that the general and common approach of each of these six countries was based on opposing the killing of civilians, opposing human rights violations by Israel, and opposing the spread of conflicts to other parts of the region. Meanwhile, Qatar, Oman, and Kuwait have openly opposed Israel and its inhumane actions, and Qatar, as the main mediator between the warring parties, has sought to elevate its regional and international role. The attitude of each of these six countries towards Hamas has also been one of the factors affecting their approach in this war.Saudi Arabia's policy regarding this war has also been affected by several factors, including: the special prestige that Saudi Arabia has for itself among Arab countries (the need to take a stand in favor of the people of Gaza), opposition to Hamas on the one hand, and establishing a relationship with Israel on the other. general agreement with the destruction of Hamas, a growing economy, and de-traditionalization (to achieve which the spread of war in the region must be stopped). The United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, however, have shown different positions compared to other countries of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, the reason for which can be found in the normalization of relations between these two actors with Israel under the name of the Ibrahim Accords.ConclusionIn a general summary, it should be said that the approach of the six Arab countries mentioned to the ongoing war in Gaza has been affected by both systemic and internal factors. In relation to this issue, neoclassical realism can well explain the politics of these countries. Meanwhile, it seems that domestic and state-level factors (Unit-Level Government Variables) have played a significant role in shaping the foreign policy of these countries regarding the Gaza crisis.
International Relations
Ehsan Jafarifar; Ali Bagheri Dolat Abadi
Abstract
Iran's economy relies on energy exports, and because of this financial dependence, it is vulnerable to pressures from oil and gas export sanctions. That is why energy security considers one of the most important issues in Iran's political economy.And many believe that Iran's economy will be revived with ...
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Iran's economy relies on energy exports, and because of this financial dependence, it is vulnerable to pressures from oil and gas export sanctions. That is why energy security considers one of the most important issues in Iran's political economy.And many believe that Iran's economy will be revived with the lifting of sanctions, however, this research will deal with the issue of Iran's energy security after the sanctions from another perspective. The present study uses the explanatory-analytical method and data collection based on the library method to seek to answer the question what are the most important threats to Iran's energy security? The hypothesis of the article is that Iran's energy security faces serious threats in four categories of production, distribution, sales, and market and customer protection. Findings show that even with the end of sanctions, Iran faces challenges in its energy exports such as falling prices and global demand, disconnection from regional energy networks, unbalanced use of common fields with neighbors, lack of technology, and reduced investment in energy. Therefore, the lifting of sanctions will be a prelude to addressing some of these challenges, such as the reduction of foreign investment and the lack of up-to-date technology, and is not a cure for all of Iran's restrictions and problems. So; it is necessary for Iran to be more active in the energy diplomacy in the world.A look at the concept of energy security and the threats surrounding it showed that while the existence of huge energy reserves is considered an advantage for Iran, the mere existence of reserves will not strengthen Iran's position in the energy markets; Rather, the other dimension of energy security, which is the ability to produce, transfer and sell energy resources to customers, is of great importance. The concept of energy security states that no country can permanently protect itself against market influences, but all countries are affected by fluctuations in production, supply, price and availability. Apart from production, the issue of energy transfer and joining energy networks is discussed, although the geopolitical position of Iran shows the advantage of energy transfer, both in terms of land and sea, but it must be said that these geopolitical advantages have been used less. On the other hand, Iran's most important challenges in the field of energy are attracting and maintaining the market, extreme fluctuations in the prices of various energy products, and differences between major energy suppliers due to political problems. The research findings for this sector showed that simply expanding relations with Asian powers such as China does not guarantee Iran's energy security; Because China's foreign policy has shown that it is very pragmatic and is not willing to confront the West because of Iran. So; It can be said that Iran's energy position is a function of the policy of countries that try to act realistically in the international environment and seek to secure their national interests. Saudi Arabia is one of the countries that have taken this path and in recent years, affected by the sanctions, they have taken over the share of Iranian oil from the market. This behavior of Saudi Arabia has also lured other Arab players in the region to unilaterally take more than their share from common gas and oil resources in the conditions of Iran's economic and technological weakness. The continuation of this trend in the long term can cause irreparable damage to Iran's energy economyBased on this, it is suggested that Iran take the following measures to ensure energy security.*Activating energy diplomacy to join Iran to regional and international energy networks* Special attention to the development of common fields instead of non-common fields*Special attention to the discussion of current technologies and strengthening of knowledge base*Concluding long-term contracts with energy importing countries* Expansion of regional cooperation in the form of energy institutions and organizations
International Relations
Reza Rahmati
Abstract
Sweden is the latest European democracy to engage with the extreme right, which regularly seeks to capture the elections and the ballot box. The change of Sweden's politics to the right has destroyed or at least distorted the image of this country as the spiritual home of the liberal left or social democracy ...
