State Studies

The State

An Approach to the Citizens’ Capability: Beyond the Dichotomy of Neutralism-Perfectionism in the Theory of State

Ali Velaei; Seyed Mohammad Ghari Seyed Fatemi

Volume 12, Issue 47 , September 2026

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.85745.1662

Abstract

Introduction and Research ProblemTheories of state neutrality and perfectionism are frequently presented in contemporary political philosophy as competing and mutually exclusive approaches to the relationship between political authority and the good life. Advocates of neutrality typically regard governmental ... Read More Introduction and Research ProblemTheories of state neutrality and perfectionism are frequently presented in contemporary political philosophy as competing and mutually exclusive approaches to the relationship between political authority and the good life. Advocates of neutrality typically regard governmental restraint among competing conceptions of the good as a requirement of respect for individual autonomy, equality, and democratic legitimacy, whereas defenders of perfectionism argue that the preservation of liberal and democratic institutions themselves depends upon the promotion of certain substantive values and virtues. This article challenges the widespread assumption that neutrality and perfectionism are fundamentally opposed traditions. It argues instead that they are better understood as convergent philosophical approaches whose differences concern primarily the extent and limits of legitimate state intervention.From this perspective, only the two extremes—strict neutrality and comprehensive perfectionism—are genuinely incompatible. Most contemporary political theories occupy positions somewhere between these poles. The central question addressed in this article is therefore whether a political order can remain committed to state neutrality while simultaneously supporting the cultivation of virtue within society. To address this question, the article develops the idea of the capability-fostering state as a virtue-based impartial state. The proposed model seeks to move beyond both the strictly neutral state and comprehensive perfectionism by distinguishing between the virtue of the state and the virtue of society. The argument proceeds from the premise that the primary function of political authority is to expand the conditions under which citizens’ capabilities can flourish and their agency can be exercised. In this framework, neutrality is understood not as indifference toward the good but as a political virtue that constrains the manner in which the state pursues public purposes.Findings and DiscussionThe findings of this study are organized around three interrelated dimensions that constitute the normative architecture of the capability-fostering state. First, it examines the institutional virtue of the state. Second, it distinguishes the virtue of the state from the virtue of society. Third, it analyzes the non-coercive means through which the state may promote virtue and foster citizens’ capabilities. Together, these three dimensions demonstrate how limited neutrality and moderate perfectionism can coexist within a coherent model of political order.The Institutional Virtue of the StateThe article argues that the institutional virtue of the state is best understood as a form of limited neutrality. Unlike strict theories of neutrality, this conception does not require a complete separation between the right and the good, nor does it demand governmental indifference toward all values. The normative foundations of limited neutrality are identified through four interconnected principles. First, equality of opportunity is required as a condition for the expansion of citizens’ capabilities. Second, toleration is understood as recognition of the right to be wrong and as a commitment to respecting reasonable disagreement. Third, autonomy is regarded as a prerequisite for meaningful choice and moral agency. Fourth, republican freedom, understood as freedom from domination and dependence upon the arbitrary will of others, provides the political conditions necessary for the flourishing of human capabilities. Taken together, these principles constitute limited neutrality as an institutional virtue of the state.The article further argues that the appropriate motivation of the state as a virtuous political institution is reflected in its commitment to neutrality of justification. Political authority should justify laws and policies through publicly accessible reasons articulated in a language available to all citizens. Accordingly, neutrality is located primarily at the level of justification and procedure rather than at the level of outcomes or consequences.The Virtue of Society and Moderate PerfectionismHaving established the institutional virtue of the state, the article turns to the question of virtue within society. It argues that a distinction must be maintained between the state’s obligation to remain impartially structured and society’s need for moral and civic virtues. The cultivation of virtue therefore becomes a matter of moderate and indirect perfectionism rather than coercive moral enforcement.Within this framework, the common good is understood as incorporating a minimal set of shared goods and virtues that emerge through public deliberation, social interaction, and intersubjective exchange of reasons. These values derive their legitimacy not from a comprehensive doctrine but from an overlapping consensus among citizens. The role of the state is to identify these broadly shared goods and to employ them as a basis for public policy.The article emphasizes that moderate perfectionism differs fundamentally from comprehensive perfectionism. It is non-coercive, pluralistic, democratic, and society-centered. Rather than imposing a single conception of the good, it permits the civic promotion of moral ideals rooted in the shared historical and cultural traditions of a political community. Because it relies upon a minimal and relatively thin conception of the common good, it remains compatible with a significant degree of state neutrality.Non-Coercive Promotion and Capability ExpansionA central claim of the article is that the promotion of virtue need not take coercive forms. Promotion, recommendation, encouragement, education, and persuasion differ fundamentally from threats, legal compulsion, and punitive enforcement. The most important criterion for evaluating autonomy is whether available and possible options remain open to choice. Since persuasive measures do not remove alternatives or make decisions on behalf of citizens, they need not undermine autonomy.The article argues that the state may legitimately undertake positive measures aimed at removing obstacles to human flourishing and expanding citizens’ capabilities. Such measures are justified insofar as they create the social and institutional conditions necessary for agency, autonomy, and expansion of capability. The article further argues that republican political theory reinforces this position. While republicanism rejects strict state neutrality and emphasizes the relationship between political institutions and civic virtue, it does not require coercive moral regulation. The proposed model therefore rejects punitive and compulsory approaches to virtue promotion. Instead, state intervention should be limited to those minimal, thin, shared, and broadly accepted virtues that command public agreement.ConclusionThe article concludes that neutrality and perfectionism need not be regarded as mutually exclusive ideals of political order. Its central contribution lies in the distinction between the virtue of state and the virtue of society, which makes it possible to reconcile limited neutrality with moderate perfectionism. The former is expressed through limited neutrality as an institutional virtue, grounded in equality of opportunity, toleration, autonomy, republican freedom, and neutrality of justification. The latter may be advanced through a moderate and indirect form of perfectionism that relies on persuasion, encouragement, and civic promotion rather than coercion.The capability-fostering state, conceived as a virtue-based impartial state, provides a framework within which citizens’ capabilities can flourish while preserving respect for pluralism and individual agency. Such a state need not remain indifferent to virtue, yet it confines itself to the persuasive promotion of a minimal set of shared goods capable of commanding overlapping consensus. Intervention is restricted to the least costly and least intrusive means necessary to achieve legitimate public objectives, while any expansion of state burdens requires political justification and democratic support.The coexistence of limited neutrality and moderate perfectionism therefore offers a theoretically coherent alternative to both strict neutrality and comprehensive perfectionism. By refining the concepts of neutrality and virtue and assigning each its proper sphere, the proposed model seeks to preserve the strengths of both approaches while mitigating the limitations associated with their independent forms.

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Political Sociology

Evaluating Causal Relationships in State-Centered Research: A Focus on Van Evera’s Tests

Naqi Rajabzada; Faez Dinparast

Volume 12, Issue 47 , September 2026

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.89051.1742

Abstract

Introduction and Objectives In social and historical analysis, researchers draw on a range of methods to understand causal relationships between phenomena, and process tracing has become one of the more prominent of these tools. Unlike approaches that rely mainly on quantitative models and statistical ... Read More Introduction and Objectives In social and historical analysis, researchers draw on a range of methods to understand causal relationships between phenomena, and process tracing has become one of the more prominent of these tools. Unlike approaches that rely mainly on quantitative models and statistical inference, process tracing examines the particularities of each case in detail, tracing causal relationships through a close reading of within-case evidence rather than through cross-case correlation. Researchers working in this tradition draw on precise, qualitative evidence to reconstruct complex causal relationships across fields as different as history, political science, and economics. A central feature of the method is that it can weigh several competing hypotheses at once, testing the validity of each against the same body of evidence through structured empirical tests. This study examines how such tests are applied in analyzing causal relationships, with particular attention to complex processes as they play out in case studies such as the 1898 Fashoda crisis and the 2003 American invasion of Iraq. Its aim is to clarify how process tracing operates and what its distinctive features look like in practice, so that researchers can identify the mechanisms underlying the phenomena they study with greater precision and avoid some of the more common analytical errors. The paper also considers the methodological challenges that process tracing raises in the social sciences, particularly in historical and single-case research, and works toward a more careful account of how the method should be applied there. Method This paper treats process tracing as a method for analyzing causal relationships in social and historical inquiry, one developed and refined since Alexander George first applied it to historical case evidence in 1979. In contrast to quantitative approaches built around statistical models, it works instead through detailed, qualitative analysis of historical and social evidence within a single case or a small number of cases. Rather than fitting cases to a general model, the method proceeds by breaking a causal claim into a sequence of smaller steps and searching for evidence relevant to each one, an approach that yields finer-grained mechanisms within social, historical, or political processes. Three variants of process tracing are distinguished here: theory-testing, which asks whether a hypothesized mechanism actually operates in a given case; theory-building, which works inductively from case evidence toward a new causal account, as Janis did in identifying the mechanism of "groupthink" from the Bay of Pigs decision; and outcome-explaining, which aims not at generalizable theory but at a full account of one particular result, of the kind Schimmelfennig offers for the eastward enlargement of the European Union. In each variant, several competing hypotheses are held up against the evidence at once through Van Evera's four empirical tests, which lets the analysis distinguish stronger explanations from weaker ones with more confidence than a single narrative account would allow. Particular attention falls on the sequence and timing of events, since the credibility of any causal claim rests on showing not just that one thing followed another, but how and why it did. Results Having examined the different variants of process tracing and their distinguishing features, the study turns to how the four Van Evera tests function in practice. Each test carries a different evidentiary weight. Hoop tests rely on evidence that is certain but not unique, and so they serve mainly to rule hypotheses out rather than to confirm them: in Schultz's analysis of the Fashoda crisis, for instance, both the neorealist and the normative explanations fail this test, since neither can account for why the crisis dragged on for two months or why the two sides came to the brink of war. Smoking-gun tests, by contrast, rest on evidence that is unique but not certain, and passing one can strongly confirm an explanation even though its absence cannot rule the explanation out; the collapse of the official justifications for the 2003 Iraq war, together with the failure of neoconservative predictions about "bandwagoning," functions in this study as evidence of exactly that kind. Doubly-decisive tests demand evidence that is both unique and certain, sufficient on its own to confirm or refute a hypothesis outright, though such evidence proved unavailable for either of the two cases examined here. Straw-in-the-wind tests, finally, offer only indirect support: no single piece is decisive, but several together can shift confidence toward one explanation and away from its rivals, as with the pre-existing interest in regime change among American neoconservatives well before 2003. Taken together, these tests give researchers a basis for comparing rival explanations against the same evidence, rather than simply accumulating support for a single preferred account. Discussion and Conclusions The case studies examined here point to a broader pattern in how process tracing gets used. Researchers tend to lean more heavily on confirming evidence, of the kind smoking-gun and straw-in-the-wind tests supply, than on the disconfirming evidence hoop tests are built to provide; Schultz's own analysis of Fashoda, for example, rules out two rival hypotheses through the hoop test before turning to a smoking gun to confirm his preferred account, but stops short of the doubly-decisive standard, since he is not trying to eliminate every competing explanation outright. This asymmetry is less a flaw in the method than a reflection of how demanding doubly-decisive evidence is to come by in historical and social material, where competing explanations rarely admit of a clean, simultaneous refutation. The study's central conclusion is that using all four tests in a deliberate, balanced way, rather than favoring confirmation over disconfirmation, sharpens the internal validity of causal claims and gives a more realistic picture of how governance decisions and political outcomes actually come about. Process tracing, on this account, is not merely a supplement to correlational methods; it is what allows a researcher to move from observing that X and Y are related to showing how X produced Y, case by case, evidence by evidence. Table (1) - Van Evera's Tests Test Characteristics Application Hoop The evidence in this test is certain but not unique. Passing it can offer supporting evidence for the hypothesis, but it is not sufficient on its own to confirm it. Used to rule out hypotheses and eliminate rival explanations. Failing it can lead to the rejection of a hypothesis. Smoking gun The evidence in this test is unique, but not sufficient on its own to establish the result with certainty. Passing it, however, can provide strong confirmation of an explanation. Used to strengthen confidence in a hypothesis, though the absence of such evidence does not necessarily lead to its rejection. Doubly decisive The evidence is both unique and certain, and is regarded as necessary and sufficient for confirming or rejecting hypotheses. Used to confirm or reject hypotheses with certainty, since its evidence is both necessary and sufficient. Straw in the wind The evidence is indirect, neither unique nor certain, and not sufficient on its own for a definitive conclusion. Used to strengthen the probability of a particular explanation through indirect evidence, though this evidence alone is not enough for a conclusive judgment.

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Public and International Law

Statehood in the Age of Digital-Physical Simultaneity: A Comparative Inquiry into Dislocated Sovereignty

