State Studies

Political Sociology

State-Guild Organization Relations in the Bazaar Case Study: Tehran Bazaar (1800–1906)

Sajedeh Allameh

Volume 11, Issue 44 , December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.86622.1685

Abstract

Introduction This paper critically examines the conventional view of the state in Iranian social history, which commonly characterizes the state as an "oriental despotism"—a sovereign that is absolute, all-encompassing, and detached from society —thereby denying the existence of any independent ... Read More Introduction This paper critically examines the conventional view of the state in Iranian social history, which commonly characterizes the state as an "oriental despotism"—a sovereign that is absolute, all-encompassing, and detached from society —thereby denying the existence of any independent social forces throughout Iran’s history. Contrary to this perspective, historical evidence and recent theoretical analyses offer a different picture of the state and society during the Qajar period in Iran: a fragmented and corporate power structure embedded within a complex social fabric composed of diverse groups — including tribal confederations among nomadic tribes, rural communities in villages, and “guild groups” in urban centers. Rather than relying solely on coercion to govern society, the Qajar state depended on an intricate and continuous process of negotiation and bargaining with these social groups. According to the dominant “oriental despotism” approach, however, it has often been assumed that independent guild organizations could not exist in Iranian cities because the state prevented their emergence and development. In light of this evidence and new theoretical analyses, the central question addressed here is: what was the nature of the relationship between the state and guild organizations in the bazaar in Iranian urban society during the nineteenth-century Qajar period? Theoretical Framework To analyze this relationship, the paper adopts Joel S. Migdal's "state-in-society" framework. In contrast to classical state-centered approaches, this perspective does not regard the state as a unitary and omnipotent actor, but rather as an ensemble of institutions that continuously interact and struggle with social forces to shape the rules of social order. Accordingly, the boundaries between state and society are not fixed; instead, the dynamics of power and resistance determine the institutional position of social actors. To further clarify the concept of “relative independence” of guild organizations, the paper draws on Max Weber’s conceptual distinction between “autonomy” (subjection to external authority) and “self-governance” (the internal capacity to manage and regulate affairs). This distinction shows that guild independence is a spectrum that depends on the degree of subjection to state authority and the degree of control over internal matters. Methodology This research is a historical study that designed a case study focusing on guild organizations in the Tehran market between 1800 and 1906. Data collection draws upon primary sources including archival documents, newspapers, travel accounts, reports from foreign envoys, and memoirs of Qajar officials, along with credible secondary literature. Results The findings are presented in two main parts: At the structural level, an analysis of the state's administrative arrangements for managing guild organizations and its financial dependence on them reveals a "power-balancing policy" based on the mutual needs of the state and the bazaar, including guilds. The Qajar state failed to establish a centralized administrative system. This failure meant that it could not consistently collect stable taxes nor effectively govern the bazaar by fully integrating its institutions into the bazaar. In this context, the state was compelled to rely on the cooperation of bazaar merchants and guilds to secure revenue and maintain urban order, resulting in a “power-balancing policy” based on mutual dependence. At the institutional level, the study shows that guild organizations possessed a form of "relative independence" in shaping and maintaining the rules that regulated socio-economic life in the bazaar. Analysis of elements such as the selection of guild heads, taxation, quality control, and pricing of goods, contracts, and labor conditions, master–apprentice relationships, dispute resolution (arbitration), social support, and financial-credit relations demonstrates that guilds exercised considerable self-governance in organizing work. Their subjection to the state was primarily defined through payment of guild taxes (bunyacha). In return for these taxes, the state not only allowed guilds to operate economically but also recognized their exclusive rights within their craft, effectively granting them a form of monopoly. Thus, guild groups in the bazaar experienced a kind of “relative independence” which, under state authority, allowed them a significant level of self-governance. Discussion The findings of this research challenge the one-sided portrayal of the "bazaar in bondage under absolute despotism" and instead illustrate a dynamic relationship between the state and the bazaar as a diverse and active urban institution where both sides were engaged in ongoing processes of negotiation, compromise, resistance, and the reproduction of socio-economic rules. Compared to major merchants who, due to their substantial financial capital, had political influence, retailers and artisans — despite their limited wealth — gained collective bargaining power through their organization. This arrangement enabled the everyday administration of the bazaar’s economic life, despite its formal subjection to the state, to be largely entrusted to enduring, informal, and reliable networks of guilds. Therefore, guild independence in Iran was neither absolute nor reducible to complete subjection; rather, it was a fluid spectrum that varied historically in response to the balance of social and economic forces. Conclusion In conclusion, the Qajar state, unable to establish a centralized power structure to govern economic life, inevitably pursued a policy that maintained a balance of power with bazaar actors. As a result, the integration of state institutions into guild organizations in the bazaar remained limited. This, in turn, shaped an institutional setting for guilds characterized by relative independence that allowed them, under state subjection, to enjoy a noticeable degree of self-governance. A more nuanced understanding of state–society relations in pre-modern Iran thus requires moving beyond the image of a monolithic, omnipotent state and recognizing the diverse, negotiated forms of local governance. This perspective contributes to a better understanding of how local trust networks, market order, and intermediary institutions were historically formed.

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Political Sociology

Spivak’s Reading of the Representation of the Subaltern Woman in the Discourse of the White Revolution

Narges Souri

Volume 11, Issue 44 , December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.87795.1712

Abstract

Introduction Since the Pahlavi era, the state assumed an interventionist role in the women’s movement, which had begun its organized activities during the Constitutional Revolution. Changes in the status of women during the reign of the first Pahlavi took place in three domains: reforms in divorce ... Read More Introduction Since the Pahlavi era, the state assumed an interventionist role in the women’s movement, which had begun its organized activities during the Constitutional Revolution. Changes in the status of women during the reign of the first Pahlavi took place in three domains: reforms in divorce and marriage laws, the expansion of education, and the unveiling (abolition of veiling). Nevertheless, the first Pahlavi state did not take steps toward granting women broader political and social rights. During the second Pahlavi period, in the time span between 1941 and 1953 (1320–1332), which in one sense can be regarded as a period of governmental instability, no effective measures were undertaken to change the status of women. In the period between 1953 and 1961 (1332–1340), with the establishment of the two political parties, the Melliun and Mardom, the necessity of addressing women’s social and political rights was raised; however, no serious action was taken regarding the granting of political rights. In 1962 (1341), with the rise to power of the government of Asadollah Alam and the introduction of the six principles of the White Revolution—one of which was the reform of the electoral law and the granting of suffrage to women—the state once again assumed responsibility for changing the social status of women. The state and the royal court claimed that they represented the women’s movement and were its voice. This revolution sought to define a new identity for women so as to be able to mobilize them, as half of the society’s social force, in alignment with its goals. What is of importance for the present study is the manner in which women are represented in the discourse of the White Revolution. Research Objective The objective of this study is to examine the manner of women’s representation and their superior and subaltern positions in the discourse of the White Revolution. The White Revolution claims to have rescued women from their subaltern condition. The present study seeks, through an analysis of the modes of women’s representation, to evaluate this claim by exploring how the subaltern and superior positions of women are constructed within the discourse of the White Revolution. For this purpose, Spivak’s theoretical logic in her well-known essay “Can the Subaltern Speak?” has been adopted as the basis of this evaluation. Accordingly, this study aims, within the framework of subaltern studies, to address the following questions: How are women represented in the discourse of the White Revolution? How are their superior and subaltern positions depicted? And has this discourse altered the power relations concerning women, or not? Research Method In this study, Norman Fairclough’s method of Critical Discourse Analysis has been employed to understand the representation of the subaltern woman in the discourse of the White Revolution and its relation to power relations and domination. The two books White Revolution and Towards a Great Civilization, as the manifestos of the White Revolution, constitute the basis for textual analysis. The analysis has been conducted at three levels: Textual practice: At this level, the text is analyzed in terms of its linguistic and formal features, and an attempt is made to derive its experiential, relational, and expressive values so as to provide clues for the researcher leading to the level of interpretation. Discursive practice: At this level, attention is given to the formal properties of the text to extract its underlying essence, that is, the dominant discourse of the text. Social practice: At this level, the relation between discourse and social structure is examined, and it is shown whether the discourse has transformed the social order and power relations or has contributed to their reproduction and stabilization. Research Data The research data, in line with the three levels of Critical Discourse Analysis, are presented in three parts: Textual Practice: In this section, the linguistic features of the text are examined in relation to the three central research questions: the representation of women, and the construction of subaltern and dominant positions. Regarding the representation of women, it was shown that the text producer, in order to resolve the ideological knot of religious and cultural illegitimacy, makes women visible in two historical periods, namely Ancient Iran and Islam. In these two periods, women are represented as having social rights and, in some areas, equality with men, so that the rights granted to women in the White Revolution could be endowed with cultural and religious legitimacy. Concerning the representation of subaltern and dominant positions, it was shown that the text producer situates women’s subalternity in the post-Islamic period and identifies four forms of subalternity—cultural, social, political, and economic—designating this condition as “seclusion” and “social stigma.” In the discourse of the White Revolution, the horizon of dominance envisioned for women is their reaching the level of “progressive” Western women, meaning access to political freedom, social participation, economic activity, and civil rights equal to men. It must be noted that the text producer constructs women’s subaltern and dominant positions through continuous comparison with the transcendent “Other” of the White Revolution discourse—namely, the West—and this comparison has shaped the way women are represented. Discursive Practice: At this level, based on the linguistic features of the text, it was demonstrated which discourses the text producer summons and articulates together in order to resolve the ideological knot of religious and cultural illegitimacy. In the discourse of the White Revolution, three discourses—namely Iranian nationalism, Islamism, and modernism—are articulated together in such a way that the outcome of their recombination can be labeled as a new discourse, namely identity-oriented modernism. Since the text producer rearticulates different discourses, it can be argued that the discourse of identity-oriented modernism has, to some extent, altered the previous discursive order regarding women. Social Practice: At this level, the relation between discourse, social order, and power relations is examined, and it is shown that the discourse of identity-oriented modernism has influenced women’s social status in two ways:Relative de-subalternization and Identity-based subalternization. Conclusion This study demonstrated that the subaltern woman in the discourse of the White Revolution is represented simultaneously as both subject and object: as an object in the post-Islamic history, manifested through female seclusion and deprivation of social rights, and as a subject in Ancient Iran, the Islamic period, and the modern era. The Shah, as the author of the manifesto of the Revolution, seeks, by making visible the subjectivity of women in the history of Ancient Iran and Islam and assimilating it with the status of women in the modern period, to construct an ideology that, by blending tradition and modernity, creates a new identity for women endowed with religious and cultural legitimacy. In this regard, he attempts to articulate three discourses—Iranian nationalism, Islamism, and modernism—into a new discourse that legitimizes the horizon of women’s dominance in the present moment, namely reaching the level of progressive Western women. This discourse, claiming to represent women, establishes a dual relationship with power relations: on the one hand, the discourse of identity-oriented modernism, by linking with the state’s ideological and executive apparatuses, was able in the years following the White Revolution to produce relative social mobility for women through changes in literacy rates, employment, political participation, and family law reforms. On the other hand, through identity-based subalternization, it reproduces pre-existing power relations within the patriarchal society. In this instance, within the epistemé of modernism, through abnormal othering, the subaltern condition of women is concealed under the label of social stigma, and consequently, as Spivak puts it, women’s voices are silenced. From this perspective, despite the visibility of women within the discourse of identity-oriented modernism, the mode of their representation can be termed silent visibilization.