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Sweden is the latest European democracy to engage with the extreme right, which regularly seeks to capture the elections and the ballot box. The change of Sweden's politics to the right has destroyed or at least distorted the image of this country as the spiritual home of the liberal left or social democracy and People’s Home. Therefore, Sweden, compared to other European countries, does not experience a long-standing tradition of representing a far-right party in the parliament, and until recently it was described as a European exception without far-right parties in the parliament (Demker, 2012).Concerns about the increase in power of the right-wing parties have led to the creation of extremist approaches in Sweden (Rytgren, 2019: 439-455). Most of these concerns can be attributed to the influence of "Sweden Democrat". With the parliamentary progress and the rapid electoral growth of Sweden Democrat since 2010, the mainstream narrative and Swedish policies have changed both in the social forces and among the parties. The Sweden Democrat party, which until a decade ago was labeled as a political trend with negative characteristics (negative towards democracy) (and struggled with the efforts of other Swedish parties to be isolated), Now it is considered one of the most important and active forces in the sphere of Swedish politics. The Sweden Democrat now act as a group and party supporting the center-right government consisting of the Moderate conservative party (M), the Christian Democrat (K) and the Liberal party (L). Now the Sweden Democrat are the second party after the veteran Social Democrat and the largest party in the right bloc. In addition, this party, with the intelligence of its leaders, has shown itself as the party supporting the centrist government led by Ulf Kristersson. The conclusion of the Tido Agreement, which was established with the understanding of all the members of the coalition, is considered to a great extent to indicate the change of the political scene in Sweden in favor of the right-wing of this party.Anti-immigration, anti-Muslims, trying to socialization of refugees, dealing with environmental issues, the party's approach to crime, the party's attitude to economic issues, unemployment, etc. cause a different view of Swedish politics.However, despite the fact that the leaders of the party did not take power or ministerial positions and political positions, the performance of the party has highlighted another strategy other than seeking power. The question that arises is, what is the strategy of party behavior of the Sweden Democrat?By reviewing the general and fundamental ideological and methodological principles of the Sweden Democrat, this hypothesis is investigated that windows of opportunity like immigration, unemployment, crime, political and cooperative structure, and political humiliations caused by Social problems have gradually changed the behavior strategy of the Sweden Democrat and caused the consolidation and selection of the policy-seeking strategy by the party of Sweden Democrat.Conceptual framework; Party strategiesRegarding Kaare Strøm, in the division regarding party behavior, he distinguishes three categories: 1) power seeking; 2) policy seeking; 3) vote seeking. In this research, an attempt is made to pay attention to this conceptual tradition.1. Power seeking; Power seeking strategies of parties concentrate their control on political power concessions. It means private goods that belong exclusively to those who achieve political or government positions. Therefore, these privileges maximize the position of political power. Another point of power-seeking parties is that these parties are "mainly derived from governing coalitions in parliamentary democracies" (Leiserson 1968; Riker 1962). Strøm believes that "(coalition type) political parties only seek to increase the certainty point of winning"; because in his view, "this victory in coalition parliamentary democracies includes control over the executive branch or any other possible branch, and the power-seeking behavior follows these goals" (Strøm, 2010: 5).2. Policy-seeking; the second pattern of party behavior is policy-seeking behavior, which seeks to maximize influence on public policy. Riker shows that if the parties are "policy seeking", the goal is to take control of the executive body to make changes or apply the desired policies. Therefore, governments should include only enough parties to ensure majority support in parliament (Riker, 1962).The formation of minority coalition governments is placed in this format. In this strategy, the party decides to seek the greatest impact (role and influence) on the decision-making system, independent of political positions and holding executive power. This type of behavior can be seen especially in multi-party coalition systems. Especially in systems where the distance between the first party and other parties is greater and it is not possible to achieve a maximum of 50+1 votes and formation of government, and parties are forced to form alliances with other parties. In such a situation, the