Mohammad Ghasem Tangestani; Mahdi Moradi Berekian

Volume 12, Issue 47 , September 2026

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.89032.1739

Abstract

Problem and Research BackgroundModern state theory was built around a geography of power. Territory, population, institutions and enforceable law gave public authority a place from which it could be recognized, limited and challenged. This territorial grammar has not disappeared. States still legislate, ... Read More Problem and Research BackgroundModern state theory was built around a geography of power. Territory, population, institutions and enforceable law gave public authority a place from which it could be recognized, limited and challenged. This territorial grammar has not disappeared. States still legislate, tax, educate, register, police and adjudicate within borders. However, it no longer explains the whole field of public power. A growing part of authority now moves through data systems, digital infrastructures, platform design, cross-border cloud services, identity frameworks and algorithmic decision-making. The state may still make law in a territorial setting, while governance effects are produced in digital spaces that do not neatly correspond to territorial jurisdiction.This transformation creates a difficulty for Public Law. Classical accounts of Sovereignty usually linked authority to a politically organized space. The state was imagined as the place where law, coercion, legitimacy and accountability came together. Digital Governance unsettles this image. Code, interfaces, databases, automated classifications and platform rules may shape the citizen's legal position before any court, ministry or official appears. The problem is therefore not merely technological. It concerns the legal meaning of statehood, the changing relationship between authority and place, and the position of the citizen in a world where Digital Space and physical territory coexist. Existing discussions of network governance, platform power and algorithmic regulation have identified parts of this transformation. However, they have not always offered a theory of the state capable of explaining how Sovereignty continues, weakens and reappears under these conditions.Research ObjectiveThe article develops the concept of Dislocated Sovereignty as a public-law vocabulary for this evolving condition. The argument is not that territorial Sovereignty has ended, nor that private platforms have replaced the state. Those claims are too broad to capture legal reality. The stronger and more precise claim is that the state now works under a double condition. It remains territorial in form, jurisdiction, and constitutional imagination, but many of the mechanisms through which it governs data flows, platform architecture, algorithmic classification, digital identity systems, and infrastructural control operate across, beneath, or beyond territorial borders. Dislocated Sovereignty names this tension between the state's continuing territorial presence and the increasingly non-territorial settings in which public power is exercised.Incorporate specific policy challenges and opportunities arising from 'Dislocated Sovereignty,' illustrating how this concept informs legal reforms and governance strategies, thereby engaging policymakers more directly.Research MethodThe research is analytical, conceptual and comparative. Its conceptual frame draws on Public Law theory, political sociology and selected debates in the philosophy of Sovereignty. Historical and conceptual accounts of the modern state are used to reconstruct the classical relation between territory and authority. Institutional and network theories help explain how power is distributed among public bodies, private actors, technical systems and human-machine arrangements. Genealogical and spatial approaches are also used to show why authority cannot be understood only by locating formal institutions. The comparative part of the article is selective rather than exhaustive. France, the European Union and Iran are not treated as equivalent cases. They are examined because each reveals a different legal response to the same underlying problem. France represents a republican effort to bring platform power back under public authority, especially through dignity-based regulation and child protection. The European Union shows how a non-classical legal order can construct a form of digital Sovereignty through data protection, fundamental rights and risk-based regulation of artificial intelligence. Iran illustrates a more difficult sovereignty gap: inherited territorial authority remains strong, but Digital Governance is still marked by coercive platform control, fragmented administrative systems and the absence of a fully developed theory of digital Public Law.Research FindingsThe article reaches five main findings. First, territory still matters, but it no longer exhausts the meaning of state authority. Borders continue to organize jurisdiction, institutional responsibility and political membership. At the same time, the actual routes of governance increasingly pass through technical, transnational infrastructures that are often privately designed or owned. This creates a gap between the legal locus of decision-making and the locus of its effects.Second, law is losing part of its older visibility as the public language of authority. In digital environments, code, default settings, terms of service, access rules and automated classifications may influence behavior more directly than statutes or administrative regulations. This does not mean that law disappears. It means that Public Law must follow public power into databases, interfaces, portals, protocols and algorithmic systems.Third, legitimacy is being displaced. In the classical model, legitimacy depended on constitutional authorization, representation, public reason and accountability. In platform environments, obedience often appears as user consent, interface dependence or infrastructural necessity. The user may seem to agree, but usually lacks any real capacity to negotiate the conditions of Digital Governance. This weak form of consent cannot replace public accountability.Fourth, the citizen is increasingly positioned not only as a rights-holder, but also as a data subject, a platform user, and a digital addressee of public authority. This can improve access to services, but it can also lead to exclusion, opacity, and silent administrative harm when systems lack notice, human review, correction procedures, and effective remedies. Digital Citizenship therefore requires more than access to portals. It requires contestability, explanation, alternative routes and legal protection against system-based errors.Fifth, comparative experience shows that Dislocated Sovereignty can be managed in different ways. France uses republican authority and dignity-based regulation to extend public values into platform environments. The European Union uses data protection, fundamental rights and market access to build a rights-based model of digital Sovereignty. Iran, by contrast, faces the unresolved task of transforming territorial command into accountable digital state capacity. Without such a transformation, the state risks being strong in formal authority but weak in trust, legitimacy and digital public law.ConclusionDislocated Sovereignty is not a technological slogan. It is a public-law problem. It does not ask us to abandon the territorial state. It asks us to rethink the legal imagination of the state so that authority, accountability and dignity can survive when public power operates through Digital Space, data systems and algorithmic infrastructures. The state in the digital age cannot be only a machine of command, filtering or surveillance. It must be able to explain algorithmic decisions, protect the dignity of citizens' data, supervise platform power, provide remedies for digital exclusion, and preserve public reason in environments built for speed, prediction, and extraction.For Iran, this problem is especially urgent. A state that lacks a coherent theory of digital Public Law may move between ineffective coercion and passive dependence on platforms. Dislocated Sovereignty offers a way out of that false choice. It invites a reconstruction of statehood around trust, legality, transparency, accountability, and Digital Citizenship. In this sense, the future of the state will not be secured by repeating inherited formulas of Sovereignty, but by building public-law institutions capable of governing non-territorial spaces without losing the public character of authority.

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Comparative Study of Strategic Monitoring and Evaluation Systems as an Instrument for Achieving Good Governance

Aliakbar Tajmazinani; Yekta Ashoori

Volume 12, Issue 47 , September 2026

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.80848.1542

Abstract

Problem Statement and Background Since the success and effectiveness of social and economic policies depend on the capabilities and capacities of governments, improving governance and strategizing government effectiveness are crucial keys to sustainable development, poverty reduction, and increased ... Read More Problem Statement and Background Since the success and effectiveness of social and economic policies depend on the capabilities and capacities of governments, improving governance and strategizing government effectiveness are crucial keys to sustainable development, poverty reduction, and increased welfare. The concept of good governance emerged at the end of the 1990s, emphasizing a facilitative government model focused on enhancing public administration and delivering efficient and effective public services as the cornerstone of development. This research aims to explore comparative monitoring and evaluation systems, focusing on the good governance approach that emphasizes efficiency, responsiveness, and participation. It seeks to investigate how these systems enhance the capacity of policies and public institutions in selected countries. Monitoring and evaluation systems encompass organizational structures, management processes, standards, strategies, programs, indicators, information systems, and accountability mechanisms, enabling organizations to effectively implement performance monitoring and evaluation. These systems serve as valuable tools for policymakers to provide detailed evidence of policy efficiency or inefficiency and its underlying reasons, thereby equipping policymakers with feedback mechanisms to support evidence-based decision-making. Research Aim This research aims to explore the political and economic context, institutional structures, and processes of establishing strategic monitoring and evaluation systems in countries with experience in creating and institutionalizing such systems, and those which are similar to Iran in terms of their welfare system. By studying the experiences of each country, the goal is to identify the underlying factors contributing to the growth and success of institutionalizing monitoring and evaluation systems in the governance of these countries. Methodology Using a qualitative approach and a comparative method, this research analyzes documents related to monitoring and evaluation systems in five countries: Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Vietnam, and Rwanda, including their indicators and characteristics. The research utilizes published documents related to monitoring and evaluation systems in different countries. The focus of the document analysis in this research is on countries that share more similarities with Iran in terms of their welfare typology. The data were analyzed using content analysis method. Findings The findings of the research indicate that since none of the systems have developed in a linear process and these systems are inherently complex and context-dependent, it is not possible to recommend a model for institutionalizing these systems in successful countries to other countries. Therefore, common factors contributing to the success of these systems in selected countries were extracted in five main themes: origin context, mission, legal framework, configuration, and application. Origin: the origin itself includes two sub-themes: 1- historical, political, and economic background, 2- turning points (turning points refer to specific events or key milestones that can play a prominent role in shaping the path of transformations). By reviewing the political background of countries that have a history of establishing and implementing monitoring and evaluation systems, it can be understood that one of the most frequent factors has been the regime change to democracy and thus the tendency to implement a series of reform actions after this change. For example, the development root of monitoring and evaluation tools in Chile, Mexico, and Colombia was linked to the political transition of these countries to democracy. Additionally, issues related to political economy in countries such as Rwanda and Vietnam have shaped the formation of monitoring and evaluation mechanisms. Furthermore, the turning point in establishing the monitoring and evaluation system in Colombia was the approval of a new constitution in 1991. Also, the first impact assessment related to the Oportunidades/Progresa Program was introduced as one of the most influential assessments in the world development and as a successful model, it has become an important turning point for the development of the Mexican system. Mission: Countries focused on several prominent goals such as improving resource allocation and efficient budgeting, performance management (of programs and organizations), policy effectiveness, transparency and accountability, reporting to donors, and poverty reduction when establishing monitoring and evaluation mechanisms in their public administration processes. Legal framework The establishment of some of these systems was based on specific laws or detailed legal frameworks. Colombia is a good example of such systems. On the other hand, some monitoring and evaluation systems were implemented based on relatively flexible legal documents such as agreements, inter-institutional protocols, or mechanisms prescribed by annual budget laws, as seen in Chile and Mexico. System configuration: This research focuses on government-based systems (essentially aimed at improving program effectiveness and resource allocation). Document review indicates that in three countries - Chile, Mexico, and Rwanda - government monitoring and evaluation systems are centralized under the auspices of budgetary organizations (the Ministry of Finance of these countries). This theme encompasses five sub-themes: approach to monitoring and evaluation, organizational structure, leadership, stakeholders, and tools. Application: The experience of these countries shows that monitoring and evaluation help decision-making in one or two areas: firstly, decision-making regarding performance-based budgeting, improvement of resource allocation or government priorities for national or sectoral development plans; secondly, for managing the performance of programs, activities, and organizations; thirdly, for transparency, accountability, and social control. To extract a pattern from the monitoring and evaluation systems in the studied countries, six of the most fundamental success factors of these systems are summarized and presented in this research: The first point is that the implementation and establishment of systems should gradually and over time become ingrained within the government and governmental organizations. Initially, the cultural persuasion of the value of evaluation is more important than creating executive and operational mechanisms. The second point is that the path of creating, growing, and developing these systems has not been easy without challenges, and during that, encountering numerous unavoidable obstacles and difficulties is inevitable. Therefore, a strong determination, strong motivation, and high goals of leaders and statesmen, as well as the demand of civil society and the people, play a significant and unparalleled role. The third point is that the more diverse actors at different levels are involved in government monitoring and evaluation mechanisms, the more legitimate the system becomes, and its results become more valuable, acceptable, and effective. In fact, the value of evaluation knowledge depends on the quality of engagement of actors. The fourth point emphasizes that the effectiveness and sustainability of these systems depend on their ability to provide monitoring over the relationship between the allocated funds for each program and the results achieved from implementing that program through precise, comprehensive, and preventive performance indicators. Although this significantly depends on governments' approach to budgeting. The fifth point is the existence of support organizations that continuously produce systematic data for monitoring and evaluation systems by providing social and economic statistical information for the system and organizations based on scientific and reputable methods. The presence of these organizations alongside the system leads to the creation of a unified national database of valuable social, economic, and archival statistical information on changes in data and statistics in the country. Lastly, the sixth point emphasizes that if the findings of monitoring and evaluation systems create a field for governments to adopt evidence-based policymaking, provide effective public services, and allocate efficient resources, while promoting justice and social welfare, we will see a reduction in poverty rates and the population below the poverty line in countries. Because if we consider the fight against poverty as the most important political priority and ultimate goal of governments in policymaking, the presence of poverty in society is a sign of social policy failure and failure in achieving justice, and therefore reducing or increasing poverty can be considered as one of the most important indicators of the effectiveness or ineffectiveness of government policies. Therefore, considering the above six points, and also considering that in countries that are almost similar to the welfare regime of Iran and relied on monitoring and evaluation systems, firstly, the quality of governance indicators has improved, and secondly, the poverty headcount ratio in these countries has decreased, it can be concluded that establishing continuous and regular monitoring and evaluation systems is the key solution to overcoming policy inefficiency or failure, public budget wastage, and raising hope and social trust in the country. Conclusion The study concludes that strategic monitoring and evaluation systems are essential instruments for strengthening good governance and improving public sector performance. However, their effectiveness depends on context-specific institutional arrangements rather than the adoption of a universal model. Political commitment, sound legal frameworks, organizational coordination, and integration with planning and budgeting processes support successful systems. The comparative analysis demonstrates that while countries differ in institutional design, effective M&E systems share common governance principles, including accountability, evidence-based decision-making, and continuous organizational learning. These findings provide practical insights for policymakers seeking to strengthen national governance systems and contribute to the comparative literature on monitoring and evaluation in public administration.

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The State

Trend analysis of state capacity and comparison of performance of Iranian states Time series 1989 to 2024

Aboalghasem Shahryari; Seyyed Hossein Athari

Volume 12, Issue 47 , September 2026

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.88009.1716

Abstract

1. IntroductionThe failure of the idea of a minimal state, which had been considered since the early 1970s and whose inefficiency had become more apparent than ever, especially for developing countries, at the beginning of the 1980s, led to the idea of an efficient state once again attracting the attention ... Read More 1. IntroductionThe failure of the idea of a minimal state, which had been considered since the early 1970s and whose inefficiency had become more apparent than ever, especially for developing countries, at the beginning of the 1980s, led to the idea of an efficient state once again attracting the attention of theorists and the concept of "state capacity" being considered, which focuses solely on the capability and efficiency of the state and is defined as the ability of the state to achieve its goals. Studying state capacity in Iran is necessary in this respect because, in addition to the dependence of development processes on state capacity, Iran's historical experience shows that the state has always faced structural challenges such as dependence on oil revenues, weakness in the tax system, institutional fragility, etc. Given these conditions, a systematic analysis of state capacity can help clarify the strengths and weaknesses of Iran's governance structure. Accordingly, the trend of state capacity in Iran will be examined to answer two questions: Research Question(s)What has been the trend of state capacity in Iran? Which of the Iranian states has performed better in terms of state capacity?2. Literature ReviewHanson and Sigman (2021), reviewing various definitions, defined state capacity as the ability of a state to perform the main functions that are usually considered essential for modern states: protection against external threats, maintaining internal order, and administering and providing the basic infrastructure necessary to maintain economic activity and extract revenue. They also focused on two conditions to introduce indicators for measuring state capacity: 1) they are necessary for carrying out the tasks of contemporary states and 2) they are reasonably distinct from each other. Emphasizing these two conditions, they introduced three dimensions for measuring state capacity: extractive capacity, coercive capacity, and administrative capacity.Accordingly, the conceptual model of the present study was designed based on Hanson and Sigman's theoretical framework, which considers state capacity as a composite indicator consisting of the three extractive, coercive, and administrative dimensions. In this model, each dimension is measured with a set of quantitative indicators, and finally a composite index of state capacity is calculated. This model, by considering the overlap and interaction between the three dimensions, allows for a comprehensive and multidimensional analysis of state capacity in Iran. It is expected that improving each of these dimensions will lead to improving the overall state capacity and that the relationship between these dimensions will be synergistic, such that high levels of extractive and coercive capacity will pave the way for the development of administrative capacity and vice versa.3. MethodologyThe time series technique has been used to examine the trend of state capacity in Iran in the period 1989-2024; Time series are of great importance in political science and policy-making, because they establish a link between the past and the future and, using patterns and sequences of past events, provide a picture of the longitudinal trends of the issues under study. This process includes continuous or discrete quantitative data that are related to specific moments in time and are examined in statistical studies of their distribution.To determine the best performance among the states in the period of interest, which includes five states, the technique of comparing means has been used; the test used is the comparison of means of independent groups. In this test, the difference between variables can be generalized and compared if it has a state of similarity with its own group and distinction with other groups.4. ResultsThe composite index of state capacity, affected by the downward trend of its three constituent indicators, has had a cyclical and downward trend: the improvement in the initial part encountered the unfavorable situation in 1991 and then reached its best state with an upward trend; but the downward trend continued continuously after 1998, causing the index to be downward in the time series to appear. It is necessary to also consider the fluctuation caused by the Corona pandemic in 2020, which has caused an increase in the downward trend in the end of the time series.In summary, the answer to the first research question regarding the trend of state capacity in Iran (1989 to 2024) is that state capacity in Iran has had a cyclical downward trend, meaning that there have been numerous ups and downs in the time series of state capacity in Iran, but the downward trends have been more than the upward trends, and for this reason, state capacity in Iran has been declining during the period studied.Also, based on the average composite index of state capacity, which is the result of the performance of the states under review during their presidential terms, the Eslahat state had the best performance with an average of 58 and was ranked first alone. The two Mehr and Sazandegi states were ranked second with similar averages and their performance was similar to each other. The Etidal state was ranked third, and the Mardomi state was ranked last, which recorded the lowest performance in state capacity.5. Discussion According to the theoretical framework of the research, the capacity of the state in Iran has been challenged simultaneously from three aspects: insufficient financial resources (extractive capacity) that have been affected by sanctions, the decline in coercive capacity, which means a decrease in the state's ability to manage social conflicts and prevent hostilities among citizens, and finally, weakness in professional bureaucracy and policy implementation (administrative capacity). This situation shows that the main problem is not simply a lack of revenue or administrative inefficiency, but rather a vicious cycle is forming that has weakened the three dimensions simultaneously. The continuation of this trend could lead to a decrease in the state's ability to achieve development goals, increased social dissatisfaction, and a greater fragility of the governance system.6. ConclusionThe results of the study confirm that state capacity is a multidimensional and dynamic phenomenon whose dimensions interact and reinforce each other. Extractive capacity is a prerequisite for strengthening coercive and administrative capacity, and without sufficient financial resources, it is not possible to maintain security, effectively manage the territory, and provide public services. Appropriate administrative capacity can also increase the legitimacy of the state and increase the efficiency of using extracted resources.These results have important implications for policymaking. It seems that the main priority for improving state capacity in Iran should focus on reforming the tax structure, reducing dependence on oil, strengthening professional bureaucratic institutions, and creating accountability and transparency mechanisms. In addition, improving coercive capacity requires combining the effectiveness of security tools with mechanisms of persuasion and social participation in order to maintain political order and stability at the lowest social cost. Finally, returning to the path of improving state capacity in Iran requires a comprehensive and coordinated look at the three extractive, coercive, and administrative dimensions and designing policies that strengthen these dimensions simultaneously.