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The State

The Role of the State in Building National Identity in China: From the Confucian Tradition to Socialism with Chinese Characteristics

Jamal Mokhtari

Volume 11, Issue 44 , December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.88444.1725

Abstract

Introduction This research investigates the persistent structural role of the Chinese government in the construction of national identity, particularly amidst significant historical, ideological, and economic transformations. The study addresses the challenge of maintaining a cohesive collective identity, ... Read More Introduction This research investigates the persistent structural role of the Chinese government in the construction of national identity, particularly amidst significant historical, ideological, and economic transformations. The study addresses the challenge of maintaining a cohesive collective identity, a task often spearheaded by the state, especially during transitions such as the shift from Confucian tradition to Socialism with Chinese characteristics. The core objective is to analyze how the state has continuously defined the collective “us” through various strategies. This includes examining the ideological instrumentalization of Confucianism and the state’s active role in crafting a selective historical narrative to foster a sense of shared destiny and legitimacy. Furthermore, the research explores how contemporary concepts like the “Chinese Dream” are employed to bolster national pride and unite diverse populations under a unified cultural and civil identity. The overarching aim is to understand the intricate mechanisms through which the state shapes and perpetuates national identity in contemporary China. across a long historical trajectory, from imperial Confucianism through the founding of the PRC, Maoist era, reform and opening up, to the present day under Xi Jinping. It emphasizes the structural continuity of the state’s function in defining national identity, even as ideological content evolved from Confucianism to Marxism and then to Socialism with Chinese Characteristics. The study differentiates between the philosophical essence of Confucianism and its state-sanctioned, reinterpreted application for nation-building. It highlights how elements like meritocracy and state ethics, reinterpreted from Confucianism, have been integrated into contemporary official discourse to address limitations in classical Marxism. Research Objectives This research aims to investigate the continuity of the state’s role in the construction of national identity in China. It seeks to analyze how, despite significant ideological shifts from Confucianism to Marxism and then to “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics,” the state has consistently maintained its central function in defining and reproducing national identity. The study intends to highlight the structural persistence of state-led identity projects across different historical periods, differentiating between the state’s enduring role and the evolving ideological content it employs. Ultimately, the research endeavors to provide a nuanced understanding of the state’s persistent influence on national identity in China throughout its modern history. Materials and Methods This research employs a qualitative, historical analysis methodology. It primarily relies on secondary sources, including academic books, journal articles, and official Chinese government documents, to trace the evolution of state-led national identity construction. The study adopts a diachronic approach, examining shifts and continuities in state policies and ideological discourse from the late imperial period to the present day. By analyzing primary and secondary historical materials, the research aims to identify patterns and persistent strategies employed by the Chinese state in shaping national identity across different political and ideological regimes. Results and Discussion The research findings indicate a significant and persistent role of the state in constructing China’s national identity, transcending ideological shifts. Despite transformations from Confucianism to Marxism and “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics,” the state has consistently utilized education, media, and cultural institutions to promote a unified national narrative. While the content of this narrative has evolved, the structural mechanisms of state-led identity formation have remained remarkably stable. The study highlights how the Chinese government actively manages historical discourse and promotes a particular version of national heritage to foster social cohesion and political legitimacy. Conclusion The study highlights the persistent and significant role of the state in constructing China’s national identity, a process that has transcended ideological shifts. Despite transitions from Confucianism to Marxism and then to “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics,” the government has consistently utilized educational, media, and cultural institutions to foster a unified national narrative. While the content of this narrative has evolved, the state-led structural mechanisms for identity formation have remained remarkably stable. This demonstrates the Chinese state’s active management of historical discourse, promoting a specific version of national heritage to bolster social cohesion and political legitimacy.

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Iranian Studies

The Society and the Government of the Islamic Republic from Unity to Conflict

Hamid Ahmadi; Abbas Ashrafi

Volume 11, Issue 44 , December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.76996.1475

Abstract

Introduction In the contemporary era, Iran society has not had stable and continuous conditions in terms of stability between the government and the society, and after the establishment of a government with new conditions, after a short period of time, various factors, including social dissatisfaction ... Read More Introduction In the contemporary era, Iran society has not had stable and continuous conditions in terms of stability between the government and the society, and after the establishment of a government with new conditions, after a short period of time, various factors, including social dissatisfaction and potential and power in the society, it has changed the situation. Regarding the new government formed in 1979 and in the last four decades in Iran, not much research has been done to examine the conditions of the society and government and the path of social revolutions as well as how the government responds to social demands. Therefore, research in this field seems necessary. In the current research, considering this necessity, the conditions of the society and the government in Iran in the last four decades are examined. For this purpose, the revolution 0f 1979 has been taken as a point of time and the factors of unity in the early years of the revolution have been discussed. Then, according to the divergence between the government and the society in the following periods, the factors of divergence have been investigated. Material and methods During the time period in question, one of these two elements has moved towards conservatism and stability, preferring the existing conditions, while the other, on the contrary, has been interested in dynamism and entering the new world. This basis of transformation and stagnation will be analyzed and examined in the framework of the dialectic theory of understanding: dialectic is a process based on which the phenomenon always has transformation and dynamics. There is a condition in the current phenomenon that changes over time, and this change can include awareness. In one place, the processes continue to change and evolve and in another place, they go to stop and stand still. Results and discussion In the present study, the research method is based on the retrospective post-event approach (E-Post facto) in which the cause and affect are investigated after the occurrence. In other words, we understand its causes and variables from the effect. The purpose of this research is to investigate the convergence and divergence of government and society in Iran in the last four decades. To achieve this purpose, the conditions of the government and society and the effective variables in the evolution of the society and the government during the considered time process have been discussed. The government and society in Iran have had two periods since 1979 until now: The period of unity and the period of conflict. The most important factor in this context is time, and during the time process, it is from the beginning of the new turning point that it is possible to analyze and explain the initial entanglement of the government and society in relation to the conditions, and based on the time process and the formation of developments during this over time and based on the accumulation of social issues and demands and the government failure to resolve them, the situation between the society and the government tended to diverge The main question is, what was the relationship between the view of Iranian government and society after the revolution, regarding domestic and foreign policy, and how has this view changed. The answer to this question after examining the state of society and the government in the last four decades, is that in the early period of the revolution, which we call the period of unity, based on factors such as the revolution itself, as well as the war and the existence of rent resources, between the political system and the society. There has been unity and convergence; But along the way, gradually, a divergence between these two was formed and finally a conflict has emerged. This contradiction has been proven by referring to valid survey statistics and the example of these statistics can be referred to base on people’s opinion about trust in political elites conducted by the Iranian student’s opinion survey center 2005. Conclusion In this survey, the overall level of trust in the officials’ is 21%, which is an important indicator in the difference between the society and government. On the other hand, based on the time process and issues formed after this consultation, the situation has intensified the divergence process. One of the important factors and signs in the dynamics of society can be considered its support for freedom, as well as the media, which are the main support of freedom. Therefore, the indicator of supporting the freedom of the media in the prevailing culture and conditions of a society can be considered as a sign of the dynamism and transformation of that society. According to the survey research of the opinion polling center, in 2005, students agreed with four items based on freedom and minimal government interference in media, with a high percentage of them agreeing with this item Therefore, the most important factors and determinants that moved the situation between the society and the government towards divergence are the international system, social awareness and internal and external policies, which have been examined in detail.