coalition parties, by creating the "give the power-take the decision" equation, avoid taking power in order to apply their policies and policies behind the scenes and as sources of decision-making. De Swaan expresses this pattern as follows: "Policy considerations form the most important part in the minds of activists ... In fact, the parliamentary game is about determining the main policy of the government" (De Swaan, 1973: 88).3. Vote Seeking; the third model is the vote seeking party model. In Downs’s primary effect on electoral competition, parties seek to maximize their electoral support to control government. In Downs' famous formulation, "parties set policies to win elections instead of winning elections to set policies" (Downs 1957: 28). Based on this insight, Downs strengthens his argument as follows: "Politicians... are motivated by the desire for power, prestige, and income... their primary goal is to be elected [in order to gain office public]. This means that each party seeks to receive more votes than any other party (Downs, 1957:30-1).Party family of the Sweden Democrat partyIn general, there is a consensus that the Sweden Democrat party is no longer a single-issue party. Their recent manifesto for the 2018 elections, in addition to immigration, covers a wide range of issues such as health care, housing, social cohesion, crime and crime, the labor market, research and education, culture and more (Sverigedemokraterna, 2018).Strategic turn of the Sweden Democratic Party1. Immigration and electoral jump of Sweden DemocratDespite the multicultural efforts of the Social Democratic Party of Sweden, it seems that the political and social structure of the Swedish society does not consider immigration as a resolved issue and a part of everyday Swedish social life. One of the reasons for the emergence of Sweden Democrat should be considered this issue. The vast literature produced by right-wing parties that Sweden faces great challenges from immigrants confirms this. For example, some Swedish analysts believe that "the wave of refugees and asylum seekers who entered the country in 2015 (mainly Afghans or Syrians) have had a destabilizing effect on Swedish society”. Linking the issue of immigration with organized crime has been done for this reason.This literature and more than that has led to the formation and definition of a new political structure in Sweden by right-wing parties. A look at the most recent basic program of the Sweden Democrat party in 2011, and the analysis of the content of the party's statements show a move towards a completely cultural nationalism (Elgenius, 2017: 353-358). Emphasis on elements of "national identity", emphasis on "definition of the nation based on Swedish identity, language and culture" are among these examples. The party now explicitly states that those born in other parts of the world can become Swedish, or at least "integrate into the Swedish nation". "In order for people born abroad to become members of the Swedish nation, they must speak Swedish fluently, see themselves as Swedish, live according to Swedish culture, and feel more loyal to Sweden than any other nation" (Sverigedemokraterna, 2011: 15).Paying attention to the ballot box changed the harsh and racist approach of the party in the late 1990s. The more the party moves away from its racist approach, the more it approaches the anti-Islamic approach (Rahmati, 2023: 57-79).2. Economic Rapture in Sweden and the electoral rise of the Sweden DemocratSweden, which in a long period of more than half a century with the universal welfare state and economic equality, high social advantages, social costs, social equality, correct redistribution system, high productivity, public trust and high social capital, human development, economic transparency, Social security and... had been branded (Rahmati, 2021: 195-235), in a period of witnessing the privatization of hospitals, schools, kindergartens, organizations for the elderly, care homes for disabled or disabled people. This issue has caused the idea of "the most equal country in the world" and the "universal welfare state" to change in the cognitive and mental perspective of Swedish citizens. An issue that has led to a significant increase in the level of social and economic inequality in this country, and finally, the feeling of inequality has caused a break in the main idea of "the people's home".At the same time when this break was created, the most important political force to take advantage of this situation was the political force that rhetorically opposed the Social Democratic Party's inability to protect the "people's home". Therefore, the Sweden Democrat considered the Social Democratic Party as the main factor in creating a vast atmosphere of economic insecurity and believed that the leaders of the Social Democrat have reached a dead end in responding to Sweden's problems and that a new political force is needed. Therefore, the Sweden Democrat were the most successful political force. Therefore, "every job loss caused by the economic crisis was converted into half a vote for the Sweden Democrat". The loss of jobs was also done rapidly