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Public Policy

Providing a Smart Governance Framework with a Focus on Public Participation: Case Study: The Islamic Consultative Assembly

Iman Akbari,; Maryam Razmjou

Volume 12, Issue 47 , September 2026

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.85216.1647

Abstract

Introduction The digitalization of societies has transformed governance structures and reshaped the way they are organized. In this context, emerging technologies have not only influenced how the world operates but have also revolutionized the use of modern tools to manage democratic processes and political ... Read More Introduction The digitalization of societies has transformed governance structures and reshaped the way they are organized. In this context, emerging technologies have not only influenced how the world operates but have also revolutionized the use of modern tools to manage democratic processes and political engagement. Accordingly, parliaments, as the highest representative institutions in a democracy, need to reform their traditional methods to align with public demands and serve as pillars of stability and trust during times of political, security, and economic crises. In this process, data plays a fundamental role. Thus, moving toward a "smart parliament" is essential. Achieving "smart parliaments"—whose main goals are enhancing transparency, increasing accountability, facilitating public participation in policymaking and implementation, and improving the efficiency of legislative and oversight processes—requires a positive approach toward new technologies and their adoption as effective tools in the development of governance systems. In this regard, the Islamic Consultative Assembly, as a legislative body and representative of the people, can play a fundamental role in increasing the quality of governance by making its processes smarter. Although some measures have been taken, such as the approval of the Transparency Law and the launch of crowdfunding systems for laws, policy studies and past experiences show that there are serious gaps in achieving effective citizen participation in the legislative process.This research, therefore, seeks to analyze existing executive policies, identify current challenges, and propose a comprehensive model for leveraging technological capacities and enhancing public participation in order to advance smart legislative governance. Attaining this framework can lead to greater transparency, strengthened social capital, more participatory decision-making processes, and ultimately, improved efficiency and democratization of the Islamic Consultative Assembly. Overall, the main objective of this study is to present a comprehensive and practical framework for utilizing technological potential and public participation to smarten parliamentary governance. Materials and Methods The present study is a qualitative research conducted within an interpretive-constructivist paradigm, utilizing the meta-synthesis strategy based on the seven-stage model proposed by Sandelowski et al. (2007). The research population includes two main sections: Scientific documents: Including articles, books, and theses published between 2011 and 2025 (1390 to 1403 in the Iranian calendar and 2000 to 2024 in the Gregorian calendar); Focus groups: Including university professors, researchers in the field of smart parliament studies, managers from the Research Center of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, and experts from the Legal Affairs Department of the Parliament. In line with the meta-synthesis approach, purposive sampling was applied to both scientific documents and participants. As a result, 27 studies were selected for document analysis. Additionally, the snowball sampling method was used to identify suitable individuals for participation, leading to a final sample of 13 experts. Sampling adequacy was ensured using the theoretical sampling method, meaning the process continued until data saturation was achieved. To ensure the validity of the study, Lincoln and Guba's (1985) criteria—credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability—were employed. Credibility was achieved through systematic data analysis and continuous review of findings, while dependability was ensured through precise documentation and regular data verification. After completing the meta-synthesis and extracting the components of a smart governance framework with an emphasis on public participation, these components were discussed in focus group sessions. The findings were then adapted to the context of the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Iran's Parliament), and practical and operational recommendations were developed in line with the proposed framework. These recommendations were refined through iterative feedback and revisions. Results and Discussion The present study was conducted with the aim of providing a framework for smart governance focusing on public participation in the Islamic Consultative Assembly. Based on the results obtained, 4 main categories and 19 subcategories were identified in the form of 60 concepts based on the meta-synthesis method. Based on the results of the present study, four categories: 1- Convergence and coordination at the governance level, 2- Division of institutional work in different parts of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, 3- Facilitation and encouragement of participation and interaction with society and citizens, and 4- Determination of tasks and necessary measures in order to develop the smart governance platform, were considered as functional dimensions affecting capacity building in smart parliamentary governance. In the areas of citizen participation in smart governance, five areas appropriate to the parliament were identified and refined by the focus group, which include 1) Participation in problem identification and prioritization, 2) Formulation and formation of laws, 3) Evaluation of approvals, 4) Monitoring and evaluation of law implementation, and 5) Demanding and strengthening the function of representation. Another component of the framework presented was the levels of citizen participation in smart governance, which was examined from four aspects: 1) transparency and awareness of citizens, 2) consultation and feedback from citizens, 3) cooperation and involvement of citizens, and 4) empowerment and delegation of decision-making to citizens. The platforms for realizing public participation in smart governance of the Islamic Consultative Assembly are one of the important components of the presented framework, which includes six systems: 1) Transparency system of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, 2) Participation system in problem identification, 3) Citizen participation system in legislation, 4) Law Observatory, 5) Public communication system with representatives, and 6) Integrated public monitoring system. These systems have been proposed as a complement to the framework extracted from scientific literature and with the aim of adapting it to the conditions of the Islamic Consultative Assembly. Conclusion Smart governance with a focus on public participation in the Islamic Consultative Assembly requires creating appropriate platforms for citizen engagement with legislative, oversight, and policymaking processes. Achieving this goal requires providing prerequisites that, while strengthening the institutional capacity of the Assembly, pave the way for greater transparency, efficiency, and accountability. Also, it can be concluded that legal, supervisory and functional capacity building in the parliament will not only increase the efficiency and transparency of policies, but also provide the possibility of direct interaction of the people with the legislative body and will lead to the improvement of smart governance, promotion of social capital, increase of public trust and strengthening of the efficiency of the decision-making system.

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Public and International Law

The European Court of Human Rights' Approach to Attributing International Responsibility for Conduct "on behalf of" Another State

Saeed Mokhtari; Mohammad Setayeshpour

Volume 12, Issue 47 , September 2026

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.85044.1641

Abstract

IntroductionThis article critically examines the approach of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in attributing international responsibility to states for actions conducted "on behalf of" another state. Against the backdrop of increasing intergovernmental cooperation in areas such as migration ... Read More IntroductionThis article critically examines the approach of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in attributing international responsibility to states for actions conducted "on behalf of" another state. Against the backdrop of increasing intergovernmental cooperation in areas such as migration control and multinational military operations, the question of accountability for human rights violations has emerged as a pivotal challenge. The primary objective of this study is to evaluate the efficacy of the Court’s "exclusive control" doctrine in ensuring state accountability and to identify gaps in its jurisprudence. The central research question asks whether the Court’s adherence to the exclusive control criterion, aligned with Article 6 of the International Law Commission’s (ILC) 2001 Articles on State Responsibility, sufficiently safeguards human rights in contexts of shared governance or indirect state influence. The hypothesis posits that while this stringent approach ensures legal clarity, it risks creating accountability vacuums and necessitates a paradigm shift toward recognizing "shared responsibility" based on effective influence and complementary obligations.Research Question(s)How does the ECtHR navigate the attribution of responsibility when states act on behalf of others, and does its reliance on the "exclusive control" test sufficiently uphold human rights accountability under the ECHR? Literature ReviewThe theoretical framework of this study is rooted in Article 6 of the ILC’s 2001 Articles, which predicates responsibility on a state’s "exclusive direction and control" over an organ or agent. The ECtHR has consistently applied this principle, as seen in cases like *Jaloud v. Netherlands* and *Al-Skeini v. UK*, where responsibility was attributed to states exercising direct operational and hierarchical control. Conversely, in cases such as *Pad v. Turkey* and *Behrami v. France*, the Court declined attribution due to insufficient institutional integration or exclusive control. Critics, including scholars like Milanović, argue that the Court’s narrow focus on formal control overlooks structural power imbalances and indirect influence mechanisms (e.g., economic coercion or political dependency), enabling states to outsource human rights violations while retaining de facto authority. Alternative frameworks, such as "shared responsibility" and "complementary obligations" (under Article 16 of the ILC Articles), emphasize accountability for states exerting effective influence, even absent direct control. These critiques highlight tensions between legal formalism and the realities of modern transnational governance. MethodologyThis study employs a theoretical and comparative legal analysis of key ECtHR rulings in intergovernmental cooperation cases. Four landmark cases—*X and Y v. Switzerland*, *Xhavara v. Italy and Albania*, *Vearncombe v. UK and Germany*, and *Drozd and Janousek v. France and Spain*—are examined as case studies. These cases are analyzed through the lens of attribution criteria (e.g., exclusive control, institutional integration, and operational authority) and their alignment with the ILC’s principles. Dissenting judicial opinions and scholarly critiques are incorporated to identify unresolved tensions in the Court’s jurisprudence. ResultsThe findings reveal the ECtHR’s unwavering reliance on the "exclusive control" threshold for attribution. For instance, in *X and Y v. Switzerland*, the Court attributed responsibility solely to Switzerland, as its authorities enforced domestic laws without delegating sovereign powers to Liechtenstein. Similarly, in *Xhavara v. Italy and Albania*, Italy was held solely accountable for maritime operations, as it retained full operational command despite a bilateral agreement with Albania. However, this approach falters in cases involving indirect control or structural influence. In *Drozd and Janousek*, the Court absolved France and Spain of responsibility for unfair trials in Andorra, despite their constitutional roles as co-princes, due to the absence of direct judicial oversight. This decision drew criticism from dissenting judges, who warned of a "responsibility vacuum" enabling powerful states to evade accountability through legal fictions. The study also demonstrates the Court’s nuanced recognition of "secondary obligations" in cases of complicity. For example, in *El-Masri v. Macedonia*, North Macedonia was held liable for facilitating CIA renditions, underscoring the distinction between primary attribution and obligations to refrain from aiding violations. While this approach mitigates some gaps, it remains insufficient to address systemic issues arising from indirect governance or coercive influence. Discussion The ECtHR’s rigid adherence to the "exclusive control" doctrine underscores a fundamental tension in international human rights law: the clash between legal predictability and the need for adaptive accountability mechanisms in an era of complex state interactions. While the Court’s formalism ensures consistency and guards against arbitrary attributions, it risks legitimizing structural inequities. For instance, powerful states may exploit legal loopholes to outsource rights-violating operations to subordinate actors or third parties, as seen in Drozd and Janousek, where France and Spain evaded accountability despite their constitutional authority over Andorran institutions.This rigidity also disregards the evolving nature of state influence, where control is increasingly exercised through economic leverage, political dependency, or institutional coercion rather than direct command. Milanović’s critique of the Court’s blindness to "neo-colonial" dynamics—where states like Italy or the UK exert indirect control through migration agreements or security partnerships—resonates here. The Inter-American Court’s advisory opinion on environmental harm, which recognizes extraterritorial responsibility for corporate actions funded by states, offers a counter-model. By contrast, the ECtHR’s reluctance to address such indirect influence perpetuates accountability gaps, particularly in transnational contexts like border externalization or privatized detention systems.The Court’s recognition of "secondary obligations" in cases like El-Masri and Al Nashiri v. Romania signals a partial shift toward holistic accountability. However, this remains reactive and fragmented, focusing on complicity rather than systemic prevention. A more robust framework would integrate the ILC’s broader interpretation of "direction and control" (Article 17), which includes coercive inducement, and embrace "shared responsibility" to reflect the interconnectedness of modern governance. For example, in migration control operations, both funding states (e.g., EU members) and implementing states (e.g., Libya) should bear responsibility for systemic violations, irrespective of direct control.ConclusionThe ECtHR’s attribution framework, though grounded in clear and predictable principles of international law, faces limitations in addressing the complexities of modern intergovernmental cooperation. While the "exclusive control" criterion safeguards state responsibility coherence, it struggles to ensure accountability in contexts of shared governance, structural influence, or systemic harm (e.g., transnational security cooperation or border control). This study advocates for a paradigm shift inspired by the ILC’s broader interpretation of "direction and control" and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights’ progressive stance on extraterritorial obligations. Recognizing "shared responsibility" and "complementary obligations" would require states to account for effective influence, even without direct operational control, and to prevent human rights violations within collaborative frameworks. Such evolution would align the ECtHR with global human rights trends, close accountability gaps, and strengthen protections in an era of transnational interdependence. Ultimately, balancing legal formalism with pragmatic flexibility is key to achieving equitable accountability under the European Convention on Human Rights. By integrating principles of effective influence and systemic prevention, the Court can uphold its mandate to protect human rights while adapting to the realities of 21st-century governance. Keywords: Exclusive attribution, Complementary obligations, European Court of Human Rights, International Law Commission, Responsibility, Direction and control.Acknowledgments The authors thank professors and colleagues at the University of Qom’s Law Faculty for their analytical feedback during the initial research stages. Gratitude is extended to the university’s law library for providing access to specialized resources and international databases. Special thanks to the anonymous peer reviewers whose insights significantly enhanced the quality of this work.