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Political Sociology

The Criticism of Prevalent Theories and The Necessity of Psychological-Political Understanding of Populism

Saba Mehrabi; Aliashraf Nazari

Volume 11, Issue 44 , December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.73084.1402

Abstract

Introduction The psychological approach to studying political phenomena has been prevalent after World War Two, and Charles Merriam and Harold Lasswell were the pioneers. As a result of the disasters of the Holocaust and war, theorists provoked to evaluate the human psyche precisely. The essay tried ... Read More Introduction The psychological approach to studying political phenomena has been prevalent after World War Two, and Charles Merriam and Harold Lasswell were the pioneers. As a result of the disasters of the Holocaust and war, theorists provoked to evaluate the human psyche precisely. The essay tried to examine the phenomenon of populism through this unique theoretical perspective because the mainstream theories of political sociology, including Hanna Arendt’ and William Kornhauser’s theories have not convincingly analyzed populist movements. Literature Review Although Kornhauser argued that mass movement never happened in pluralistic societies due to civil society and democratic institutions, the USA as the most pluralistic society has experienced the populist movement in the Trump period. He carried out the research by the quantitative method, which was based on objectiveness. So, he did not consider the latent emotions in mass movements. Additionally, Hanna Arendt could not supply a convincing explanation of the phenomenon because she concentrated on consensus and overlooked the desire for domination in human societies. Nonetheless, the pivotal point of Mouffe and Laclau’s theory was the antagonism between people and corrupt elites. For instance, the aggression of Germans toward politicians who had signed the Treaty of Versailles indicated antagonism. Trump also talked about Obama and Hillary Clinton as the corrupt elites. Mouffe believed Arendt overlooked the political, which has been intrinsic nature between pure people and corrupt elites and contemplated this issue as the drawback of liberalism. However, the essay tried to criticize two mentioned theories of political sociology due to their analytical impasse. The Purpose of Research The purpose was to gain an in-depth comprehension of the new social movements using the socio-political psychological approach because the approach had the advantage of examining the psychological human drives and desires in mass movements, which have had a profound role in populist movements. In contrast, the exact deficiency of the socio-political approach has been the ignorance of psychological desires. The significance and necessity of this research were being informed the unknown psychological roots of populist movements in order to prevent another movement like Nazism and surviving societies from holocausts and wars. Methodology The present research was conducted by the qualitative method and discourse analysis based on Chantal Mouffe and Laclau’s theory. Mouffe and Laclau could examine the crucial role of human emotions in politics. In other words, they have paid attention to “passion” and “identity” as the two psychological concepts, which have never been raised before that. So, they considered the political arena based on emotions instead of rationality. Therefore, they have raised a comprehensive attitude toward social movements. While Carl Schmitt supposed antagonism in the international arena between Germany and other countries, Mouffe and Laclau saw it in society. The main question was what psychological stimuli caused to support the populist and how can populism be examined through the psychological approach? The hypothesis was the stimuli, involving the feeling of inferiority, envy, and need for dignity, to be ignored, marginalization and xenophobia have been the main psychological stimuli in the emergence of populism. Results The essay has analysed the content of Hitler and Trump’s speeches using the discourse method, including floating signifiers which have articulated around the central signifier based on power. Furthermore, otherness, antagonistic relationships and empty signifiers have been examined. The psychological stimuli as the floating signifiers articulated around people as the central signifier. When Hitler talked about constructing a new society signified achieving lost national dignity. The feeling of shame, economic inflation, lack of international opportunities and lack of colonial territories signified suffering of inferiority. Moreover, xenophobia signified Jewry and Marxists as otherness in Nazi discourse. Mexico, immigrants, and emerging economic powers such as Japan and China were otherness in Trump's discourse. Also, the empty signifiers were an ideal leader and economic-political situations. When Trump said “We need a leader who makes America great again” signified the empty signifier, which was absent in the status quo. In a nutshell, the Matrix showed the components of populism discourse, involving signifiers, signified and otherness in detail. Conclusion German society felt inferior when they compared themselves with other European countries that were developed and had colonial territories. They also envied Jewish people in terms of their economic status. Xenophobia has been another motivation in mass movements, and American society had fear of unemployment facing immigrants. Trump and Hitler have responded to these social emotions psychologically and achieved power, and the essay tried to unravel their discourses.

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Iranian Studies

Review the Structure of power and forms of interaction between the State and the Ethnicities in Iran, the traditional, constitutional, and Pahlavi period

Vahid Sinaee; Yones Irandegani

Volume 11, Issue 44 , December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.74017.1417

Abstract

Introduction The main goal of this article is to know the forms of interaction between State-Ethnicities under different structure of power in the traditional, constitutional and Pahlavi eras. The issue of ethnic participation in government affairs has been an important topic in different historical ... Read More Introduction The main goal of this article is to know the forms of interaction between State-Ethnicities under different structure of power in the traditional, constitutional and Pahlavi eras. The issue of ethnic participation in government affairs has been an important topic in different historical periods of Iran. Paying attention to the background and socio-political atmosphere in the important issue of how Ethnicities behave politically with the State shows Ethnic that throughout Iranian history, as rational actors, have defined their type of relationship and interaction with the State by assessing the conditions and structures of political opportunity. The type of relationship between Ethnicities and the State is not an inherent thing but rather a result of the environmental perceptions of Ethnicities resulting from the power structure or the State ' dealings and policies with ethnic demands. In the present study, by considering issues of this kind, the forms of interaction between the State and Ethnicities in the traditional, constitutional, and Pahlavi periods are examined. These forms of relationship extend from cooperation and competition to conflict. Materials and Methods The method of this research is qualitative of the historical explanatory type. In the historical explanatory method, by acknowledging the fact that social research requires historical data, by collecting historical data on the relations between the state and the Ethnicities in Iran and configuring and connecting this data in a continuous process, propositions and concepts are extracted and deduced from them to explain and interpret the mutual relations between the state and the Ethnicities in the time periods considered in the research. Results and Discussion In traditional Iran, there was no centralized power, but in those diverse powers in the field of governance balanced each other in a specific logic and order. As a result of the situation of these diverse powers, adjustments were always made in a balanced relationship that prevented one power from becoming dominating the other. From the contnuity of this process, the relationship between the State and the Ethnicities in the framework of the exchange of land and resources for the mobilization of power in the form of army collection and taxation, a kind of dispersion of power was stabilized and reproduced in Iran. The logical foundations of the power structure of the Meluk al - Tawaifi that is, the exchange of power resources between the central State and the local power cores The formalization‌ of this mechanism with the approval of the law of state and provincial associations as a product of the constitutional revolution, it provides the possibility of accepting the request for participation Ethnicities in the construction of power, and according to the political opportunity structure, the contribution of " cooperation " in the relationship between the State and Ethnicities has been more prominent than the forms of "competition" and especially " conflict". During the Pahlavi era, with priority given to ethnic, security and centralist policies to the demands of the Ethnicities in the political, cultural and economic fields affected by the foundations of power structure in the Pahlavi absolutist State, there was less possibility to accept the demand for the participation of the Ethnicities in the structure power, and consequently the contribution of "conflict" in the relationship between the State and Ethnicities has been more prominent than the forms of "competition" and especially "cooperation". Conclusion Review and comparing the indicators of ethnic mobilityies in the constitutional and Pahlavi periods shows that during the constitutional period, ethnic mobilities were of the type of local-traditional autonomy in the Structure of the power of the Meluk al – Tawaifi. In other words, the ethnic mobilities in the Mamâlek-e Mahruse were not of the type of modern ethnic identity and value and territorial legitimization. While during the Pahlavi era, ethnic mobilities were accompanied by violence and in the form of divergent autonomies. In creating this situation, on the one hand, attention must be paid to the role and impact of identity values on the political behavior of individuals and social groups. on the other hand, notice should be paid to the authoritarian and centralized structure of the Pahlavi State which left no opportunity for proposing and pursuing ethnic demand in the political system. Due to the modern archaism discourse of the ethnic policy of the ideological Pahlavi State and as a result, the political opportunity structure of the Pahlavi era, in sum, had a closed nature. The consequence of the closed and ideological intersubjective space of the Pahlavi non-democratic political opportunity structure in the understanding and imaginations of ethnic elites was a kind of constructed pessimism that led to the formation of ethnic movements seeking autonomy and separatism and having a value and identity nature. On the one hand, the ideological ethnic policy of the modern Pahlavi State, which was rooted in archaic nationalism and targeted the identity and cultural foundation of the Ethnicities, on the other hand, the Ethnicities dissatisfaction with unequal treatment and the failure to fulfill their desires , which are related to preserving their valuable identity, played a fundamental role in shaping and advancing ethnic strategies In the form of nationalism and ethnic movement in pursuing their demands from the State and consequently the type of relationship between the State and the Ethnicities. The more the State pays attention to the values and identity of the community in defining nationalism, the more loyalties of groups will shift from local to general and national, and vice versa. After stating these premises, it can be concluded that from the modern Pahlavi State onwards, the nature of the state's ethnic policy from the political and cultural dimension to the economic dimension, has had the greatest and most effective role in the specific type of strategy of the ethnic movements in pursuing their demands from The State and, as a result, the type of relationship between the State and Ethnicities.