in the years after 2010.3. Crime in the ballot box of the Sweden Democratic PartyThe Sweden Democrat party, by mixing issues similar to immigration and violent gangs and issuance of armed crimes, has been able to gain significant votes. The Sweden Democrat party has recently faced heavy media coverage regarding the increase in murders by gangs, and the inability of the Social Democrat party to control violent and criminal gangs, many of which are represented both in immigrant communities and in It introduces marginalized communities, etc., has been able to present the inability of social Democrat as the main cause of crime in public and create a political earthquake in Sweden. The statements published in the media which show the efforts of the Sweden Democrat to attribute the issue of crime to the both two factors of the inefficiency of the Social Democratic party and the issue of immigration show that the Sweden Democrat party has changed the issue of increasing crime to The title is used as a window of opportunity for the strategy of party behavior.Moreover, the party has strengthened its voter base by increasing its obsession with crime, unemployment, and the economic crisis on the one hand and linking these with anti-immigrants (Asbrink, 2022). In this regard, the formation of debates and discussions in the social environment of Sweden regarding the increase of surveillance and security measures, similar to the increase of surveillance cameras and the employment of security guards, has been one of the measures.4. Every disappointment, a loyalty to the Sweden DemocratPart of the origin of the vote of the Sweden Democrat party was rooted in political humiliation. People who have been attracted to the Sweden Democrat for various reasons have felt political inferiority during the last 20 years and have always seen themselves under suspicion or feeling stigmatized: this party, in addition to becoming a capacity for It has attracted the vulnerable, due to the creation of a romantic atmosphere of social rejection by those who for any reason did not invite their dependents to the party or fired them from their jobs, it also caused more loyalty. In other words, a large part of the vote base of Sweden Democrat is among the socially, economically and politically excluded.The 2022 elections and the methodological turn of the Sweden Democrat party towards a policy-seeking strategyBased on the developments after the 2022 elections, the general strategy of the Sweden Democrat party can be defined as "give power, take resources". Here, power means ministerial positions and resources means policy making. To put it better, the Democratic Party did its best to put the general and fundamental ideological principles of the party in the form of the Tido Agreement. In October 2022, four Swedish right-wing parties (Conservatives, Christian Democrat, Liberals, and Sweden Democrat) formed a government whose most important principles are anti-immigration, fighting crime and organized crime, right-wing economic approaches, high energy prices, the war in Ukraine (Nilsson, 2022: 622-634).Towards a power-seeking strategy?The change of direction to the power-seeking strategy depends on several elements and factors, however, one of the most important factors in determining the current strategic situation of this party is the efficiency of the vote-seeking strategy and the consequences of the policy-seeking strategy. Therefore, it is not unlikely that the successive successes of the Sweden Democrat party will lead this party to the transition to the strategy of seeking power and obtaining ministerial positions. However, the fact that this party was in the opposition and did not take political responsibility helped it to increase its share of votes in three consecutive elections. The question is, will this story continue now that it can answer the government's policies as one of the supporting parties? (Jungar, 2022: 4) It seems that during the three decades of this party's life, this party has been successful in the quality of implementing its strategies.ConclusionFinally, the analysis of the political behavior of the Sweden Democrat party and the social conditions of the Swedish society indicates that it should be expected that the Sweden Democrat party will gradually enter the third period of its party behavior strategy, i.e. the period of power-seeking party behavior; Although it faces major obstacles to enter this period, one of the obstacles is the members of the coalition government, especially the Swedish liberals. Another obstacle is losing the position of the opposition; By being in the position of the opposition, the Sweden Democrat party can better follow the two strategies of vote and policy-seeking, but by being in the position of seeking power, it loses its most important position and strategy; It means influencing the sources of political power. At the same time, this party has strong facilitators and incentives, including members of this party and members separated from other Swedish parties who want this party to take power, on the one hand, and Swedish contexts, including nationalist tendencies.