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The State

Coalition of Government Elites and Economic Development Strategies of the United Arab Emirates

Mahboobeh Bashiri; Somayeh Hamidi

Volume 12, Issue 47 , September 2026

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.78845.1507

Abstract

Research Problem and Background The United Arab Emirates (UAE), as one of the Persian Gulf countries, has succeeded in positioning itself at the forefront of transformation and development despite possessing a non-democratic political system and a traditional authoritarian system of governance. By ... Read More Research Problem and Background The United Arab Emirates (UAE), as one of the Persian Gulf countries, has succeeded in positioning itself at the forefront of transformation and development despite possessing a non-democratic political system and a traditional authoritarian system of governance. By adopting distinctive development strategies, the country has achieved remarkable economic progress. Against this background, the central research question of the present study is: How have the governing elites in the United Arab Emirates contributed to the realization of economic development? This study is based on the hypothesis that the governing elites of the United Arab Emirates have played a decisive role in promoting economic development by forming a cohesive governing elite coalition, adopting diverse fiscal, trade, and investment policies, and ensuring the rapid implementation of government decisions. These measures have significantly contributed to improving the country's economic development indicators and sustaining economic growth. This research is conducted within the theoretical framework of Peter Evans's Developmental State Theory. Evans emphasizes the role of an efficient bureaucracy and development-oriented elites in the process of development and argues that successful states create the institutional capacity required for industrial and economic development through institutional cohesion and close linkages with society. His principal argument is that certain states, by relying on development-oriented elites, facilitate collective action and create the conditions necessary for development through strategic investment in infrastructure. Within this framework, the governing elite coalition constitutes one of the principal determinants of the success of developmental states. The existing literature indicates that numerous studies have examined the role of the state in economic development. Evans (2004), Kohli (2004), among others, emphasize the importance of state capacity and development-oriented elites in the development process. Likewise, studies on the United Arab Emirates (e.g., Al-Khatib et al., 2021; and Ulrichsen, 2012) have primarily focused on economic growth, economic diversification, and human development indicators. Nevertheless, relatively few studies have directly examined the role of the governing elite coalition within Evans's theoretical framework in relation to the UAE's development policies. The present study seeks to fill this gap in the existing literature. Research Objectives The primary objective of this study is to analyze the role and strategies of the governing elites in the economic development of the United Arab Emirates based on Peter Evans's theoretical perspective. Research Method This study adopts a descriptive–analytical research method. The data were collected from library resources, scholarly articles, policy documents issued by the UAE government, and international statistical reports published by the World Bank and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). The theoretical framework of the study is based on Peter Evans's Developmental State Theory, with particular emphasis on the concept of embedded autonomy. Within this framework, the roles of state institutions, bureaucratic coherence, and the governing elite coalition in the process of economic development are examined. Research Findings Within the theoretical framework adopted in this study, economic development is defined as a multidimensional process that extends beyond the quantitative growth of gross domestic product (GDP). It encompasses structural transformation of the economy, increased productivity, improved resource allocation, enhanced employment, and the strengthening of the state's institutional capacity. In this context, the state, as the central actor in the development process, plays a decisive role in directing development through macroeconomic policymaking, economic regulation, and the establishment of institutional infrastructure. According to Developmental State Theory, an efficient bureaucracy, institutional cohesion, and the presence of development-oriented elites constitute the principal prerequisites for achieving sustainable economic growth. According to Peter Evans's analytical framework, the developmental state is characterized by embedded autonomy. This concept refers to the state's ability to maintain institutional autonomy from particularistic interests while simultaneously establishing strong structural and institutional linkages with society and the private sector. This model is realized through four complementary state roles—**custodian, demiurge, midwife, and husbandry**—which collectively facilitate industrial and economic development. The findings of the study indicate that the United Arab Emirates possesses the principal characteristics of a developmental state. Prior to the 1950s, the country's economy was based on a limited subsistence structure. However, following the discovery of oil and the establishment of the federation in 1971, the country entered a period of rapid economic transformation. In subsequent stages, the government's overarching development strategy focused on economic diversification, reducing dependence on oil revenues, and strengthening the non-oil sectors of the economy. Analysis of macroeconomic indicators demonstrates that, over recent decades, the United Arab Emirates has achieved significant growth in gross domestic product, foreign direct investment (FDI), and human development indicators. The findings further indicate that the economic development of the United Arab Emirates is the direct outcome of the formation and continuity of a cohesive governing elite coalition within the country's federal monarchical system. By combining traditional sources of legitimacy rooted in tribal structures with modern institutions of governance, the UAE government has succeeded in establishing a high degree of socio-political stability. The governance structure of the United Arab Emirates combines centralized authority at the federal level with the relative autonomy of the individual emirates. This institutional arrangement has facilitated rapid decision-making, centralized policymaking, and the coordinated implementation of development programs. The coalition among the governing elites of the principal emirates—particularly Abu Dhabi and Dubai—has played a significant role in maintaining political stability and ensuring the continuity of development policies. The development strategies adopted by the governing elites have been formulated and implemented within the framework of the country's national vision documents. These strategic frameworks aim to enhance global competitiveness, diversify the national economy, expand non-oil exports, and strengthen an innovation-driven economy. They have also contributed to improving coordination between state institutions and the private sector. The UAE government has implemented a coordinated package of development policies in various fields, including: Fiscal policies; Monetary policies; Trade policies; Investment policies; Privatization policies. Finally, the development of advanced technologies, artificial intelligence (AI), e-government, and the knowledge-based economy has also played an important role in the structural transformation of the country's economy. Conclusion Overall, the experience of the United Arab Emirates demonstrates that, in developing countries, a coalition of development-oriented governing elites can play a pivotal role in accelerating structural transformation and achieving sustainable economic growth. This finding supports Peter Evans's argument that a developmental state must simultaneously possess two essential characteristics: an efficient bureaucracy and governing elites that pursue developmental objectives through close engagement with society. From the perspective of Peter Evans's theoretical framework, the United Arab Emirates exhibits the principal characteristics of a developmental state. The country's governing elites, which have achieved high rates of economic growth and successful structural transformation, have created the institutional capacity required for national development through the formation of a cohesive coalition of development-oriented leaders and the establishment of strategic relationships with citizens and the business sector. Accordingly, the experience of the United Arab Emirates indicates that institutional capacity, coherent policymaking, and the strategic orientation of governing elites have collectively enabled the state to realize rapid economic development. The findings of this study therefore support Evans's proposition that development is not determined solely by economic resources; rather, it depends fundamentally on the state's institutional capabilities, bureaucratic effectiveness, and the capacity of development-oriented elites to formulate and implement coherent long-term development strategies.

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The State

Systematic review of the governance of complex issues in government institutions

Hadi Khan Mohammadi; Mahboobeh Askari Bagher Abadi

Volume 12, Issue 47 , September 2026

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2023.73475.1411

Abstract

One of the most fundamental topics discussed in the process of public policy is problemology. The mechanism of identifying and prioritizing public issues is one of the essentials of correct and efficient policy making, which frees policymakers from superficial, one-dimensional and short-term views and ... Read More One of the most fundamental topics discussed in the process of public policy is problemology. The mechanism of identifying and prioritizing public issues is one of the essentials of correct and efficient policy making, which frees policymakers from superficial, one-dimensional and short-term views and shapes public demand. If a problem is not identified correctly and for various reasons; such as personal and group interests, to be preferred over more important and effective public problem, or even to be incomplete and misunderstood; It will not only reduce the effectiveness of the political system, but it will also affect future policies; Because misrecognition of the problem will affect its policy making and will not produce a favorable result. One of the most important types of problems is the unstructured or wicked problems. The concept of " wicked problems " has been used in the literature of social, economic and management sciences since the 1970s, and has been greatly expanded since then. Some of the most important public policy problems in Iran have more or less resembled malignant issues. Issues such as the environment and water, the banking system, the tax system, the state of pension funds and exiting the recession have serious similarities to the wicked problems. The literature and knowledge generated on wicked problems can help improve our understanding of public policy in this area.These problems, which challenge governance structures, skill bases and current organizational capacities, require deep understanding by governments. Recognizing and analyzing such issues requires the use of multiple viewpoints and analyzes far from superficiality. Facing such problems, there is no opportunity for trial and error, and every attempt to solve the problem has heavy consequences, especially when there is no set of solutions. Although the term " wicked problems " is widely used in many fields of research today, there is no consensus on its theoretical foundations and its application to research. With the development and increasing complexity of the systems, it becomes necessary to create special mechanisms of governance, which is referred to as the governance of problems, and in order to maintain a responsive system to solve problems, governments need such governance, which uses people's participation and methods. Reflectors of the issues should act better. Governance of issues is a new type of social construction in the field of problem solving, power play and stakeholder participation. The governance of problems pays more attention to complicated problems, and the emergence of its concept was related to the inefficiency of solving problems, which caused the necessity of governing problems. Therefore, when the governance of problems is mentioned, it mainly refers to wicked problem. The purpose of this article is to study and review the existing literature in the field of wicked problems to lead to the creation of a framework including concepts, approaches and governance in this field. For this purpose, the current research is based on a systematic review method on the existing research in this field. For this purpose, a large number of articles with the title of wicked problems were selected from reliable databases such as Google scholar, Science direct, Springer, Web of Science. Then among them, the articles that had the keywords Wicked problems, Unstructured problems and Wicked problems governance were selected and the rest were discarded. Among the remaining studies, 4 studies with richer literature were selected. The results showed that the concept of wicked problems is often associated with social pluralism (interests and values of multiple stakeholders), institutional complexity and scientific uncertainty. Also, the governance related to such issues becomes necessary due to the complexity and increase in the number of problems, change in the way of people's participation and pluralism of vision. In other words, it is necessary to improve the fields of knowledge about wicked problems in a system, to deal with the underlying causes of such issues, and to improve the cooperation of stakeholders in the governance of these problems. The main strategies for responding wicked problems include: avoidance and denial, mandatory controls, management of small problems, technocratic problem solving, gradual adjustment, stakeholder cooperation, and prevention. Finally, in order to implement the governance of wicked problems in organizations, three factors of policies, interactions and conflicts of political and social stakeholders, and research and development mechanisms should be taken into consideration.

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The Roots of the Arab Spring and the Domino Effect of Collapsing Arab Regimes; the Determining Role of Short-Run Factors and Political Management

Volume 3, Issue 11 , December 2017, , Pages 1-26

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2017.8102

Abstract

Between 2010 and 2013, during what was called the Arab Spring, the Arab world witnessed a wave of popular uprisings that led to the overthrow of four governments (in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen), serious difficulties for three states (in Bahrain, Jordan and to some extent, Saudi Arabia), and a civil ... Read More

State and Environment: From the Non-State to the Participatory Approaches

Volume 2, Issue 8 , March 2017, , Pages 59-80

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2017.7198

Abstract

n the case of the relationship between government and environmental obligations there are different views in public law theory. At least three approaches can be mentioned in the context of general task to which principle 50 of constitution refers. The first approach is based on the centrality of the ... Read More

Gender Policy in Contemporary Iran: The Role of State in Changing the Status and Rights of Women (1891–2013)

Volume 7, Issue 27 , December 2021, , Pages 59-87

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2021.43143.710

Abstract

Gender policy in contemporary Iran has experienced many fluctuations, but it has generally brought about significant changes in the status of women. The question of this article is focused on political factors, especially the role of state, in these changes. Using a historical–comparative method, ... Read More

Military Diplomacy: A New Strategy for States in Pursuit the Foreign Policy Goals

Volume 6, Issue 23 , December 2020, , Pages 219-256

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2020.39753.653

Abstract

For a long time, the only solution to ending disputes between countries was war on the battlefield and military option. In the midst of these wars, the most important military strategies were born and often used in other battles. But over time, states have found that warfare is a very costly activity, ... Read More

Securitization of the Corona Virus and Adopting State Restrictive Measures in the Fight against the viral Pandemic (Case Study of the United Kingdom, Germany, and Australia)

Volume 6, Issue 22 , September 2020, , Pages 107-140

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2021.56706.1023

Abstract

Various governments around the world have put tough restrictive measures on the agenda to combat the outbreak of the Covid-19 virus. Actions that are unbearable for people under normal circumstances. These restrictive measures and extraordinary means have so far been accepted by the public (despite popular ... Read More

Analysis of Political Modernity in the Thought of Foroughi

Hamid Yahyavi; Ali Moradi,

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 22 July 2026

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.84227.1620

Abstract

1. مقدمهآن دسته از رجال فکری-سیاسی که در گام اول، نهضت مشروطه و نظام پارلمانی برآمده از آن، و در گام دوم دولت متمرکز مدرن رضاشاهی را مستقیم و غیرمستقیم تغذیه فکری کردند، ... Read More 1. مقدمهآن دسته از رجال فکری-سیاسی که در گام اول، نهضت مشروطه و نظام پارلمانی برآمده از آن، و در گام دوم دولت متمرکز مدرن رضاشاهی را مستقیم و غیرمستقیم تغذیه فکری کردند، این فرصت را داشتند که ‌با تأکید بر مفهوم فرد به‌عنوان مبنای مشروعیت سیاسی جدید و نیز فردیت –به‌عنوان ارزشمندترین بنیان مدرنیته- و مفاهیم پیش‌شرط آن یعنی آزادیِ برابر و برابری اخلاقی زمینه ظهور مدرنیته سیاسی (تفکیک عرصه عمومی از عرصه خصوصی) ‌را در ایران فراهم کنند و به‌عنوان مژده‌رسانان مدرنیته سیاسی ‌عمل نمایند. اما در دوره پسامشروطه، اندیشه آنها به سمت بی‌التفاتی به اهمیت فرد و طرح مفاهیم جمع‌گرایانه نظیر «روح ملی ایرانی» متمایل شد. لذا، نقش بسزایی در استقرار ‌دولت متمرکزی داشتند ‌‌که بدون توجه به فردیت و خواست جامعه و فارغ از تفکیک پهنه عمومی از خصوصی، سعی داشت جامعه ایران را به‌طور آمرانه پیش برده و مدرن و متمدن نماید. بر این اساس، پژوهش پیش‌رو با هدف پاسخگویی به این پرسش اصلی شکل گرفته است که فروغی درباره مدرنیته سیاسی (نسبت و جدایی دولت و جامعه مدنی) چگونه می‌اندیشید؟ زیرا وی از مهم‌ترین روشنفکران عملگرای پسامشروطه و کارگزار سیاسی این دوره بود و نسبت به نخبگان معاصر خویش، هم نظریه‎ منسجم‌تر و سنجیده‌تری درباره شکل مناسب دولت در کالبد سیاسی ایران داشت، هم فرصت یافت که این نظریات را در کسوت یک سیاست‌مدار به کنش سیاسی پیوند زند.2- روشجستار حاضر با روش تحلیلی و توصیفی و در چارچوب نظریه و خوانش موریس باربیه از مفهوم مدرنیته سیاسی به واکاوی جایگاه مدرنیته سیاسی در اندیشه سیاسی محمدعلی فروغی پرداخته است.3. نتیجه‌گیری نتایج این پژوهش نشان داد افکار فروغی را در این باب می‌توان به دو برهه قبل و پس از شکست مشروطیت دسته‌بندی نمود. به این ترتیب که در دوره قبل از شکست مشروطیت و به‌ویژه در اثر تألیفی (حقوق اساسی) خویش به درستی بر لزوم ایجاد یک دولت حداقلی و رعایت حقوق افراد ناس در قالب دو اصل آزادی و مساوات به‌عنوان غایت مدرنیته سیاسی تأکید می‌کند و معتقد است «با امنیت و عدالتی که دولت برقرار می‌کند خود مردم دنبال اقتصادیات هم می‌روند و مثل سایر ملل ثروت و قدرت و شرافت مملکت خویش را ترقی می‌دهند». اما‎، با شکست مشروطیت و وضعیت بحرانی پس از آن، اندیشه فروغی به سمت اولویت‌بخشی به ایجاد «دولت مطلقه» با هدف تربیت مردم و ایجاد «ملت» با تأکید بر امر ملی و ایرانی‌گری متمایل می‌شود. زیرا وی وضعیت بحرانی پسامشروطه را ناشی از فقدان درک منافع ملی توسط نخبگان و آحاد مردم و به تعبیر خود او نبود افکار عامه می‌دانست. البته، این تغییر اولویت را نمی‌توان به‌معنای عدم باور وی به اصل رعایت حقوق فردی و تفکیک پهنه عمومی از خصوصی دانست. زیرا وی به‌لحاظ نظری اصل تمدن را در تربیت ملت می‌دانست و بهترین علامت تربیت داشتن ملت را نیز در رعایت قانون توسط دولت و ملت می‌دید. به‌لحاظ عملی نیز موضع مستقل او در واقعه مسجد گوهرشاد و عدم تأیید کشتار مردم حتی به قیمت مغضوب شدن نزد رضاشاه و همچنین، بازپس‌گیری اموال و املاک به زور غصب شده از رضاشاه هنگام خروج از کشور و برگردانیدن آنها به صاحبان اصلی را می‌توان گواهی بر اعتقاد وی به لزوم رعایت حقوق فردی آحاد مردم توسط دولت تلقی کرد. بنابراین، می‌توان ااشاره کرد که واقعیات سیاسی اجتماعی جامعه ایران در دوره پسامشروطه، فروغی را به‌عنوان یک نقش‌آفرین در فضای بین دولت و ملت و نیز اندیشمند سیاسی آگاه به بنیان‌های معرفتی و الزامات مدرنیته سیاسی به این نتیجه رساند «تفکیک پهنه خصوصی از پهنه عمومی» و رعایت حقوق فرد به ما هو فرد که از مجرای ایجاد توازن بین قدرت دولت و جامعه مدنی میسر می‌شود در جامعه‌ای با مختصات ایران پسامشروطه که اغلب آحاد آن از سواد خواندن و نوشتن محروم بودند و قادر به تشخیص منافع ملی و فردی خود نبودند، امری ناممکن است و نیاز اسباب و لوازمی دارد. از این‌‌رو، با دولت مطلقه رضاشاه هم‌رأی و همراه شد تا ابتدا نظم و امنیت در کشور برقرار شود و تمامیت ارضی کشور حفظ گردد. سپس، از مجرای ایده تربیت مردم و دمیدن روح ملی‌گرایی در آنها، جامعه متمدن و پهنه عمومی نحفیفِ وقت، مقتدر شود و گرایش و امکان مداخله دولت در ناحیه‌ های مختلف جامعه (احزاب، اصناف، گروه‌های اجتماعی و ... ) به‌ مرور کمینه گردد.