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Political Thought

The Relationship between Political Theology and the Political with the Government, as mentioned in Zoroastrian Discourse

Bahram Akhavan kazemi; Javad Dadmehr

Volume 11, Issue 44 , December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.73842.1416

Abstract

Introduction Political theology refers to the role of theological concepts in the production and organization of the political, and is grounded in the assumption that the fundamental concepts of politics and sovereignty are secularized forms of theological concepts—an argument articulated most ... Read More Introduction Political theology refers to the role of theological concepts in the production and organization of the political, and is grounded in the assumption that the fundamental concepts of politics and sovereignty are secularized forms of theological concepts—an argument articulated most explicitly in Carl Schmitt’s theory of political theology. From this perspective, the political is structured around the friend/enemy distinction and a fundamental antagonism that renders neutrality impossible and legitimizes the necessity of sovereign authority for the preservation of political order. In ancient Iran, Zoroastrian discourse embodies a form of political theology that structures the political based on the permanent opposition between good and evil—an opposition that functions not only at the cosmological level but also as the organizing principle of social and political order. This foundational antagonism is articulated through central signifiers such as Ahura Mazda, Asha, and the ideal king, and gives rise to a model of a maximal and authoritative state. With the official establishment of Zoroastrianism during the Sasanian period, the linkage between religion and state was consolidated through the formula of “one god–one king,” whereby the dominant discourse reproduced a specific form of sovereignty and political order as the normal condition of political life. Materials and Methods The present study aims to identify the elements of Zoroastrian discourse using the discourse analysis method proposed by Lacla and Moufe and to compare political theology, the Political and government in Zoroastrian discourse, with the theory of Carl Schmitt. The answer to this question requires a clear definition of political matters. Based on Schmidt's theory, political matter is the gear wheel of history, the assumption of the concept of the government and based on the principle of friend/enemy distinction. Based on the findings of political-theology research in ancient Iran, in addition to being the source of developing political concepts and elements of Zoroastrian discourse such as Ahuramazda, the cosmic order of Ashe, the doctrine of good and evil, the ideal king, function and the holy land, Zoroastrian discourse, similar to Schmitt's approach, has a certain orientation to political matter, which is based on the principle of the permanent antagonism of good and evi. The prescriptive model of government that emerges from the interaction of theology and the political in Zoroastrianism is a monarchical order centered on a widely recognized ruler endowed with extensive authority. This model closely parallels Carl Schmitt’s theory of government, particularly in its emphasis on sovereignty and decisive power. An orientation grounded in differentiation necessarily entails the rejection and marginalization of rival discursive elements, while simultaneously foregrounding its own symbols and signifiers, since political identity is constituted through processes of differentiation and otherness. Accordingly, drawing on Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse analysis, it can be shown that Zoroastrian discourse gives meaning to both the political and the form of the state through the articulation of the good/evil antagonism and the stabilization of central signifiers. While this configuration bears a conceptual affinity with Carl Schmitt’s theory, the permanence of conflict leads to a distinct understanding of sovereignty and the state of exception Results and Discussion The results of this study demonstrate that political theology, the political, and the form of the state are structurally and meaningfully interconnected within Zoroastrian discourse. Zoroastrian theology primarily operates as a form of political theology that defines the contours of the political, upon which the ideal model of the state is constructed. In this sense, Zoroastrian political theology provides the overarching conceptual framework for understanding both the world and politics. The political in Zoroastrian discourse is grounded in the principle of the perpetual struggle between good and evil, closely resembling Carl Schmitt’s friend–enemy distinction. This enduring conflict functions as the driving force of history, rendering all neutrality impossible until the advent of the Saoshyant. Given that the political is constituted through organized enmity, the state assumes a maximal and comprehensive character, revealing a significant convergence between Zoroastrian political theology and Schmitt’s conception of a strong and inclusive state. Conclusion The concept of the Katechon in Carl Schmitt’s theory concerns the position of the ruler; it refers to a sovereign figure capable of establishing order, ensuring security, and suppressing opposition. In Zoroastrian discourse, the optimal form of government accords with the cosmic or divine order (Asha), and the paradigmatic realization of such a government is monarchy. Within this framework, monarchy possesses a sacred character, and the king is endowed with Farrah Yazidi (divine glory). Accordingly, the king bearing Farrah functions analogously to the Katechon in Schmitt’s theory. In Schmitt’s political theology, the exception pertains to critical and extraordinary situations, and the agent who makes the final decision in such circumstances is the true sovereign. By contrast, in Zoroastrian political theology, decision making authority is not confined to moments of crisis but extends across both exceptional and ordinary conditions of rule. Although ministers, priests, and advisers participate in governance, the final authority ultimately rests with the king. The king endowed with Farrah Yazidi is charged with establishing social order and defending Iran against the threat of the non Iranian other. Similar to Schmitt’s framework, the state that emerges from Zoroastrian discourse is a maximal and comprehensive state. However, an important divergence exists: the presence of fixed divine laws established by Ahura Mazda functions as a structural constraint on royal power. This limitation stands in contrast to Schmitt’s notion of the exception, wherein the sovereign possesses the authority to suspend or abolish the legal order. Thus, while Zoroastrian kingship embodies strong sovereignty, it remains normatively bound to a divine legal and moral framework. The state produced by this discourse is rooted, on the one hand, in political theology and, on the other, in a specific conception of the political, insofar as the principle of enmity propels history forward and constitutes the foundation of the political realm. Endorsing such a form of government entails the legitimation of authoritarian features, including the demand for absolute obedience from subjects and the categorization of rebellion or revolution as an inherently evil act. Although Manichaean and Mazdakite discourses also affirmed monarchy in principle, they were violently suppressed because they challenged the political and social configuration articulated by the dominant Zoroastrian discourse. The political condition sanctioned by Zoroastrianism persists until the advent of the Saoshyant and the final separation of the forces of good and evil. Consequently, history within this discourse is understood to possess a divinely ordained end, and until that eschatological moment is reached, a ruler endowed with the aforementioned characteristics occupies the apex of the political hierarchy. The emphasis on the antagonistic dimension of politics, together with the divine orientation of the political, constitutes the most fundamental principle of Zoroastrian political theology—a principle that has been continuously reformulated and reproduced, in various forms, from antiquity to the present.

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The Roots of the Arab Spring and the Domino Effect of Collapsing Arab Regimes; the Determining Role of Short-Run Factors and Political Management

Volume 3, Issue 11 , December 2017, , Pages 1-26

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2017.8102

Abstract

Between 2010 and 2013, during what was called the Arab Spring, the Arab world witnessed a wave of popular uprisings that led to the overthrow of four governments (in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen), serious difficulties for three states (in Bahrain, Jordan and to some extent, Saudi Arabia), and a civil ... Read More

State and Environment: From the Non-State to the Participatory Approaches

Volume 2, Issue 8 , March 2017, , Pages 59-80

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2017.7198

Abstract

n the case of the relationship between government and environmental obligations there are different views in public law theory. At least three approaches can be mentioned in the context of general task to which principle 50 of constitution refers. The first approach is based on the centrality of the ... Read More

Gender Policy in Contemporary Iran: The Role of State in Changing the Status and Rights of Women (1891–2013)

Volume 7, Issue 27 , December 2021, , Pages 59-87

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2021.43143.710

Abstract

Gender policy in contemporary Iran has experienced many fluctuations, but it has generally brought about significant changes in the status of women. The question of this article is focused on political factors, especially the role of state, in these changes. Using a historical–comparative method, ... Read More

Military Diplomacy: A New Strategy for States in Pursuit the Foreign Policy Goals

Volume 6, Issue 23 , December 2020, , Pages 219-256

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2020.39753.653

Abstract

For a long time, the only solution to ending disputes between countries was war on the battlefield and military option. In the midst of these wars, the most important military strategies were born and often used in other battles. But over time, states have found that warfare is a very costly activity, ... Read More

Securitization of the Corona Virus and Adopting State Restrictive Measures in the Fight against the viral Pandemic (Case Study of the United Kingdom, Germany, and Australia)

Volume 6, Issue 22 , September 2020, , Pages 107-140

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2021.56706.1023

Abstract

Various governments around the world have put tough restrictive measures on the agenda to combat the outbreak of the Covid-19 virus. Actions that are unbearable for people under normal circumstances. These restrictive measures and extraordinary means have so far been accepted by the public (despite popular ... Read More

The Model of Complex Relations in the Age of Artificial Intelligence: Transformation in the Existence of Actors in International Political Economy

Hadi Taghipour Ardeshiry; Morteza Nourmohamadi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 22 December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.85613.1658

Abstract

Extended Abstract:The Model of Complex Relations in the Age of Artificial Intelligence: Transformation in the Existence of Actors in International Political EconomyIntroduction and AimsThe increasing integration of artificial intelligence (AI) into the global political and economic system is producing ... Read More Extended Abstract:The Model of Complex Relations in the Age of Artificial Intelligence: Transformation in the Existence of Actors in International Political EconomyIntroduction and AimsThe increasing integration of artificial intelligence (AI) into the global political and economic system is producing a transformative shift in how actors—particularly states and transnational institutions—function within the international political economy (IPE). While the role of technology in shaping IPE has been extensively studied, the emergence of AI introduces a qualitatively different dynamic that challenges traditional models of agency and actor relations. This research addresses the central question: How can artificial intelligence transform the existence of actors in the international political economy, especially the state?The study hypothesizes that artificial intelligence transforms the existence of actors through changing their capacities in areas such as decision-making, data-driven operations, and autonomy, thereby generating new and complex model of actor relations. Accordingly, the study seeks to analyze this transformation through a structured framework grounded in the theory of complex interdependence proposed by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye.MethodologyThis study employs a descriptive-analytical approach using qualitative methods. It analyzes developments in the political economy landscape before and after 2010, a critical turning point in the evolution of AI technologies. Data is drawn from comparative case studies, academic literature, institutional reports, and global AI development indicators. The analysis is structured around four key indicators derived from Keohane and Nye’s theory:1. The impact of AI on the nature of actors;2. The emergence of new actors enabled by AI;3. The transformation of goals and interests of existing actors;4. The reconfiguration of inter-actor relationships in IPE.Results and Discussion1. Impact on the Nature of Actors:AI has begun to alter the fundamental nature of actors, particularly states, by transforming them into entities increasingly reliant on non-human, intelligent tools for decision-making, governance, and economic activity. This shift redefines the existence of the state, pushing it toward an AI-augmented actor embedded in data governance, algorithmic regulation, and digital sovereignty.2. Emergence of New Actors:The evolution of AI has led to the emergence of non-traditional and non-human actors in IPE, such as algorithmic trading systems, AI-driven platforms, cloud infrastructures, and tech communities. These actors increasingly participate in power and wealth generation, challenging the state-centric structure of the global economy. Moreover, AI itself begins to function as an autonomous actor, influencing outcomes across borders without direct human mediation.3. Transformation of Goals and Interests:The strategic objectives of states and institutions are shifting toward technology-based assets and knowledge economies, moving beyond traditional resource-based power structures. National and transnational actors now compete over AI capabilities, seeking technological leadership as a means to economic and geopolitical dominance. The emergence of innovation blocs and tech alliances further signals a recalibration of interest formation in IPE.4. Reconfiguration of Relationships Among Actors:AI has intensified the interdependence among actors by enhancing real-time data processing, algorithmic decision-making, and global digital connectivity. The growing reliance of national actors on transnational institutions, technological infrastructures, and global data flows fosters a polycentric model of governance. This model is defined by complex and multi-layered relations, where states no longer hold a monopoly over authority and must navigate a network of interdependent actors and systems.ConclusionThe development and deployment of artificial intelligence are not only reshaping the tools and mechanisms of international political economy but also transforming the very existence of its actors. This transformation unfolds across four interconnected dimensions:1. Redefinition of actor identity and functionality,2. Emergence of AI-driven and non-human actors,3. Shifts in strategic goals and economic priorities, and4. Deepening interdependence among actors.These dimensions collectively establish a new model of complex relations in IPE, wherein actors, especially states, must adapt to an environment marked by decentralization, networked authority, and AI-centric cooperation. In this context, the international political economy is transitioning from a system dominated by intergovernmental relations to one increasingly governed by AI-enabled interdependence and multi-actor complexity. Thus, by examining the dimensions of artificial intelligence’s impact, it becomes evident that AI now functions not merely as a technological tool, but as a force shaping the complex and reciprocal interactions among actors, states, and transnational institutions. It directly influences the power and authority of states and other players, placing them in a new environment in which machines and AI-driven tools play a significant role.Accordingly, and based on the analyses presented in the previous sections, it can be concluded in relation to the research hypothesis that artificial intelligence has created a new environment of cooperation and complex interwoven relations among actors, altering their function, though not necessarily their existence. This transformation in function—from physical roles to reliance on AI-based tools, such as the centrality of data in political-economic relations—has, to some extent affected on the role of the human agent.