International Relations
Reza Rahmati
Abstract
Problem: Sweden is considered as a small state in terms of its domain, surface area and extension, population, territorial extent and the grandeur of its military power; Sweden and other Nordic countries are states that do not rank as big states in terms of hard power components. However, a look at the ...
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Problem: Sweden is considered as a small state in terms of its domain, surface area and extension, population, territorial extent and the grandeur of its military power; Sweden and other Nordic countries are states that do not rank as big states in terms of hard power components. However, a look at the role and influence of these governments at the international level has shown their great influence.Question: The question that arises here is how, despite Sweden's small measure, this country has a great moral influence in the domestic, regional and international dimensions.Hypothesis: The hypothesis of this research responding to this question is that; Swedish government, by playing a moral role at the international level, has been able to introduce itself as a moral superpower and makes influence the arrangements of international relations. This government takes a special position in many international conflicts and that position is a mediator. In the peacekeeping missions of the United Nations, both the forces of this government are stationed and it pays many budgets to carry out these missions.Findings: In the human rights attempt that take place in developing countries, this government is considered among the supporters of women's movements and other human rights movements. Also, this government is considered to be a constant in the fight against climate changes. The image of Sweden is carved as a well-functioning utopia; Both in the outside world and among the Swedes themselves. The hospitality of the Swedes has caused the experience of Sweden to be painted as an extreme immigration policy and as a arrogance sign in other European countries (Sanandaji, 2021: 62).Analysis and Discussion: "Neutrality has been an important part of Sweden's international brand identity" (Bjereld, 1994: 238). Sweden is free of military alliances. This means that "we do not agree on mutual defense guarantees and we ourselves are responsible for the defense of Sweden." On the other hand, the freedom of our military alliance does not create an obstacle; participating in international defense cooperation. In practice, Sweden's position has turned into non-commitment, and the public strongly supports its continuation, however, Sweden's political elites support NATO membership (Ydén, Berndtsson, & Petersson, 2019). This indicates the renaming of the idea of neutrality or non-commitment after the Cold War to respond to the demands of the international environment of the 21st century. However, the aspiration of neutrality in Sweden as well as in Finland is an issue that has changed according to the new security needs of these two governments. The Swedish brand of neutrality and non-commitment can be understood as human values and a basis for Sweden's self-perceived legitimacy to act in global affairs. These (non-commitment and neutrality) are two important concepts in political debates such as NATO membership debate (Simons, Manoilo, & Trunov, 2019).Conclusion: Sweden's ethical motivations have led to the foreign policy behaviors formation and have sought policy-making results that characterize the more practical layers of this country's foreign policy. The role of feminist foreign policy, the moralism of foreign policy and Sweden's environmental policy are topics which can be mentioned. International relations have traditionally been introduced as the science of analyzing the relations of great powers. Basically, the rationalist mainstream of international relations pays attention to governments from the point of view of the size of power. However, some of the states are considered as small states in terms of the size of their military power, population, territory and other hard components of power, the Nordic states are included in this division of states. these governments, by accepting international roles, internal links with the international normative environment and assuming humanitarian duties, undertake missions that become brands in the world. have become international in humanitarian, feminist, immigration, peace-oriented, neutrality and non-commitment fields. Sweden is one of the leaders among the small Nordic countries. Sweden has created an image which corresponding "human rights government", "environmental government", "green government", "electronic government", "free government" with TV this image which has transmitted internationally. Tarif", "feminist government", "peace-keeping government" and "immigrant-friendly government". However, although international commitments have been made for these roles of Sweden, there have also been damages; Among the contradictory policies of political parties in the country regarding the Swedish brand in some of these fields.