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From Acceptance to Resistance: Examining Iranian Society’s Strategies in Response to Political dichotomy between the State and Society

mahmoudreza rahbarqazi; zahra sadeghinaghdali

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 07 April 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.81415.1554

Abstract

The central aims of this study encompass the identification and analysis of the elements that affect the emergence and escalation of political dichotomy between the state and society in Iran, the investigation of societal strategies employed in reaction to this phenomenon, the assessment of its social ... Read More The central aims of this study encompass the identification and analysis of the elements that affect the emergence and escalation of political dichotomy between the state and society in Iran, the investigation of societal strategies employed in reaction to this phenomenon, the assessment of its social and political ramifications, and the provision of recommendations to address and alleviate its detrimental impacts. This research employs a qualitative methodology, grounded in the Strauss and Corbin framework, which entails conducting comprehensive and semi-structured interviews.The data for this study were obtained through in-depth and semi-structured interviews that were carried out with 24 experts, comprising mostly academic scholars with doctoral degrees. These interviews aimed to gather from them their experiences, perspectives, and methods regarding political bifurcation. For further data validation, relevant reports and documents dealing with political bifurcation were also used.Qualitative content analysis was carried out on the data. First, open coding was done in order to identify key concepts. Then, using focused coding, these key concepts were systematically compared and analyzed to discover the connections between them. Finally, selective coding was used in order to identify the central code and to detect meaningful patterns. This methodology allowed for a deep and comprehensive analysis of the origins, approaches, and implications of political dichotomy, which improved our understanding of the elements that contribute to this phenomenon.Validity and reliability of the data were critical components of this study. In addition to credibility, precision was ensured through the internal validation strategies of cross-checking and recoding. Furthermore, the preliminary analytical findings were continuously checked and confirmed through the involvement of experts and stakeholders, thus assuring the data reliability and accuracy of the analysis.The study suggests that "structural and cultural divides" come into being as the leading code, stemming from the complex interaction of causal, contextual, and intervening variables, which have deepened the political rift in Iran. The causal variables include social and economic inequality as well as ideological conflicts, which serve as the critical structure for this gap. These challenges arise out of unequal power relations and the uneven distribution of resources, resulting in a great deal of dissatisfaction among various groups in society. Situational factors that increase this division relate to the political and social culture within society, which, through institutions like the family and the education system, passes on conflicting political ideologies. This culture, instead of bridging the gaps, strengthens and reinforces them. Finally, intervening factors such as media and social networks further fuel political polarization by creating echo chambers and spreading misinformation. Moreover, ineffective political decisions and changes in legislation have often inflamed these tensions rather than reduced them, thus contributing to the crystallization of this divide.The theoretical framework developed in this study reveals that the political cleavage existing in society has caused the development of two basic strategies among the people: acceptance and resistance. Acceptance, as one of the responses to the political rift between the state and society in Iran, reflects a part of the population's willingness to adapt to the existing conditions and accept the hegemonic order. This strategy is generally adopted by groups that lack the motivation either to change the status quo or, because of conservatism, inability to access power, or uncertainty about what might result from change, opt for the maintenance of the status quo. Acceptance can either be passive, without open protest or resistance, or active, through attempts to use the existing conditions for the betterment of oneself or one's group. In this approach, both individuals and collectives strive to adjust to the prevailing conditions while maximizing the opportunities available in the system to assert their place. While acceptance may provide temporary relief from social tensions and bring about political stability, it can also work to reinforce inequalities and further entrench political polarization, as the social and economic disparities continue to exist and can even exacerbate.On the other hand, resistance is an alternative strategy characterized by the actions of part of society to challenge the status quo and bridge the gap between the state and society. This type of resistance may be carried out in different ways: public protest, oppositional political activities, acts of civil disobedience, and so on. People who apply this strategy usually are not satisfied with current conditions and would like to make significant changes in political, social, or economic structures. The notion of resistance often arises from perceptions of injustice, inequality, and discrimination within political and social ideologies. In contrast to acceptance, which tends to consolidate the prevailing order, resistance seeks to challenge and change the system for the betterment of disadvantaged and disenfranchised people. However, resistance can increase tensions and sharpen political polarization, particularly when it hits the wall or otherwise fails to gain support across the board. Ultimately, resistance lies at the very core of the formation of political and social dynamics and can serve as a catalyst for broader changes.The theoretical framework demonstrates that such a political dichotomy between society and the state is a complex and multifarious phenomenon with huge implications for Iran's social, political, and economic frameworks. An exploration of these implications reveals that such political dichotomy has deepened social and political cleavages, practically bifurcating society into two often hostile and rival camps. These divisions have fueled a rise in polarization and growing social and political unrest, which, in turn, further amplifies the sense of inequality and discrimination among some quarters. From such an environment, political and economic instability has emerged as the most likely outcome. Severe market volatility, lower investment, capital flight, and continued political unrest are just some of the results of this bifurcation and the failure to achieve national cohesion. Furthermore, rising public discontent is another major consequence, as clearly seen in widespread protests, growing feelings of injustice, and increased pessimism about the future. These complaints have fostered an atmosphere of increased violence and social unrest, driving society into street confrontations, political instability, and cyber attacks on social media platforms.Concomitant with these developments, a major issue that has emerged is the marked decline in trust in government institutions. Citizens have gradually lost confidence in democratic processes and state institutions; hence, there is a growing sense of powerlessness and political apathy. This precarious situation has posed a direct threat to national cohesion, evidenced by the weakening of social bonds, deepening ethnic and religious divides, and a decrease in participation in national affairs. Lastly, political polarization has also contributed much to the aggravation of emigration and brain drain. Part of the intellectual and cultural elite of the country, disillusioned by the local situation and dissatisfied with the prevalent conditions, are leaving the country, which may further weaken Iran's human capital and undermine its development potential. This only goes to prove that the political divide between state and society tends to jeopardize stability and progress in a society, which eventually leads to further crises due to increased divides and growing unrest among the citizens of such society.

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politico-Ideological Turn and Economic Change in Iran After revolution (1979-2012)

Aboulfazl Delavari; Elahe Mohammadi Pirouzian

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 01 September 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.82869.1593

Abstract

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Chinese Harmony and International Order in the 21st century

Fariborz Arghavani Pirsalami; Sajjad karimian

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 03 May 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.79725.1517

Abstract

One of the most important attentions to international affairs as well as the category of power and order is giving importance to ideas, values and concepts. The importance of ideas, values and concepts in formulating and presenting the best options for order creation in the international arena is always ... Read More One of the most important attentions to international affairs as well as the category of power and order is giving importance to ideas, values and concepts. The importance of ideas, values and concepts in formulating and presenting the best options for order creation in the international arena is always considered. In this context, values, concepts and intellectual ideals act as raw materials for building the international order. With Deng Xiaopeng coming to power and adopting a different foreign policy, China's economic growth dazzled the eyes. As a result of economic growth, China's military growth accelerated. In recent years, these two fields have attracted so much attention of international relations researchers that the third field, namely Chinese culture, is on the sidelines of international attention and is paid less attention to it. Considering the increasing power of this country and also being among the great international powers, the importance of the ideas, thoughts and ideals of this country in building order is taken into consideration.According to what was said, what are China's ideals and ideals for the desired order of this country? Paying attention to ancient history and thought in this country is one of the basic requirements to answer this question. When China's long and deep history turns its pages, one of the most important and basic ideas of Chinese human life is the category of "harmony". This issue is so broad and deep that it is not far from reality if I say that the central signifier of social discourse in China is the concept of "harmony". Accordingly, the main research question is what is the nature of Chinese international order under the concept of coordination? In other words, how does the concept of coordination shape the Chinese international order? This article, relying on the descriptive-analytical method and using intellectual propositions in the context of Chinese history, asserts that the Chinese order does not seek uniformity and pursues a balance achieved through recognizing differences. Therefore, the Chinese international order reflects this meaning in the international system.Chinese worldview is a unique and exceptional worldview among the attitudes of different people in today's world. Apart from the five thousand years of historical continuity of China, in the philosophical perspective of this country, there is no existence of a creator that is outside of world creation. This feature makes this worldview completely naturalistic, self-sufficient and self-generating. Accordingly, good and evil do not exist in the mental geometry of Chinese people, and instead there is balance and harmony in contrast to disharmony. Balance has been the guiding light of man and Chinese society throughout the history of this society, and this harmony has emerged as the central sign of various thoughts in China. One of the most important of these ideas is Confucius and Taoism, which is several thousand years old.According to Confucius, the main goal of government is to create harmony, and the last step in achieving this goal is to achieve harmony at the global level. The three basic principles of moral force, empathic understanding and harmony with differences were recognized as the foundations of creating harmony in the international arena. Taoism, like Confucius, pays special attention to the concept of harmony and order. However, Taoism has a different view on the category of harmony and interprets it as cosmic. In this view, the category of order has a place to organize order in the cosmic system. The important and common Taoist principles are isolation, simplicity and harmony with nature.The emphasis of Chinese culture is on fostering harmony not only between different people, but also between people and the fundamental world. The four basic characteristics of harmony are balance in the whole, harmony in difference, order in complexity, and unity in diversity. It was on this basis that certain viewpoints were created to explain and describe the category of harmony in Chinese philosophy, which had a special application in the field of domestic and foreign politics, and therefore are highly contextual and historical. Based on this, the representation of the concept of harmony and social balance in the political sphere of China can be seen in the creation of political constructions such as the Son of Heaven, a strong family system and orderly social hierarchies. These structures, which have always declined and risen for many years, are not the only representations of the concept of harmony emanating from Confucian and Taoist thoughts in China's domestic political sphere. The history of China's political history makes it clear that China has been characterized by the growth and expansion of the hierarchical structure and the formation of the Confucian bureaucracy and, as a result, a powerful political system. In general, the ontology of Chinese man and all aspects of his social and individual life cannot be imagined outside of the concept of under the sky. Accordingly, the inclusion of the concept of harmony includes all areas of Chinese human life.In the Chinese intellectual geometry and the concept of harmony arising from mutual recognition and deepening it is not to meet needs but to create harmony and prevent distance from a balanced world. Based on this, it can be said that order based on demand from the concept of hegemony and geometry in Chinese thought is fundamentally different from Western order in terms of ontology and epistemology, and its nature and essence does not seek to create uniformity and equalization; Rather, it seeks to recognize diversity and at the same time build a world based on mutual understanding. Based on this, it can be concluded that from the point of view of the geometry of Chinese thought and harmony, the role of China is benign. In this way, according to the aforementioned, this country seeks to create a balance at the world level with an emphasis on harmony.Based on the Chinese point of view, order should be based on the deep expansion of China's relations with all countries of the world. In such a way that the final result of these relations should lead to the improvement of the level of world peace and prosperity. Another characteristic of this type of international relations is that it leads to the production of power relations for each side of these relations. The most important examples of promoting coordination and balance in China's international order in the fields of institutions, security and international economy are the Belt and Road Initiative, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Asian Development and Infrastructure Bank. In terms of rules and regulations and the degree of China's presence and authority in them, each of them reflects the category of international coordination and the resulting order in the international arena.