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From Acceptance to Resistance: Examining Iranian Society’s Strategies in Response to Political dichotomy between the State and Society

mahmoudreza rahbarqazi; zahra sadeghinaghdali

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 07 April 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.81415.1554

Abstract

The central aims of this study encompass the identification and analysis of the elements that affect the emergence and escalation of political dichotomy between the state and society in Iran, the investigation of societal strategies employed in reaction to this phenomenon, the assessment of its social ... Read More The central aims of this study encompass the identification and analysis of the elements that affect the emergence and escalation of political dichotomy between the state and society in Iran, the investigation of societal strategies employed in reaction to this phenomenon, the assessment of its social and political ramifications, and the provision of recommendations to address and alleviate its detrimental impacts. This research employs a qualitative methodology, grounded in the Strauss and Corbin framework, which entails conducting comprehensive and semi-structured interviews.The data for this study were obtained through in-depth and semi-structured interviews that were carried out with 24 experts, comprising mostly academic scholars with doctoral degrees. These interviews aimed to gather from them their experiences, perspectives, and methods regarding political bifurcation. For further data validation, relevant reports and documents dealing with political bifurcation were also used.Qualitative content analysis was carried out on the data. First, open coding was done in order to identify key concepts. Then, using focused coding, these key concepts were systematically compared and analyzed to discover the connections between them. Finally, selective coding was used in order to identify the central code and to detect meaningful patterns. This methodology allowed for a deep and comprehensive analysis of the origins, approaches, and implications of political dichotomy, which improved our understanding of the elements that contribute to this phenomenon.Validity and reliability of the data were critical components of this study. In addition to credibility, precision was ensured through the internal validation strategies of cross-checking and recoding. Furthermore, the preliminary analytical findings were continuously checked and confirmed through the involvement of experts and stakeholders, thus assuring the data reliability and accuracy of the analysis.The study suggests that "structural and cultural divides" come into being as the leading code, stemming from the complex interaction of causal, contextual, and intervening variables, which have deepened the political rift in Iran. The causal variables include social and economic inequality as well as ideological conflicts, which serve as the critical structure for this gap. These challenges arise out of unequal power relations and the uneven distribution of resources, resulting in a great deal of dissatisfaction among various groups in society. Situational factors that increase this division relate to the political and social culture within society, which, through institutions like the family and the education system, passes on conflicting political ideologies. This culture, instead of bridging the gaps, strengthens and reinforces them. Finally, intervening factors such as media and social networks further fuel political polarization by creating echo chambers and spreading misinformation. Moreover, ineffective political decisions and changes in legislation have often inflamed these tensions rather than reduced them, thus contributing to the crystallization of this divide.The theoretical framework developed in this study reveals that the political cleavage existing in society has caused the development of two basic strategies among the people: acceptance and resistance. Acceptance, as one of the responses to the political rift between the state and society in Iran, reflects a part of the population's willingness to adapt to the existing conditions and accept the hegemonic order. This strategy is generally adopted by groups that lack the motivation either to change the status quo or, because of conservatism, inability to access power, or uncertainty about what might result from change, opt for the maintenance of the status quo. Acceptance can either be passive, without open protest or resistance, or active, through attempts to use the existing conditions for the betterment of oneself or one's group. In this approach, both individuals and collectives strive to adjust to the prevailing conditions while maximizing the opportunities available in the system to assert their place. While acceptance may provide temporary relief from social tensions and bring about political stability, it can also work to reinforce inequalities and further entrench political polarization, as the social and economic disparities continue to exist and can even exacerbate.On the other hand, resistance is an alternative strategy characterized by the actions of part of society to challenge the status quo and bridge the gap between the state and society. This type of resistance may be carried out in different ways: public protest, oppositional political activities, acts of civil disobedience, and so on. People who apply this strategy usually are not satisfied with current conditions and would like to make significant changes in political, social, or economic structures. The notion of resistance often arises from perceptions of injustice, inequality, and discrimination within political and social ideologies. In contrast to acceptance, which tends to consolidate the prevailing order, resistance seeks to challenge and change the system for the betterment of disadvantaged and disenfranchised people. However, resistance can increase tensions and sharpen political polarization, particularly when it hits the wall or otherwise fails to gain support across the board. Ultimately, resistance lies at the very core of the formation of political and social dynamics and can serve as a catalyst for broader changes.The theoretical framework demonstrates that such a political dichotomy between society and the state is a complex and multifarious phenomenon with huge implications for Iran's social, political, and economic frameworks. An exploration of these implications reveals that such political dichotomy has deepened social and political cleavages, practically bifurcating society into two often hostile and rival camps. These divisions have fueled a rise in polarization and growing social and political unrest, which, in turn, further amplifies the sense of inequality and discrimination among some quarters. From such an environment, political and economic instability has emerged as the most likely outcome. Severe market volatility, lower investment, capital flight, and continued political unrest are just some of the results of this bifurcation and the failure to achieve national cohesion. Furthermore, rising public discontent is another major consequence, as clearly seen in widespread protests, growing feelings of injustice, and increased pessimism about the future. These complaints have fostered an atmosphere of increased violence and social unrest, driving society into street confrontations, political instability, and cyber attacks on social media platforms.Concomitant with these developments, a major issue that has emerged is the marked decline in trust in government institutions. Citizens have gradually lost confidence in democratic processes and state institutions; hence, there is a growing sense of powerlessness and political apathy. This precarious situation has posed a direct threat to national cohesion, evidenced by the weakening of social bonds, deepening ethnic and religious divides, and a decrease in participation in national affairs. Lastly, political polarization has also contributed much to the aggravation of emigration and brain drain. Part of the intellectual and cultural elite of the country, disillusioned by the local situation and dissatisfied with the prevalent conditions, are leaving the country, which may further weaken Iran's human capital and undermine its development potential. This only goes to prove that the political divide between state and society tends to jeopardize stability and progress in a society, which eventually leads to further crises due to increased divides and growing unrest among the citizens of such society.

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Chinese Harmony and International Order in the 21st century

Fariborz Arghavani Pirsalami; Sajjad karimian

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 03 May 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.79725.1517