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Changes like State Governance; the Transition to Fourth Industrial Revolution Technologies (A Case Study on the Government of the United States)

Mahdi Elyasi; Mohammad Tondro

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 23 September 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2024.79762.1521

Abstract

Problem and BackgroundTechnological advancements require a deeper understanding of the most effective methods and policies for governance at various levels of government. This paradigm shifts underscores the necessity for active and effective governance policies to facilitate optimal integration and ... Read More Problem and BackgroundTechnological advancements require a deeper understanding of the most effective methods and policies for governance at various levels of government. This paradigm shifts underscores the necessity for active and effective governance policies to facilitate optimal integration and further pave the development path. The nature of governance is fundamentally influenced by these policies, which go beyond merely changing the perspective or approach of an organization or government. They alter the very nature of government as well. As such, the challenge lies in new crafting governance and government functions that not only adapt to rapid technological changes but also proactively shape the mechanisms of governance to enhance their relevance and efficiency in the digital era. This change must be forward-looking and inclusive, ensuring that technological benefits are equitably shared while safeguarding against potential disruptions that could undermine societal and political stability.Research ObjectiveThis study examines the various aspects of governance policies considering the Fourth Industrial Revolution's transformative indices and the significance of its revolutionary concepts on development models, emphasizing how these concepts transform the nature of governments. This research focuses on a collection of policy and governance systems at the national and international levels in the United States of America. The purpose of this selection is to analyze and identify governance patterns and policy systems that can effectively respond to the challenges and opportunities arising from the advancements of Industry 4.0 technologies.Research MethodThis examination includes a detailed study of federal policy systems, industrial development strategies, and educational programs related to emerging technologies. It also endeavors to analyze, through the study of over eighteen governmental documents in the United States, using advanced tools of text analysis and natural language processing, the subtleties of technological advancements and the governance aspects present in forthcoming sectors. This method enables deep analysis of texts and documents and encompasses various sections of public, specialized, and international policy systems in the United States in the path of modern governance transformation and transition to Industry 4.0 technologies. It includes an analysis of the nature of state governance, federal policy system strategies, and executive governance models, all of which examine different aspects of the impacts of Industry 4.0 technologies on modern governance. This research focuses on examining how policies and governance models respond to the challenges and opportunities arising from digital transformation in documents presented in various sectors. Using this method, the researcher can identify patterns, important themes, and indicators presented in the context of modern governance practices and the functioning of the government in complex texts.Research FindingsThis investigation will demonstrate how such policymaking gradually alters government functions and governance interaction methods, ultimately leading to a transformation in governance approaches. The primary goal of this research is to explore the complex dynamics governing the coexistence of effective governance policy interventions in the processes of adopting Fourth Industrial technologies, with a focus on multifaceted challenges and highlighting gaps in skills, resource limitations, and access to technology, which recurrently emerge as themes. The results show a close connection between governance policies that emphasize promoting government-industry collaboration and the development of advanced technologies. This integration has not only led to increased innovation and improved technological infrastructure but has also moved governance practices more towards data-driven and technology-dependent methods. Data analysis indicates that challenges such as resource limitations, unequal access to technology, and skill gaps are among the most significant limitations in governance and regulation in this sector. These challenges require more effective governance measures that seriously focus on strengthening technological infrastructure, providing practical education, and fostering international cooperation to broadly create development opportunities.ConclusionTherefore, it is essential to enhance policy systems and accountability, and design innovative governance methods that are flexible and capable of quickly responding to changing needs. The models and findings in this research clearly indicate that effective governance in the era of the Fourth Industrial Revolution requires a multidimensional and comprehensive understanding that encompasses all aspects of technology, economy, and society for proper rule-setting, as governance transformation fundamentally changes government function and introduces a different mode of action. Indeed, only through flexible, innovative, and responsible governance approaches and understanding the substantive transformation of governmental action can sustainable successes be achieved in this transition. These changes can be clearly observed in the changes in policymaking styles and the transformation in the nature of the state in the United States.

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The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouye counties

Abdolrasoul Kavehfard; Hojjatollah Ayyoubi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 18 October 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2023.74717.1436

Abstract

Extended abstractTitle: The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouyeh countiesAbdolrasoul Kaveh Fard, Ph.D. Student in Political Science/Political Sociology/Faculty of Lows, Theology & Political Science, Science and Research ... Read More Extended abstractTitle: The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouyeh countiesAbdolrasoul Kaveh Fard, Ph.D. Student in Political Science/Political Sociology/Faculty of Lows, Theology & Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranHojjatallah Ayyoubi Associate Professor, Faculty of World Studies, Tehran UniversityMojtaba MaghsoudiAssociate Professor, Faculty of Political Science, Islamic Azad University. Central Tehran Branch. Tehran, Iran.Introduction: Since development in developing societies, especially in Iran, depends a lot on the approaches, policies and plans of the government, knowing the special tasks, capabilities and capacities of agents and representatives of the government in the regions is also of fundamental importance in this field. Therefore, the topic of this article, which is derived from a scientific research, among various possible factors, is to study the role of governors in the political development of cities, which is examined from the perspective of political sociology.The purpose of the research: The general purpose of this research is to investigate the role and influence of governorates on the political development of cities.Method: In terms of purpose, this research is applied and among quantitative researches, the data has been collected by survey method. In the research process, a questionnaire was distributed electronically among all the employees of the governorates of "Dashtestan", "Genaveh" and "Asalouyeh" cities (including governors up to assistants in the number of 100 people) in the territory of Bushehr province. Therefore, the sample size was determined to be 100 people using the full enumeration method. Cronbach's alpha method was used to measure the reliability of the measuring instrument, and the questionnaire was confirmed with a reliability coefficient of 0.907. To analyze the data, one-sample t/t tests, analysis of variance and variance-oriented structural equation modeling approach and related software (PLS) were used.Report of findings: The findings of the research show that the highest average in the political development index is related to the "Governorship of Asalouyeh" and the lowest average is related to "Governorship of Genaveh". In the sub-indexes of political development, the governorates of all three cities have had a positive performance. "Activity of news-analytical media" in Dashtestan city has the highest average (3.85), and the lowest average related to the sub-index "political participation" (3.32), in Genaveh city, the sub-index of "activity of political parties and organizations" has the highest average (4.00) and the lowest average related to the sub-index of "political participation" (2.74); and in Asalouyeh city, the sub-index of "efficiency and effectiveness of the government" was the highest average (4.10) and the lowest average was related to the sub-index of "political participation" (3.65). Therefore, overall, in the political development index, the performance of Asalouyeh governorate has been better than other governoratesTo evaluate the political development index, 13 questions were asked, which were evaluated using the single-sample T/T test. The analysis of the collected data shows that the average of all the items of the political development index, except for the item of "governor's performance in the participation of the people in the elections of the Assembly of Experts" are above average, and thus there is a good satisfaction in the political development index. The value of the alpha error or the significance level of the T/T test for all items except for the item of "Governor's performance in the participation of the people in the elections of the Assembly of Experts" is equal to 0.000, since this error rate is less than the acceptable error rate for the test, i.e. is less than 0.05, as a result, it can be argued that the difference between the observation satisfaction level for these measures and the average level of satisfaction is significant at the 95% confidence level. The general results of the political development index express favorable conditions and a positive view of the governorates of the studied cities from the point of view of the statistical community of this research. Following up on the political affairs of the cities is one of the important tasks of the governorates, and in this field, the studied governorates have achieved relative success.Conclusion: on the functions, specialties and capabilities of governors as agents and high representatives of the government (and sovereignty) at the city level and their role in political development, clearly shows that governors, considering their duties and powers, as well as their role The leadership that they have, within the framework of their institutional structure, has helped to facilitate various indicators of political development in the regions and regions, and they play a prominent and prominent role in promoting the indicators of political development in the cities. Because the philosophy of establishing local governments in regions and districts also comes from the need to facilitate development at the regional level and as a result of national development. But in this process, some factors such as the presence of inefficient people at the head of the governorate as governor and the subsequent appointment of inefficient deputies and managers of executive bodies and government organizations at the city level, the sometimes security attitude of the governors to the administration of local affairs and especially the political activities of political currents at the level in the region, very weak financial resources, cumbersome laws and regulations, weak and insufficient human resources within the structure of the governorates and the lack of transparency in decision-making have caused their potential capacities and capabilities to perform effectively and carry out developmental tasks in the political dimension.The results of this research with the conclusion of "Shiari and Farhangi(2018)" research that the role of the government and its policies in the process of political development and the formation of civil society is prominent and significant, as well as the research of "Abiyar et al.(2018)" on this basis that Local governments play an important role in accelerating the process of political development, it is completely consistent.

The Relationship between the State, Social Justice and Basic Freedoms; A Reflection on the Jurisprudential Foundations of the Constitution of Islamic Republic of Iran

ahmad farshadian; Mustafa Zali

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 24 December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.81896.1560

Abstract

The contemporary understanding of social justice is to ensure that resources are distributed throughout society in such a way that everyone enjoys a certain level of facilities, and therefore most discussions of social justice are based on two basic questions; first, how much facilities should be guaranteed, ... Read More The contemporary understanding of social justice is to ensure that resources are distributed throughout society in such a way that everyone enjoys a certain level of facilities, and therefore most discussions of social justice are based on two basic questions; first, how much facilities should be guaranteed, and second, how much government intervention is needed to distribute these facilities. Notwithstanding the differences that can be observed between different theories of social justice, these theories agree that the realization of justice requires some degree of state intervention in the basic rights and freedoms of citizens - especially property rights. Thus, state intervention in the management of the market and the establishment of anti-monopoly mechanisms, as well as the ownership of the means of production, are among the issues examined under the theme of social justice.Justice-oriented policies, however, are linked to basic rights and freedoms, including property rights; that is, they either completely negate or limit private ownership of the means of production, or they leave ownership free and instead confiscate the individual's profit and levy taxes to reduce inequalities and provide a minimum for the less fortunate. The staircases use redistributive policies. On the other hand, not accepting government intervention in property with the aim of redistributing resources leads to the denial of social justice. On this basis, the discussion assumes that social justice can conflict with the application of legitimate rights and freedoms.On the one hand, a cursory glance at the Constitution shows that social justice is widely emphasized in its principles as one of the main objectives of the legal system. On the other hand, this fundamental document observes a broad protection of legitimate fundamental rights and freedoms, to the extent that their deprivation is even prohibited by law. Thus, the maximum guarantee of social justice and the application of fundamental rights and freedoms are in conflict with each other, and this conflict is the problem of the present research. Therefore, the main issue in the agenda of this article is the answer to this question: Can the government limit the fundamental and legitimate rights and freedoms of citizens in order to achieve social justice? The authors have tried to find the answer to the aforementioned problem by referring to the constitution and its foundations in Islamic jurisprudence and thought.The results of the research show that the principle that "the government can intervene in the legitimate rights and freedoms of citizens for the sake of social justice" is one of the basic principles of the theory of social justice in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. On this basis, preparations were made to resolve this conflict.Firstly, in order to resolve the conflict, it should be noted that the reduction of public law relations to private law is normative reductionism and therefore the government is not a person among other natural and legal persons. It is therefore not justified by the norms of private law on which relations between persons are organized. Rather, the legal personality of the government and its obligations to the citizens require that it have its own rules, which are not derived from the development of private rights in the public sphere.Based on Islamic thought and also on the rational-jurisprudential rule of "Negation of loss and damage", public rights and freedoms, especially property rights, cannot lead to harm to others. The collective good and the public interest precede and limit the conflict between personal interest and profit. The legitimate government, as the representative of the public good, has the right to recognize the position of this conflict and also to resolve it by prioritizing the collective good and public benefit.Based on the constitution, Velayat-e-Faqih can be formulated as a plan to move from an unjust situation to a just society. Therefore, it can be said that the legitimizing element in the constitutional system of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the government's intervention in favor of social justice is the theory of the absolute authority of the jurist. Therefore, Velayat al-Faqih is not only the implementation of Islamic rules, but also the authority of temporary legislation with the aim of achieving the main objectives of the Sharia. Therefore, it should be said that whenever a ruling temporarily shuts down the Islamic system and society, the jurist has the authority to resolve the conflict on the basis of absolute authority. Of course, this conflict resolution is not without criteria; rather, its rule is expediency. However, expediency is not a matter of transition to secularism and formalization of laws; rather, expediency also has a function within jurisprudence.Finally, the final aim of the current research is to explain the relationship between the public interest and social justice. The public interest has a common rule with the public good; that is, whatever the public good requires is also the public good. On the other hand, in determining expediency, the purposes of the legal system act as rules. That is, the expediency that the ruler recognizes must necessarily lead to the achievement of the purposes of the legal system. On the other hand, social justice is one of the main objectives of the Sharia and the Constitution. Therefore, social justice, expediency and public interest are mutually exclusive. Therefore, the need for justice is the same as the need for the collective good, public interest and ultimately the expediency of the Muslim social system. Therefore, justice cannot conflict with the efficiency, development and maintenance of the system. As a result, justice plays a key role in determining expediency, and the expediency that the ruler recognizes cannot be in conflict with social justice, and its closure is the result.Based on the previous principles, it can be briefly stated that "since justice is the goal of the legal system provided for in the Constitution, the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran can prefer it to the personal interests of individuals".

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Political subjectivity and the semantic turn of justice

Morteza Parvizan; Jafar Hezarjaribi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 28 December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.79837.1524

Abstract

پروسه مدرنیته سیاسی به‌موازات تحول در ایده‌های بنیادی دولت وسیاست (عدالت، آزادی، برابری و...) منجر به اهمیت تجلی اراده عمومی در سازوکار سیاسی گردید و چالش مشروعیت بخشی ... Read More پروسه مدرنیته سیاسی به‌موازات تحول در ایده‌های بنیادی دولت وسیاست (عدالت، آزادی، برابری و...) منجر به اهمیت تجلی اراده عمومی در سازوکار سیاسی گردید و چالش مشروعیت بخشی منجر به برجسته‌شدن نقش هژمونی اخلاقی سیاسی و اقناع عمومی گردید. سازوکار ایدئولوژیک دولت با فراخوانی هیجانات و عواطف جامعه و هم‌ارز کردن معانی مدنظر با دال‌های متعالی و اسطوره ای، موقعیت‌های سوژگانی را تثبیت گرداند؛ لذا تألیف موقعیت‌های سوژگانی و دلالت مندی میل در پرتو گفتمان و سیطره بخشی آن در بستر ایدئولوژی امری اجتناب‌ناپذیر برای قدرت تلقی می‌شود. . سیال بودن انگاره عدالت سبب شده که بسیاری از پژوهش‌گران از تعمق و اندیشیدن در خصوص ماهیت آن امتناع ورزند و به دنبال ابداع دسته‌بندی‌های مختلف و شاخص‌سازی باشند. همین امر سبب تقلیل‌گرایی، انسداد شناختی ایده عدالت، انقطاع هستی اجتماعی مفهوم و دسته‌بندی‌های تحلیلی(اونتیک) می‌گردد. عدالت مفهومی اونتولوژیک هست و مانع تعین بخشی سوژگی در هژمونی اخلاقی جامعه می‌شود و با توجه به ابهامات روزافزون در حوزه‌ی بسامد و تحولات معنایی ایده عدالت، ضرورت نگاه هستی‌شناختی به عدالت به‌عنوان بنیاد تجربه اخلاقی و سیاسی موردتوجه کمی قرار گرفته و همین امر سبب شده که انگاره عدالت درنهایت به منطقی کلیشه‌ای و محدود به ارزیابی سیاست‌گذاری‌ها فروکاسته شود. عدالت آرمان همزیستی مسالمت‌آمیز و تحقق کامل ظرفیت‌های انسانی را به‌واسطه‌ی تکثر امر سیاسی به پیش می‌راند، لذا سلب عدالت از انسان سلب انسانیت اوست. در این مقاله تلاش شد به واسازی عدالت در تناظر با هستی‌شناسی سوبژکتویته سیاسی پرداخته شود. تصور عدالت به‌مثابه امری اونتلوژیک که اساس سوژه اجتماعی را برساخت می‌کند و به افق سوژگی سیطره می‌بخشد طوری که حدود سوژه همواره در امر سیاسی تلالو بیابد. شرط امکان سوژگی، حوزة اخلاقی است و دولت نیز تلاش می‌نماید به‌واسطه استحاله زنجیره دلالتی عدالت، حقیقت اخلاقی را برساخت نماید که آگاهی اخلاقی و عاطفی سوژه به‌نوعی استیضاح ‌شود که انگیزه‌های کنش نتواند به حس تعهد اخلاقی اجتماعی تجهیز شود. کثرت‌گرایی پست‌مدرن با تجسد آرمان‌های انسانی و اخلاقی همواره ایده عدالت را بازسازی می‌کند و در مقابل روند توتالیتاریسم مقاومت دائمی را تألیف می‌کند. در این مقاله تلاش شد که هویت مسئله‌دار و تأسیسی سوژه را به‌موازات ایده عدالت در پرتو هستی‌شناسی سیاسی و لنز مفهومی لاکلائو و موفه مورد موشکافی قرار گیرد تا امکان پیکربندی سوژه را به مناسبات تحولات معنایی سیاست واکاوی شود. هدف اصلی از این مقاله نیز تفسیر و برررسی اهمیت مطالعات هستی شناختی در ارتباط با عدالت می باشد. در همین راستا نقش دولت در معنایابی عدالت و تاثیر آن بر آگاهی اخلاقی سوژگی جمعی مورد تفسیر و باز خوانی قرار گرفت. محور این مقاله بررسی امکان رهایی بخشی عدالت با توسل به لنز مفهومی لاکلائو و موفه و بهره‌مندی از هستی‌شناسی سیاسی است. پیرو همین امر روش مطالعات کتابخانه ای و قیاسی را مناسب یافتیم و تا حد ممکن تلاش شد از تسلیم شدن به کلیشه های مضاف برای تعریف عدالت خوددداری شود و یا استفاده از حساسیت معطوف در رویکرد لاکلائو و موفه میدان وضعی عدالت فراخ گردد. به این ترتیب برای بازخوانی سوژگی جمعی ، حالات روانی اخلاقی و عاطفی سوژه را نیز با مفاهیم روانکاوی لکانی مورد خوانش قرار دادیم. در نهایت به این نتیجه رسیدیم که مفصل بندی معنایی عدالت میتواند ماهیت اخلاقی و عاطفی و روانی سوژه را مورد تاثیر قرار دهد. و می توان به امکان مقاومت، رهایی بخشی انبساط عدالت، تقویت تعهدات اخلاقی در راستای آگاهی جمعی .اشاره کرد، که همین امر کنشگری سیاسی را ممکن می کند.درنهایت به این نتیجه رسیدیم که با اندیشیدن بین سوبژکتیویته و امر سیاسی، می‌توان این رابطه را از انبوهی از دیدگاه‌ها، جهت‌ها و متفکران بررسی کرد تا ناهمگونی، گشودگی و ماهیت منازعه‌آمیز آن وضوح یابد. تسلط سیاست بر مراجع معنا سازی اجتماعی زمینه‌ساز توتالیتاریسم می‌شود به‌طوری‌که مراجع ایدئولوژیک با القای وعده‌های توخالی، مطالبه گری عدالت را به سمت کلیتی هژمونیک هدایت می‌کنند. عدالت به‌عنوان یک هستی‌شناسی که امکان تغییر درونی بنیادی را فراهم کند. پست مارکس گرایان پسا آلتوسری در جستجوی یک اصل استعلایی هستند که ممکن است امید های اجتماعی را دوباره فعال کند. .در نتیجه با توجه به فرض انشقاق سوژگی در زمان، و انتاگونیسم ذاتی سوبژکتویته، ایده عدالت به‌عنوان روزنه همیشگی در امر سیاسی مانع از تثبیت هژمونی و توهم تمامیت‌گرایی می‌شود و همواره بدیل‌های خویش را فرامی‌خواند و عدالت بستر سوبژکتویشن جمعی خواهد بود. فرض ما در این مقاله این بود که عدالت به‌عنوان یک هستی‌شناسی است که امکان تغییر درونی بنیادی را فراهم کند. نویسندگان این مقاله مدعی نیستند که توانسته‌اند راه‌حلی برای این مسئله بیایند بلکه این مقاله صرفاً تلاش و تمرینی بود برای اندیشیدن به حوزه هنجاری در نظریه سیاسی، بر اساس هستی‌شناسی موجود در نظریه گفتمان لاکانی.

The Model of Complex Relations in the Age of Artificial Intelligence: Transformation in the Existence of Actors in International Political Economy

Hadi Taghipour Ardeshiry; Morteza Nourmohamadi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 22 December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.85613.1658

Abstract

Extended Abstract:The Model of Complex Relations in the Age of Artificial Intelligence: Transformation in the Existence of Actors in International Political EconomyIntroduction and AimsThe increasing integration of artificial intelligence (AI) into the global political and economic system is producing ... Read More Extended Abstract:The Model of Complex Relations in the Age of Artificial Intelligence: Transformation in the Existence of Actors in International Political EconomyIntroduction and AimsThe increasing integration of artificial intelligence (AI) into the global political and economic system is producing a transformative shift in how actors—particularly states and transnational institutions—function within the international political economy (IPE). While the role of technology in shaping IPE has been extensively studied, the emergence of AI introduces a qualitatively different dynamic that challenges traditional models of agency and actor relations. This research addresses the central question: How can artificial intelligence transform the existence of actors in the international political economy, especially the state?The study hypothesizes that artificial intelligence transforms the existence of actors through changing their capacities in areas such as decision-making, data-driven operations, and autonomy, thereby generating new and complex model of actor relations. Accordingly, the study seeks to analyze this transformation through a structured framework grounded in the theory of complex interdependence proposed by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye.MethodologyThis study employs a descriptive-analytical approach using qualitative methods. It analyzes developments in the political economy landscape before and after 2010, a critical turning point in the evolution of AI technologies. Data is drawn from comparative case studies, academic literature, institutional reports, and global AI development indicators. The analysis is structured around four key indicators derived from Keohane and Nye’s theory:1. The impact of AI on the nature of actors;2. The emergence of new actors enabled by AI;3. The transformation of goals and interests of existing actors;4. The reconfiguration of inter-actor relationships in IPE.Results and Discussion1. Impact on the Nature of Actors:AI has begun to alter the fundamental nature of actors, particularly states, by transforming them into entities increasingly reliant on non-human, intelligent tools for decision-making, governance, and economic activity. This shift redefines the existence of the state, pushing it toward an AI-augmented actor embedded in data governance, algorithmic regulation, and digital sovereignty.2. Emergence of New Actors:The evolution of AI has led to the emergence of non-traditional and non-human actors in IPE, such as algorithmic trading systems, AI-driven platforms, cloud infrastructures, and tech communities. These actors increasingly participate in power and wealth generation, challenging the state-centric structure of the global economy. Moreover, AI itself begins to function as an autonomous actor, influencing outcomes across borders without direct human mediation.3. Transformation of Goals and Interests:The strategic objectives of states and institutions are shifting toward technology-based assets and knowledge economies, moving beyond traditional resource-based power structures. National and transnational actors now compete over AI capabilities, seeking technological leadership as a means to economic and geopolitical dominance. The emergence of innovation blocs and tech alliances further signals a recalibration of interest formation in IPE.4. Reconfiguration of Relationships Among Actors:AI has intensified the interdependence among actors by enhancing real-time data processing, algorithmic decision-making, and global digital connectivity. The growing reliance of national actors on transnational institutions, technological infrastructures, and global data flows fosters a polycentric model of governance. This model is defined by complex and multi-layered relations, where states no longer hold a monopoly over authority and must navigate a network of interdependent actors and systems.ConclusionThe development and deployment of artificial intelligence are not only reshaping the tools and mechanisms of international political economy but also transforming the very existence of its actors. This transformation unfolds across four interconnected dimensions:1. Redefinition of actor identity and functionality,2. Emergence of AI-driven and non-human actors,3. Shifts in strategic goals and economic priorities, and4. Deepening interdependence among actors.These dimensions collectively establish a new model of complex relations in IPE, wherein actors, especially states, must adapt to an environment marked by decentralization, networked authority, and AI-centric cooperation. In this context, the international political economy is transitioning from a system dominated by intergovernmental relations to one increasingly governed by AI-enabled interdependence and multi-actor complexity. Thus, by examining the dimensions of artificial intelligence’s impact, it becomes evident that AI now functions not merely as a technological tool, but as a force shaping the complex and reciprocal interactions among actors, states, and transnational institutions. It directly influences the power and authority of states and other players, placing them in a new environment in which machines and AI-driven tools play a significant role.Accordingly, and based on the analyses presented in the previous sections, it can be concluded in relation to the research hypothesis that artificial intelligence has created a new environment of cooperation and complex interwoven relations among actors, altering their function, though not necessarily their existence. This transformation in function—from physical roles to reliance on AI-based tools, such as the centrality of data in political-economic relations—has, to some extent affected on the role of the human agent.

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Political Participation of Iranians from the Perspective of Political Marketing: A Case Study of the Constitutional Revolution

Saeed Naderi Asl; Eshagh ُُSoltani

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 18 January 2026

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.79560.1512

Abstract

Political participation is one of the main challenges facing every politician today. In the new democratic system, political participation and institutionalization are two main tools for building trust (Radaddi, 2011: 184). Trust that every political system needs to maintain its structure. Political ... Read More Political participation is one of the main challenges facing every politician today. In the new democratic system, political participation and institutionalization are two main tools for building trust (Radaddi, 2011: 184). Trust that every political system needs to maintain its structure. Political marketing, as an interdisciplinary approach based on a participatory political space, tries to determine and represent the place of political participation in the political market and to maximize and continuously achieve the goals of political stakeholders.Placing political participation in political marketing in Iran requires that a specific time frame be considered in order to control variables and have an appropriate historical depth. In this way, the Constitutional Revolution, as a specific historical phenomenon, can be considered. In this movement, the religious and political spheres, in confrontation with each other, have come together to fight for the rights of the people. On the other hand, until this historical event, there had never been such a wide effort by the general public to infiltrate power.This research attempts to use the theoretical framework of political marketing to provide a detailed analysis of the first political arena of contemporary Iran, in which we witness the widespread participation of various components of Iranian society. In this way, a complete picture of the political participation achieved in this period is presented. Undoubtedly, achieving such a goal by using interdisciplinary studies such as political marketing can be the beginning of a deep understanding of the developments in the field of political participation of Iranians in the contemporary period.As time passes and modern societies become more complex, the concept of (political) participation has found different dimensions and aspects, and consequently, its place and dimensions in various fields of study, including political marketing, have undergone changes and developments. Without considering these developments, no prescription will be possible. Therefore, in this paper, using the qualitative method and case study research strategy, the question is answered that "How is the political participation of Iranians during the Constitutional Revolution, from the perspective of political marketing?"To achieve an analytical answer, the framework of political marketing studies is used to explain the political market, and using the model of political stakeholders Philip Kotler and Neil Kotler (1999), five stakeholders (1) clergy, (2) press, (3) foreigners, (4) rulers and (5) people are identified. Accordingly, it becomes clear that the rulers have a traditional and product-oriented approach, the press has a traditional and product-oriented approach and generally a sales-oriented approach, foreigners have a sales-oriented approach, the people also have a sales-oriented approach, and the clergy who are supporters of Ayatollah Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri had a traditional and product-oriented approach, and the other part of the clergy under the influence of intellectuals had a sales-oriented approach. Also, participation in the Constitutional era was the interaction of the efforts of various stakeholders in the market, and certainly the level of participation of each of them was affected by their understanding of the performance and actions of other stakeholders.In the Constitutional era, the government adopted a traditional and product-oriented approach, making no effort to change its views or products. The press of this era sought to present its product to the people by changing their views. Therefore, intellectuals published a large part of the press, and some of them printed and prepared their works abroad. Foreigners also had a sales-oriented approach and were willing to change people's minds to present their product, although they had a traditional and product-oriented approach to the government. However, they were generally sales-oriented. The people, who were seeking to overthrow despotism, also preferred to present their ideals with a sales-oriented approach. In this regard, they tried to influence other actors, including foreigners. Finally, some of the clergy, in support of Sheikh Fazlollah Nori, followed a traditional and product-oriented approach, while others adopted a sales-oriented approach, following the example of intellectuals and the people. Of course, the product offered by each of these two groups was fundamentally different and sometimes contradictory.Participation in the Constitutional era was the interaction of the efforts of various stakeholders in the market, and certainly the level of participation of each of them was affected by their understanding of the performance and actions of other stakeholders. For example, the role of foreigners and the understanding of this role by the clergy added to the activism of some of them (led by Sheikh Fazlollah Nori) and they preferred to prevent the weakening of the government under these conditions. In any case, the phenomenon of constitutionalism was not the effect of the activism of a single stakeholder, and the political market was composed of all the stakeholders mentioned. Similarly, the products of this movement, including elections, are also a joint product, and its guild nature, following the role of merchants or the consideration of the principle of high-ranking scholars based on the activism of the clergy, was only part of the effects of the activism of the stakeholders in this era. But in any case, elections are also the product of the political market of the Constitutional era with all the requirements listed.Political participation in the Constitutional era had important religious roots, although constitutionalism cannot be considered the product of the clergy in this era, and some of them opposed constitutionalism. However, the political participation of different stakeholders was the product of the active activism of the clergy. An activism that had not been manifested to this extent before. Although constitutionalism did not have a good end, and the presence of some stakeholders prevented it from being maximized and prevented the adoption of correct and rational positions. But it was the beginning of the dynamism of the clergy in directing political participation. In a way that after the activism of Sheikh Fazlollah Nori and his decisive role in representing constitutionalism and the role of various stakeholders, including foreigners and those affiliated with foreigners, Ayatollah Madani was present as a representative of the Majlis and he had such effective activism that the court, out of fear of his position and positions, first exiled him and then martyred him, just as Sheikh Fazlollah Nori was martyred. However, the success of this movement was achieved with the influence of Ayatollah Kashani during the Pahlavi era and the nationalization of the oil industry and the cutting off of the hands of foreigners, and finally, the clergy led a revolution under the leadership of Imam Khomeini (RA) to permanently eliminate despotism and foreigners. And he was able to lay the foundation for national political participation in a way that national interest was taken into account.