Abstract

One of the most important attentions to international affairs as well as the category of power and order is giving importance to ideas, values and concepts. The importance of ideas, values and concepts in formulating and presenting the best options for order creation in the international arena is always ... Read More One of the most important attentions to international affairs as well as the category of power and order is giving importance to ideas, values and concepts. The importance of ideas, values and concepts in formulating and presenting the best options for order creation in the international arena is always considered. In this context, values, concepts and intellectual ideals act as raw materials for building the international order. With Deng Xiaopeng coming to power and adopting a different foreign policy, China's economic growth dazzled the eyes. As a result of economic growth, China's military growth accelerated. In recent years, these two fields have attracted so much attention of international relations researchers that the third field, namely Chinese culture, is on the sidelines of international attention and is paid less attention to it. Considering the increasing power of this country and also being among the great international powers, the importance of the ideas, thoughts and ideals of this country in building order is taken into consideration.According to what was said, what are China's ideals and ideals for the desired order of this country? Paying attention to ancient history and thought in this country is one of the basic requirements to answer this question. When China's long and deep history turns its pages, one of the most important and basic ideas of Chinese human life is the category of "harmony". This issue is so broad and deep that it is not far from reality if I say that the central signifier of social discourse in China is the concept of "harmony". Accordingly, the main research question is what is the nature of Chinese international order under the concept of coordination? In other words, how does the concept of coordination shape the Chinese international order? This article, relying on the descriptive-analytical method and using intellectual propositions in the context of Chinese history, asserts that the Chinese order does not seek uniformity and pursues a balance achieved through recognizing differences. Therefore, the Chinese international order reflects this meaning in the international system.Chinese worldview is a unique and exceptional worldview among the attitudes of different people in today's world. Apart from the five thousand years of historical continuity of China, in the philosophical perspective of this country, there is no existence of a creator that is outside of world creation. This feature makes this worldview completely naturalistic, self-sufficient and self-generating. Accordingly, good and evil do not exist in the mental geometry of Chinese people, and instead there is balance and harmony in contrast to disharmony. Balance has been the guiding light of man and Chinese society throughout the history of this society, and this harmony has emerged as the central sign of various thoughts in China. One of the most important of these ideas is Confucius and Taoism, which is several thousand years old.According to Confucius, the main goal of government is to create harmony, and the last step in achieving this goal is to achieve harmony at the global level. The three basic principles of moral force, empathic understanding and harmony with differences were recognized as the foundations of creating harmony in the international arena. Taoism, like Confucius, pays special attention to the concept of harmony and order. However, Taoism has a different view on the category of harmony and interprets it as cosmic. In this view, the category of order has a place to organize order in the cosmic system. The important and common Taoist principles are isolation, simplicity and harmony with nature.The emphasis of Chinese culture is on fostering harmony not only between different people, but also between people and the fundamental world. The four basic characteristics of harmony are balance in the whole, harmony in difference, order in complexity, and unity in diversity. It was on this basis that certain viewpoints were created to explain and describe the category of harmony in Chinese philosophy, which had a special application in the field of domestic and foreign politics, and therefore are highly contextual and historical. Based on this, the representation of the concept of harmony and social balance in the political sphere of China can be seen in the creation of political constructions such as the Son of Heaven, a strong family system and orderly social hierarchies. These structures, which have always declined and risen for many years, are not the only representations of the concept of harmony emanating from Confucian and Taoist thoughts in China's domestic political sphere. The history of China's political history makes it clear that China has been characterized by the growth and expansion of the hierarchical structure and the formation of the Confucian bureaucracy and, as a result, a powerful political system. In general, the ontology of Chinese man and all aspects of his social and individual life cannot be imagined outside of the concept of under the sky. Accordingly, the inclusion of the concept of harmony includes all areas of Chinese human life.In the Chinese intellectual geometry and the concept of harmony arising from mutual recognition and deepening it is not to meet needs but to create harmony and prevent distance from a balanced world. Based on this, it can be said that order based on demand from the concept of hegemony and geometry in Chinese thought is fundamentally different from Western order in terms of ontology and epistemology, and its nature and essence does not seek to create uniformity and equalization; Rather, it seeks to recognize diversity and at the same time build a world based on mutual understanding. Based on this, it can be concluded that from the point of view of the geometry of Chinese thought and harmony, the role of China is benign. In this way, according to the aforementioned, this country seeks to create a balance at the world level with an emphasis on harmony.Based on the Chinese point of view, order should be based on the deep expansion of China's relations with all countries of the world. In such a way that the final result of these relations should lead to the improvement of the level of world peace and prosperity. Another characteristic of this type of international relations is that it leads to the production of power relations for each side of these relations. The most important examples of promoting coordination and balance in China's international order in the fields of institutions, security and international economy are the Belt and Road Initiative, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Asian Development and Infrastructure Bank. In terms of rules and regulations and the degree of China's presence and authority in them, each of them reflects the category of international coordination and the resulting order in the international arena.

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Changes like State Governance; the Transition to Fourth Industrial Revolution Technologies (A Case Study on the Government of the United States)

Mahdi Elyasi; Mohammad Tondro

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 23 September 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2024.79762.1521

Abstract

Problem and BackgroundTechnological advancements require a deeper understanding of the most effective methods and policies for governance at various levels of government. This paradigm shifts underscores the necessity for active and effective governance policies to facilitate optimal integration and ... Read More Problem and BackgroundTechnological advancements require a deeper understanding of the most effective methods and policies for governance at various levels of government. This paradigm shifts underscores the necessity for active and effective governance policies to facilitate optimal integration and further pave the development path. The nature of governance is fundamentally influenced by these policies, which go beyond merely changing the perspective or approach of an organization or government. They alter the very nature of government as well. As such, the challenge lies in new crafting governance and government functions that not only adapt to rapid technological changes but also proactively shape the mechanisms of governance to enhance their relevance and efficiency in the digital era. This change must be forward-looking and inclusive, ensuring that technological benefits are equitably shared while safeguarding against potential disruptions that could undermine societal and political stability.Research ObjectiveThis study examines the various aspects of governance policies considering the Fourth Industrial Revolution's transformative indices and the significance of its revolutionary concepts on development models, emphasizing how these concepts transform the nature of governments. This research focuses on a collection of policy and governance systems at the national and international levels in the United States of America. The purpose of this selection is to analyze and identify governance patterns and policy systems that can effectively respond to the challenges and opportunities arising from the advancements of Industry 4.0 technologies.Research MethodThis examination includes a detailed study of federal policy systems, industrial development strategies, and educational programs related to emerging technologies. It also endeavors to analyze, through the study of over eighteen governmental documents in the United States, using advanced tools of text analysis and natural language processing, the subtleties of technological advancements and the governance aspects present in forthcoming sectors. This method enables deep analysis of texts and documents and encompasses various sections of public, specialized, and international policy systems in the United States in the path of modern governance transformation and transition to Industry 4.0 technologies. It includes an analysis of the nature of state governance, federal policy system strategies, and executive governance models, all of which examine different aspects of the impacts of Industry 4.0 technologies on modern governance. This research focuses on examining how policies and governance models respond to the challenges and opportunities arising from digital transformation in documents presented in various sectors. Using this method, the researcher can identify patterns, important themes, and indicators presented in the context of modern governance practices and the functioning of the government in complex texts.Research FindingsThis investigation will demonstrate how such policymaking gradually alters government functions and governance interaction methods, ultimately leading to a transformation in governance approaches. The primary goal of this research is to explore the complex dynamics governing the coexistence of effective governance policy interventions in the processes of adopting Fourth Industrial technologies, with a focus on multifaceted challenges and highlighting gaps in skills, resource limitations, and access to technology, which recurrently emerge as themes. The results show a close connection between governance policies that emphasize promoting government-industry collaboration and the development of advanced technologies. This integration has not only led to increased innovation and improved technological infrastructure but has also moved governance practices more towards data-driven and technology-dependent methods. Data analysis indicates that challenges such as resource limitations, unequal access to technology, and skill gaps are among the most significant limitations in governance and regulation in this sector. These challenges require more effective governance measures that seriously focus on strengthening technological infrastructure, providing practical education, and fostering international cooperation to broadly create development opportunities.ConclusionTherefore, it is essential to enhance policy systems and accountability, and design innovative governance methods that are flexible and capable of quickly responding to changing needs. The models and findings in this research clearly indicate that effective governance in the era of the Fourth Industrial Revolution requires a multidimensional and comprehensive understanding that encompasses all aspects of technology, economy, and society for proper rule-setting, as governance transformation fundamentally changes government function and introduces a different mode of action. Indeed, only through flexible, innovative, and responsible governance approaches and understanding the substantive transformation of governmental action can sustainable successes be achieved in this transition. These changes can be clearly observed in the changes in policymaking styles and the transformation in the nature of the state in the United States.

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The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouye counties

Abdolrasoul Kavehfard; Hojjatollah Ayyoubi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 18 October 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2023.74717.1436

Abstract

Extended abstractTitle: The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouyeh countiesAbdolrasoul Kaveh Fard, Ph.D. Student in Political Science/Political Sociology/Faculty of Lows, Theology & Political Science, Science and Research ... Read More Extended abstractTitle: The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouyeh countiesAbdolrasoul Kaveh Fard, Ph.D. Student in Political Science/Political Sociology/Faculty of Lows, Theology & Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranHojjatallah Ayyoubi Associate Professor, Faculty of World Studies, Tehran UniversityMojtaba MaghsoudiAssociate Professor, Faculty of Political Science, Islamic Azad University. Central Tehran Branch. Tehran, Iran.Introduction: Since development in developing societies, especially in Iran, depends a lot on the approaches, policies and plans of the government, knowing the special tasks, capabilities and capacities of agents and representatives of the government in the regions is also of fundamental importance in this field. Therefore, the topic of this article, which is derived from a scientific research, among various possible factors, is to study the role of governors in the political development of cities, which is examined from the perspective of political sociology.The purpose of the research: The general purpose of this research is to investigate the role and influence of governorates on the political development of cities.Method: In terms of purpose, this research is applied and among quantitative researches, the data has been collected by survey method. In the research process, a questionnaire was distributed electronically among all the employees of the governorates of "Dashtestan", "Genaveh" and "Asalouyeh" cities (including governors up to assistants in the number of 100 people) in the territory of Bushehr province. Therefore, the sample size was determined to be 100 people using the full enumeration method. Cronbach's alpha method was used to measure the reliability of the measuring instrument, and the questionnaire was confirmed with a reliability coefficient of 0.907. To analyze the data, one-sample t/t tests, analysis of variance and variance-oriented structural equation modeling approach and related software (PLS) were used.Report of findings: The findings of the research show that the highest average in the political development index is related to the "Governorship of Asalouyeh" and the lowest average is related to "Governorship of Genaveh". In the sub-indexes of political development, the governorates of all three cities have had a positive performance. "Activity of news-analytical media" in Dashtestan city has the highest average (3.85), and the lowest average related to the sub-index "political participation" (3.32), in Genaveh city, the sub-index of "activity of political parties and organizations" has the highest average (4.00) and the lowest average related to the sub-index of "political participation" (2.74); and in Asalouyeh city, the sub-index of "efficiency and effectiveness of the government" was the highest average (4.10) and the lowest average was related to the sub-index of "political participation" (3.65). Therefore, overall, in the political development index, the performance of Asalouyeh governorate has been better than other governoratesTo evaluate the political development index, 13 questions were asked, which were evaluated using the single-sample T/T test. The analysis of the collected data shows that the average of all the items of the political development index, except for the item of "governor's performance in the participation of the people in the elections of the Assembly of Experts" are above average, and thus there is a good satisfaction in the political development index. The value of the alpha error or the significance level of the T/T test for all items except for the item of "Governor's performance in the participation of the people in the elections of the Assembly of Experts" is equal to 0.000, since this error rate is less than the acceptable error rate for the test, i.e. is less than 0.05, as a result, it can be argued that the difference between the observation satisfaction level for these measures and the average level of satisfaction is significant at the 95% confidence level. The general results of the political development index express favorable conditions and a positive view of the governorates of the studied cities from the point of view of the statistical community of this research. Following up on the political affairs of the cities is one of the important tasks of the governorates, and in this field, the studied governorates have achieved relative success.Conclusion: on the functions, specialties and capabilities of governors as agents and high representatives of the government (and sovereignty) at the city level and their role in political development, clearly shows that governors, considering their duties and powers, as well as their role The leadership that they have, within the framework of their institutional structure, has helped to facilitate various indicators of political development in the regions and regions, and they play a prominent and prominent role in promoting the indicators of political development in the cities. Because the philosophy of establishing local governments in regions and districts also comes from the need to facilitate development at the regional level and as a result of national development. But in this process, some factors such as the presence of inefficient people at the head of the governorate as governor and the subsequent appointment of inefficient deputies and managers of executive bodies and government organizations at the city level, the sometimes security attitude of the governors to the administration of local affairs and especially the political activities of political currents at the level in the region, very weak financial resources, cumbersome laws and regulations, weak and insufficient human resources within the structure of the governorates and the lack of transparency in decision-making have caused their potential capacities and capabilities to perform effectively and carry out developmental tasks in the political dimension.The results of this research with the conclusion of "Shiari and Farhangi(2018)" research that the role of the government and its policies in the process of political development and the formation of civil society is prominent and significant, as well as the research of "Abiyar et al.(2018)" on this basis that Local governments play an important role in accelerating the process of political development, it is completely consistent.