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The Transformation of the Nature of the State in Iran in Light of Economic Transformations

Javad Etaat; Shahla Bahmanabadi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 25 July 2026

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.91274.1781

Abstract

Introduction Scholarship on the Pahlavi state has predominantly framed it either as an authoritarian modernizing regime imposing transformation from above or as a paradigmatic rentier state shaped by oil revenues. While these perspectives have generated valuable insights, they share a foundational analytical ... Read More Introduction Scholarship on the Pahlavi state has predominantly framed it either as an authoritarian modernizing regime imposing transformation from above or as a paradigmatic rentier state shaped by oil revenues. While these perspectives have generated valuable insights, they share a foundational analytical limitation: the state is treated either as an exogenous agent acting upon society or as an epiphenomenon of economic structures. Such approaches obscure the historical processes through which the state itself becomes socially constituted through economic transformation and class restructuring.This article challenges this dichotomy by conceptualizing the state as a historically situated social formation whose economic interventions actively participate in the reorganization of social stratification. Rather than asking how the economy affected the state in a linear manner, the study interrogates how economic transformation reconfigured the field of state action and gradually altered the social foundations of state power. The core problem addressed here is thus the absence of a processual explanation linking economic change, class formation, and the transformation of state nature in modern Iran.Research Question, Hypothesis, and ObjectiveThe central research question is: How did transformations in Iran’s economic structure during the Pahlavi period reshape social stratification, and through what mechanisms did this restructuring contribute to the transformation of the social nature of the state?The main hypothesis argues that the transition from a land-based political economy to a state-centered, oil-fueled economic structure generated new, institutionally mediated social strata whose reproduction depended on proximity to the state. This transformation weakened traditional social coalitions while simultaneously preventing the emergence of an autonomous bourgeois or popular base, thereby producing a bureaucratic and state-centered polity with limited social embeddedness.The objective of the study is to reconstruct the causal mechanisms through which economic change altered class configurations and, in turn, transformed the state from a coalition-dependent entity into a structurally autonomous yet socially fragile institution.Literature ReviewExisting scholarship on the Pahlavi state has primarily examined state transformation through either authoritarian modernization frameworks or rentier state theories, emphasizing oil revenues and political centralization. While these studies have provided valuable insights into institutional change and state autonomy, they often treat social stratification as a secondary or derivative outcome. More recent works in political economy and historical sociology have highlighted the importance of class formation and bureaucratic expansion, yet they rarely reconstruct the causal processes linking economic transformation, social stratification, and the evolving social nature of the state. This study addresses this gap by offering a processual and mechanism-based analysis of state transformation in Iran.Theoretical Framework and Research MethodThe analysis draws on a theoretically integrated framework combining Erik Olin Wright’s relational class analysis with Anthony Giddens’s theory of structuration. Wright’s conceptualization of class as a relational and organizational phenomenon allows for the identification of contradictory class locations produced by bureaucratic expansion, state employment, and administrative control over resources. These positions cannot be captured by classical dichotomies of capital and labor but are crucial for understanding state-centered social formations.Giddens’s structuration theory provides the complementary insight that state institutions are both constrained by existing social structures and simultaneously reproduce or transform those structures through routinized practices. This duality enables an analysis of the state not merely as a reflection of class relations but as an arena in which economic power, administrative capacity, and social positioning are continuously reconstituted.Methodologically, the study employs process tracing as a within-case, qualitative strategy. By reconstructing temporally ordered sequences of economic reforms, institutional changes, and social outcomes, the research identifies the causal pathways linking shifts in economic structure to transformations in social stratification and state character. This approach allows for opening the “black box” between economic change and political outcomes, avoiding both economic determinism and institutional reductionism.Research Findings and ConclusionsThe findings indicate that during the early Pahlavi period, state-led economic interventions—operating within a predominantly agrarian economy—gradually eroded the material and political bases of landed and tribal elites while expanding bureaucratic and administrative apparatuses. These processes altered the criteria of social status and access to power, even before the consolidation of an oil-based economy.In the later Pahlavi period, the institutionalization of oil revenues qualitatively transformed this trajectory. Oil income enabled the state to bypass traditional mechanisms of social mediation and to redistribute resources through land reform, public employment, educational expansion, and bureaucratic growth. These mechanisms produced state-dependent social strata whose social mobility and material reproduction were structurally tied to state institutions rather than autonomous economic activity.The study concludes that the transformation of the Pahlavi state was not a direct outcome of oil wealth per se, nor merely the result of authoritarian modernization. Rather, it was the cumulative product of a process in which economic transformation restructured social stratification, and this restructured social landscape, in turn, reshaped the nature of the state. By foregrounding causal mechanisms and historical sequencing, the article contributes to broader debates on state formation, political economy, and state–society relations beyond the Iranian case.

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The place of ethics in the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes

behzad yazdani; Hossein Ali nozari

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 25 July 2026

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.73323.1408

Abstract

AbstractThe purpose of this article is to examine the place of ethics in the system of political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes, the English political philosopher of the 17th century. Although, according to political thought researchers, he has been considered the first great modern political philosopher; ... Read More AbstractThe purpose of this article is to examine the place of ethics in the system of political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes, the English political philosopher of the 17th century. Although, according to political thought researchers, he has been considered the first great modern political philosopher; However, the prominence of his original and influential political philosophy has not been able to hide his moral philosophy from the eyes of today's prominent researchers. Hobbes, who is the author of the theory of political ruler with absolute power, how can he have a moral theory? Undoubtedly, Hobbes's concern was order, peace and security, and therefore, by combining moral philosophy (natural laws) and political philosophy (civil laws) and presenting an ethical view of human self-preservation, he creates a system consisting of dos and don'ts based on description. Human nature to form a peaceful government based on the theory of social contract. The origin of his moral philosophy is the theory of natural law, which includes the theory of natural rights.Natural law and natural rights are the two foundations on which Hobbes based his theory of ethics and politics, respectively. Hobbes's moral philosophy is the fundamental starting point from which his political philosophy developed. He claims in Leviathan that he has provided the only correct and true moral philosophy.Hobbes' thoughts in the field of moral philosophy have received less attention from thinkers, the main reason for which is the ambiguity in his moral philosophy. In this sense, in Hobbes's moral philosophy, on the one hand, there are defenses of a type of personal relativism, and on the other hand, there are defenses of the divine command theory; In one place, Hobbes defends the theory of the general principle of principled egoism, and in another place, he defends pious ethics. As a result of the paradoxical content of Hobbes's moral philosophy, there has been a difference of opinion among experts in the field of moral philosophy.On the other hand, many research texts and articles in research and specialized magazines have dealt with the political aspect and political theory of Thomas Hobbes in their analysis, and due to the influence of Hobbes's thoughts on the politics of Western countries and the exclusive and authoritarian interpretations of the thoughts of this influential thinker. It is important to examine the difference between his moral theory and the political sphere of his thoughts and to emphasize that he has a moral theory. In this way, until today, no comprehensive research has been done on Hobbes's thoughts on the place of ethics in his political philosophy, The approach and reciprocity of prominent political and moral philosophers is doubled with the beginning and rereading of Hobbes' thoughts. The political, economic and social situation of the 20th and 21st century justifies the return to Hobbes, at least in the sense that he tries to find a cure and solution for the political and social crises of his time. In addition to everything that can be said about his philosophical system and the coherence of his philosophical foundation, the most important of them is his methodological value in establishing the deep relationship between science, politics and ethics with the basis of realism. Hobbes's most important criticism of his predecessors was their idealism (idealistic approach) in the field of politics and ethics.The path taken by Hobbes and his contemporaries has been a gateway to return to man and his place in the world; Because before this, human being in the face of church-centered eschatology and idealistic virtue (meaningless and vague attempt to create a utopia that never existed in the history of color from Plato's effort in the Republic to Osho at the end of the 20th century) which, according to Hobbes, is a dream and a dream. It has not been more, it has been sacrificed. Hobbes showed how despite the relativism resulting from skepticism in the fields of culture (politics, ethics, society and spirituality), it is possible to establish natural laws in political society, natural rights (human freedom) and the insatiable desire of man to gain power and His self-control has been curbed and with an agreement based on the social contract and giving up some of his freedoms, peace and tranquility can be brought under the shadow of total authority.He showed that political legitimacy can be obtained from the selection and selection of people to have satisfaction resulting from the modernization and well-being of humans in the society and the order resulting from political security. A very important point is that justice and rationality are two wings of political and social peace and tranquility; Although the basis of human decisions is based on emotions, feelings and sensual inactions.His pessimistic view of human nature is based on the informative point that if man is left alone and there are no political and moral arrangements, the acquisition of power, fame and honor will undoubtedly lead to endless war, and in the meantime, he tries , to create a mental plan and a logical scenario in which the human being has fallen into a pre-political and social situation where the risk of violent death, poverty, poverty, unhappiness and short life will be the immediate result and no one will be safe.

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"The Possibility or Impossibility of a Modern Arab-Islamic State: Challenges and Opportunities (A Comparative Study of the Al-Rai Center for Studies and Training in Jordan and the Egyptian Institute for Political and Strategic Studies in Egypt)"

Sajjad chitfroush; Bijan Yazdani

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 26 July 2026

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.85273.1652

Abstract

در جهان معاصر، دولت مدرن به عنوان یکی از اصلی‌ترین قالب‌های سازمان‌دهی سیاسی، به چارچوبی جهانی برای اداره جوامع تبدیل شده است. با این حال، مسئله هماهنگی میان ساختارهای ... Read More در جهان معاصر، دولت مدرن به عنوان یکی از اصلی‌ترین قالب‌های سازمان‌دهی سیاسی، به چارچوبی جهانی برای اداره جوامع تبدیل شده است. با این حال، مسئله هماهنگی میان ساختارهای دولت مدرن و ارزش‌ها، باورها و هویت‌های دینی، به‌ویژه در جوامع اسلامی، همچنان یکی از مناقشه‌برانگیزترین مباحث در گفتمان سیاسی معاصر محسوب می‌شود. از این منظر، پرسش از امکان یا امتناع شکل‌گیری دولت مدرن اسلامی، نه تنها یک موضوع نظری بلکه مسأله‌ای عملی و کاربردی در بسیاری از کشورهای عربی و اسلامی است. این پژوهش با تمرکز بر جهان عرب، می‌کوشد تا از منظر دو اندیشکده برجسته عربی، یعنی مرکز «الرأی للدراسات و التدریب» در اردن و «المعهد المصری للدراسات السیاسیة والاستراتیجیة» در مصر، به بررسی چالش‌ها، موانع و فرصت‌های شکل‌گیری دولت مدرن اسلامی بپردازد.هدف اصلی این تحقیق، تحلیل تطبیقی دیدگاه‌های این دو اندیشکده درباره امکان تحقق دولت مدرن اسلامی و بررسی ابعاد گوناگون این مسئله از منظر نظری و عملی است. پرسش محوری آن است که از نظر این دو نهاد پژوهشی، چه چالش‌ها و موانع اساسی بر سر راه تشکیل دولت مدرن اسلامی در جهان عرب وجود دارد و چگونه می‌توان تفاوت‌های رویکردی آن‌ها را درک و تحلیل کرد. برای پاسخ به این پرسش، تحقیق حاضر با استفاده از روش توصیفی-تحلیلی، به بررسی منابع، گزارش‌ها و تولیدات فکری این دو مرکز پژوهشی پرداخته است.یافته‌های تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که هر دو اندیشکده دغدغه مشترکی در خصوص بحران‌های ساختاری دولت‌های موجود در جهان عرب دارند، اما در تحلیل ریشه‌ها و راه‌حل‌های ممکن برای گذار به دولت مدرن اسلامی، دچار اختلافات مفهومی و راهبردی‌اند. مرکز «الرأی للدراسات» رویکردی اصلاح‌گرایانه و تلفیقی دارد. این مرکز بر آن است که دولت مدرن اسلامی می‌تواند از طریق بازتعریف رابطه دین و دولت، با ایجاد توازن میان الزامات مدرنیته (مانند مردم‌سالاری، تفکیک قوا، پاسخگویی، شفافیت و مشارکت سیاسی) و اصول بنیادین اسلام، شکل بگیرد. از دیدگاه این اندیشکده، مسأله اصلی نه در تضاد بنیادین میان اسلام و مدرنیته، بلکه در ضعف نهادسازی، ناکارآمدی سیاست‌گذاری، و نبود اراده سیاسی برای تحقق اصلاحات واقعی در جهان عرب نهفته است.در مقابل، «المعهد المصری للدراسات» رویکردی انتقادی و گاه رادیکال نسبت به مفهوم دولت مدرن دارد. این اندیشکده، دولت مدرن را برخاسته از تجربه خاص تمدن غربی می‌داند که در بستر تحولات فکری، فلسفی، اقتصادی و اجتماعی غرب به‌وجود آمده و با بنیادهای اخلاقی و معنوی اسلام تعارض دارد. از نظر این مرکز، مدل دولت مدرن با ترویج سکولاریسم، فردگرایی و نسبی‌گرایی اخلاقی، موجب تهدید هویت اسلامی شده و نسخه‌ای تحمیلی بر جوامع اسلامی است. بنابراین، به‌جای تلاش برای تلفیق اسلام با دولت مدرن غربی، باید به بازخوانی مفاهیم سیاسی اسلامی، بازسازی گفتمان خلافت و احیای ساختارهای اصیل بومی مبتنی بر شریعت اندیشید.از نظر بنیادین، تفاوت‌های این دو رویکرد، ریشه در نوع نگاه آن‌ها به مدرنیته، نقش دین در عرصه عمومی، و نیز میزان تأکید بر عنصر تاریخی و بومی‌سازی ساختارهای حکمرانی دارد. مرکز «الرأی» با پذیرش کلیت نهاد دولت مدرن، سعی در اسلامی‌سازی آن دارد؛ در حالی که «المعهد المصری» اساساً ماهیت دولت مدرن را زیر سؤال می‌برد و به دنبال الگویی جایگزین برآمده از درون سنت اسلامی است. این اختلاف رویکردها، بازتابی از شکاف گفتمانی موجود در میان نخبگان فکری و پژوهشی جهان عرب در خصوص پروژه دولت‌سازی اسلامی در عصر مدرن است.همچنین، یافته‌های این تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که این دو اندیشکده در مواجهه با چالش‌های سیاسی (مانند استبداد، عدم مشارکت سیاسی، ضعف نهادهای دموکراتیک)، اقتصادی (نابرابری، وابستگی اقتصادی، فساد)، اجتماعی (گسل‌های قومی و مذهبی، بحران هویت) و فرهنگی (چالش‌های آموزش، رسانه و انتقال ارزش‌ها) هرکدام بر عوامل و راه‌حل‌های متفاوتی تأکید دارند. برای مثال، مرکز الرأی بر لزوم ارتقاء نظام آموزشی، تقویت نهادهای مدنی و افزایش شفافیت در حکمرانی تأکید دارد، در حالی که المعهد المصری بیشتر بر احیای مفاهیم دینی، بازسازی امت اسلامی و مقابله با نفوذ فرهنگی غرب تمرکز می‌کند.در نهایت، این تحقیق به این نتیجه می‌رسد که مسئله دولت مدرن اسلامی در جهان عرب، امری پیچیده، چندوجهی و نیازمند گفت‌وگوی گسترده میان اندیشکده‌ها، نخبگان دینی، دانشگاهیان و فعالان سیاسی است. بدون این گفت‌وگو و بدون پذیرش تنوع دیدگاه‌ها، نه دستیابی به مدل واحدی از دولت اسلامی مدرن ممکن خواهد بود و نه اصلاح ساختارهای موجود در راستای تحقق عدالت، آزادی و کرامت انسانی. این پژوهش گامی کوچک در جهت روشن‌سازی بخشی از این مسیر پرچالش به شمار می‌رود.

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