Interrelationships of institutions and cognitive rules and its effect on political legitimacy; Case study: Iranian revolution and change of government from Pahlavi to Islamic Republic

Ali Nanvayi; Mohammad Bagher Khorramshad

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 22 November 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.77094.1476

Abstract

The interaction between institutions and cognitive rules in shaping political legitimacy is a central and yet complex aspect in understanding political developments. This article examines this complex relationship in the context of Iran's political developments - from the Pahlavi dynasty to the rise ... Read More The interaction between institutions and cognitive rules in shaping political legitimacy is a central and yet complex aspect in understanding political developments. This article examines this complex relationship in the context of Iran's political developments - from the Pahlavi dynasty to the rise of the Islamic Republic - and reveals its transformative dynamics and consequences. In its core, this research seeks to answer this basic question: How did the mutual relations of cognitive rules and institutions, by influencing the legitimacy and political developments, cause the Islamic Revolution of Iran? The answer to this question helps to understand more deeply the political processes, behaviors and dynamics that occurred in the revolution. The purpose of this research is to investigate the interaction of cognitive rules with institutional structures and its relationship with political legitimacy, as well as to understand the complexities of political developments and the occurrence of revolution. The method of this research is qualitative and interpretive-analytical. The analysis begins by drawing the institutional structure under the Pahlavi government, which is characterized by centralized authority and the imposition of secular and Western cognitive rules. This background provides the platform for understanding the erosion of legitimacy caused by public discontent, socio-economic inequalities and the marginalization of traditional values and social desire for transformative changes. In the midst of social dissatisfaction, the Islamic Revolution emerged as a turning point that changes both institutional frameworks and cognitive rules. The transformative nature of cognitive rule changes in this period is very important in shaping perceptions of political legitimacy. This abstract provides a window into the dynamic interplay between power structures, social beliefs, and the evolution of governance paradigms. In the complex landscape of political evolution and transformation, the interaction between institutions and cognitive rules is a crucial determining factor for the legitimacy of a state and government. The relationship between these two pillars explains the complex table of social beliefs, institutional structures and their collective impact on the legitimacy of a political system.This article examines this ambiguous relationship and extracts insights from the developments that occurred during the 1957 Iranian revolution. Focusing on the paradigm shift from the Pahlavi monarchy to the establishment of the Islamic Republic, this case study provides a lens to explore how the intersection of institutional configurations and transformations of cognitive rules that shape the essence of political legitimacy.The Pahlavi era, with its centralized authority, provides a context based on which the evolution of institutions and cognitive rules can be examined. The erosion of social trust, caused by dissatisfaction with the government, cultural conflicts and socio-economic inequalities, paved the way for a revolutionary transformation that sought to redefine governance paradigms.In the midst of this social turmoil, the Islamic Revolution emerged as a transformative force and caused a huge transformation in the institutional frameworks and social beliefs. The overthrow of the Pahlavi government not only meant a change in leadership, but also a restructuring of the government model, based on Islamic principles.The center of this study is the central role of cognitive rules, which are the dominant social beliefs, values and narratives that underlie society's collective understanding of authority and government. The revolution brought the message of the revival of Islamic values and changed the structure of social norms and political institutions, thus redefining the lines of political legitimacy in Iran.In this narrative, it becomes clear that the alignment between institutional structures and ruling cognitive rules plays a central role in granting legitimacy to political systems. The integration of religious authority in the governmental framework, which is an example of the emergence of the Islamic Republic, emphasizes the importance of this alignment in consolidating the legitimacy of a new political order.This article aims to describe these transformative dynamics and investigates the complexities of how institutions and cognitive rules are intertwined and influence the perceived legitimacy of political systems. By learning from the historical metamorphosis of Iran's regime, we seek to gain broader insights into the dynamics of political transitions and its impact on the complex fabric of political legitimacy.In this research, we are looking for an answer to this basic question: How did the interrelationships of cognitive rules and institutions, by influencing the legitimacy and political developments, cause the Islamic Revolution of Iran? The answer to this question helps to understand the political processes, behaviors and dynamics that occurred in the revolution. The purpose of this research is to investigate the interaction of cognitive rules with institutional structures and its relationship with political legitimacy, as well as to understand the complexities of political developments and the occurrence of revolution.According to the topic and problem, the type of the current research is developmental. In other words, the development of knowledge considering the weaknesses that exist in this field, especially in political science, has been considered by the authors of the article. Based on this, the analytical-interpretive research method is used as a basis. Research information and data have also been collected using available library documents and resources. The research method used in this article includes qualitative analysis that is rooted in historical narratives, scientific literature, and socio-political analysis. By carefully examining historical documents, scientific works and socio-political discourses, a comprehensive understanding of the mutual relations between institutions, cognitive rules and their impact on political legitimacy in the framework of the Islamic Revolution of Iran is created. This qualitative approach provides the possibility of a detailed examination of the historical path and describes the evolution of political institutions, social beliefs and their collective impact on political legitimacy. The use of qualitative data sources facilitates an in-depth examination of the multifaceted dynamics shaping political transformations and provides insights for understanding the complexities of governance paradigms and social ideals.

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The Religious Foundations of the State in Ancient Iran,, (the Case Study of the Sasanid Era)

Dariush Rahmati; Anahita Motazed Rad

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 10 December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2023.69932.1328

Abstract

The Religious Foundations of the State in Ancient Iran, the Case Study of the Sasanid EraAbstract: State is a modern concept in the field of governance and administration of society, that its existence seems necessary for any socio-political order in any society. The concept of State, also, is one of ... Read More The Religious Foundations of the State in Ancient Iran, the Case Study of the Sasanid EraAbstract: State is a modern concept in the field of governance and administration of society, that its existence seems necessary for any socio-political order in any society. The concept of State, also, is one of the critical concepts in ancient Iran with the foundation of the Median Era and the alliance of immigrant Aryans and resident Iranians. Regarding this, the concept of state in ancient Iran can be understood and explained in Iranian culture as an institution for the implementation of worldliness in the framework of the “Shahriari” (Royalty) concept. This thought that started in the Median Era, was transformed and consolidated in the Achaemenid, Parthian and Sassanid Era. As a result, It was in the Sassanid that the connection between politics and religion reached its conceptual peak in the realm of royal politics and Religion as a formal institution entered to politics and the religious class became the first class in ancient Iranian social fabric. The period of encounter between the newly arrived Aryans and the natives of Iran not only did not cause any distortion of political thought, but even hardly caused a minimum of political order and civility (the basic feature of the state). The coalition of the Aryan immigrants and the natives of Iran in the western region created a new life for them, the first characteristic of which was the emergence of a civil society, specifically a society with a professional classification hierarchy. The main reason for the emergence of civil society characterized by the formation of classes and the subsequent unification of many Aryan tribes under the banner of "Diao Ko" and the establishment of the first state in ancient Iran can be the result of the proximity, familiarity and influence of neighboring civilizations (Mesopotamia) knew. Therefore, the beginning of Diaoco's rule can be considered as the beginning of the formation of the ruling institution based on the Shahi political thought, which itself was rooted in a group of beliefs and convictions of the worldview of Iranians, the most important components and elements of this thought were:a) alignment of religion and politics, b) tendency to monotheism, c) Division of social work, d) The end of political life. Regarding the points, the paper is to find an answer for the following question:” which kinds of conditions and reasons as well as developments in theory and practice provided the contexts and led to establish the first religious state the Sassanians in ancient Iran? In this regard and through the “historical sociology method”, and the primary and secondary peer-rieview sources , the paper has been tried to scrutinize the contexts of philosophical-political concepts of the royal thought (Ideal King, Shahriar Armani) of ancient Iran from the Median period and examine the existing political conditions and its developments in the Achaemenid and Parthian Era as main and basic reasons in theory and practice. The findings of the paper confirm the main hypothesis of the research that the establishment of the first government with religious foundations in the Sassanid Era was the result of the evolution in the structures of royal political thought (religion), political (king) and social (family and classes) domains in the eras Achaemenids and Parthians. Based on the above explanations, the religious foundations of the state and the centralization of political power, as a characteristic of the Sassanid period, constitute the main problem of this research, which was well manifested in the continuation of the idea of "the divine origin of power" or "heavenly legitimacy of the king". continued. Key words: religious government, ancient Iran, Fareh Izadi, Shah Armani (Ideal King), Iranshahri (Iranian-State) thought, Sassanid government

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The Role of Government in Economical Development Comparitive Survaying between I.R of Iran and Malysia (1981-2003)

mahmood baharloo; Majid Abbasi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 15 December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2021.52809.904

Abstract

The role and position of the state in various dimensions of development is one of the most important intellectual concerns of contemporary government officials, so that it is very important for thinkers and even the general public. Therefore, in the present article, the most important goals are: a comparative ... Read More

The Relationship between the State, Social Justice and Basic Freedoms; A Reflection on the Jurisprudential Foundations of the Constitution of Islamic Republic of Iran

ahmad farshadian; Mustafa Zali

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 24 December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.81896.1560

Abstract

The contemporary understanding of social justice is to ensure that resources are distributed throughout society in such a way that everyone enjoys a certain level of facilities, and therefore most discussions of social justice are based on two basic questions; first, how much facilities should be guaranteed, ... Read More The contemporary understanding of social justice is to ensure that resources are distributed throughout society in such a way that everyone enjoys a certain level of facilities, and therefore most discussions of social justice are based on two basic questions; first, how much facilities should be guaranteed, and second, how much government intervention is needed to distribute these facilities. Notwithstanding the differences that can be observed between different theories of social justice, these theories agree that the realization of justice requires some degree of state intervention in the basic rights and freedoms of citizens - especially property rights. Thus, state intervention in the management of the market and the establishment of anti-monopoly mechanisms, as well as the ownership of the means of production, are among the issues examined under the theme of social justice.Justice-oriented policies, however, are linked to basic rights and freedoms, including property rights; that is, they either completely negate or limit private ownership of the means of production, or they leave ownership free and instead confiscate the individual's profit and levy taxes to reduce inequalities and provide a minimum for the less fortunate. The staircases use redistributive policies. On the other hand, not accepting government intervention in property with the aim of redistributing resources leads to the denial of social justice. On this basis, the discussion assumes that social justice can conflict with the application of legitimate rights and freedoms.On the one hand, a cursory glance at the Constitution shows that social justice is widely emphasized in its principles as one of the main objectives of the legal system. On the other hand, this fundamental document observes a broad protection of legitimate fundamental rights and freedoms, to the extent that their deprivation is even prohibited by law. Thus, the maximum guarantee of social justice and the application of fundamental rights and freedoms are in conflict with each other, and this conflict is the problem of the present research. Therefore, the main issue in the agenda of this article is the answer to this question: Can the government limit the fundamental and legitimate rights and freedoms of citizens in order to achieve social justice? The authors have tried to find the answer to the aforementioned problem by referring to the constitution and its foundations in Islamic jurisprudence and thought.The results of the research show that the principle that "the government can intervene in the legitimate rights and freedoms of citizens for the sake of social justice" is one of the basic principles of the theory of social justice in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. On this basis, preparations were made to resolve this conflict.Firstly, in order to resolve the conflict, it should be noted that the reduction of public law relations to private law is normative reductionism and therefore the government is not a person among other natural and legal persons. It is therefore not justified by the norms of private law on which relations between persons are organized. Rather, the legal personality of the government and its obligations to the citizens require that it have its own rules, which are not derived from the development of private rights in the public sphere.Based on Islamic thought and also on the rational-jurisprudential rule of "Negation of loss and damage", public rights and freedoms, especially property rights, cannot lead to harm to others. The collective good and the public interest precede and limit the conflict between personal interest and profit. The legitimate government, as the representative of the public good, has the right to recognize the position of this conflict and also to resolve it by prioritizing the collective good and public benefit.Based on the constitution, Velayat-e-Faqih can be formulated as a plan to move from an unjust situation to a just society. Therefore, it can be said that the legitimizing element in the constitutional system of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the government's intervention in favor of social justice is the theory of the absolute authority of the jurist. Therefore, Velayat al-Faqih is not only the implementation of Islamic rules, but also the authority of temporary legislation with the aim of achieving the main objectives of the Sharia. Therefore, it should be said that whenever a ruling temporarily shuts down the Islamic system and society, the jurist has the authority to resolve the conflict on the basis of absolute authority. Of course, this conflict resolution is not without criteria; rather, its rule is expediency. However, expediency is not a matter of transition to secularism and formalization of laws; rather, expediency also has a function within jurisprudence.Finally, the final aim of the current research is to explain the relationship between the public interest and social justice. The public interest has a common rule with the public good; that is, whatever the public good requires is also the public good. On the other hand, in determining expediency, the purposes of the legal system act as rules. That is, the expediency that the ruler recognizes must necessarily lead to the achievement of the purposes of the legal system. On the other hand, social justice is one of the main objectives of the Sharia and the Constitution. Therefore, social justice, expediency and public interest are mutually exclusive. Therefore, the need for justice is the same as the need for the collective good, public interest and ultimately the expediency of the Muslim social system. Therefore, justice cannot conflict with the efficiency, development and maintenance of the system. As a result, justice plays a key role in determining expediency, and the expediency that the ruler recognizes cannot be in conflict with social justice, and its closure is the result.Based on the previous principles, it can be briefly stated that "since justice is the goal of the legal system provided for in the Constitution, the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran can prefer it to the personal interests of individuals".

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Political subjectivity and the semantic turn of justice

Morteza Parvizan; Jafar Hezarjaribi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 28 December 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.79837.1524

Abstract

پروسه مدرنیته سیاسی به‌موازات تحول در ایده‌های بنیادی دولت وسیاست (عدالت، آزادی، برابری و...) منجر به اهمیت تجلی اراده عمومی در سازوکار سیاسی گردید و چالش مشروعیت بخشی ... Read More پروسه مدرنیته سیاسی به‌موازات تحول در ایده‌های بنیادی دولت وسیاست (عدالت، آزادی، برابری و...) منجر به اهمیت تجلی اراده عمومی در سازوکار سیاسی گردید و چالش مشروعیت بخشی منجر به برجسته‌شدن نقش هژمونی اخلاقی سیاسی و اقناع عمومی گردید. سازوکار ایدئولوژیک دولت با فراخوانی هیجانات و عواطف جامعه و هم‌ارز کردن معانی مدنظر با دال‌های متعالی و اسطوره ای، موقعیت‌های سوژگانی را تثبیت گرداند؛ لذا تألیف موقعیت‌های سوژگانی و دلالت مندی میل در پرتو گفتمان و سیطره بخشی آن در بستر ایدئولوژی امری اجتناب‌ناپذیر برای قدرت تلقی می‌شود. . سیال بودن انگاره عدالت سبب شده که بسیاری از پژوهش‌گران از تعمق و اندیشیدن در خصوص ماهیت آن امتناع ورزند و به دنبال ابداع دسته‌بندی‌های مختلف و شاخص‌سازی باشند. همین امر سبب تقلیل‌گرایی، انسداد شناختی ایده عدالت، انقطاع هستی اجتماعی مفهوم و دسته‌بندی‌های تحلیلی(اونتیک) می‌گردد. عدالت مفهومی اونتولوژیک هست و مانع تعین بخشی سوژگی در هژمونی اخلاقی جامعه می‌شود و با توجه به ابهامات روزافزون در حوزه‌ی بسامد و تحولات معنایی ایده عدالت، ضرورت نگاه هستی‌شناختی به عدالت به‌عنوان بنیاد تجربه اخلاقی و سیاسی موردتوجه کمی قرار گرفته و همین امر سبب شده که انگاره عدالت درنهایت به منطقی کلیشه‌ای و محدود به ارزیابی سیاست‌گذاری‌ها فروکاسته شود. عدالت آرمان همزیستی مسالمت‌آمیز و تحقق کامل ظرفیت‌های انسانی را به‌واسطه‌ی تکثر امر سیاسی به پیش می‌راند، لذا سلب عدالت از انسان سلب انسانیت اوست. در این مقاله تلاش شد به واسازی عدالت در تناظر با هستی‌شناسی سوبژکتویته سیاسی پرداخته شود. تصور عدالت به‌مثابه امری اونتلوژیک که اساس سوژه اجتماعی را برساخت می‌کند و به افق سوژگی سیطره می‌بخشد طوری که حدود سوژه همواره در امر سیاسی تلالو بیابد. شرط امکان سوژگی، حوزة اخلاقی است و دولت نیز تلاش می‌نماید به‌واسطه استحاله زنجیره دلالتی عدالت، حقیقت اخلاقی را برساخت نماید که آگاهی اخلاقی و عاطفی سوژه به‌نوعی استیضاح ‌شود که انگیزه‌های کنش نتواند به حس تعهد اخلاقی اجتماعی تجهیز شود. کثرت‌گرایی پست‌مدرن با تجسد آرمان‌های انسانی و اخلاقی همواره ایده عدالت را بازسازی می‌کند و در مقابل روند توتالیتاریسم مقاومت دائمی را تألیف می‌کند. در این مقاله تلاش شد که هویت مسئله‌دار و تأسیسی سوژه را به‌موازات ایده عدالت در پرتو هستی‌شناسی سیاسی و لنز مفهومی لاکلائو و موفه مورد موشکافی قرار گیرد تا امکان پیکربندی سوژه را به مناسبات تحولات معنایی سیاست واکاوی شود. هدف اصلی از این مقاله نیز تفسیر و برررسی اهمیت مطالعات هستی شناختی در ارتباط با عدالت می باشد. در همین راستا نقش دولت در معنایابی عدالت و تاثیر آن بر آگاهی اخلاقی سوژگی جمعی مورد تفسیر و باز خوانی قرار گرفت. محور این مقاله بررسی امکان رهایی بخشی عدالت با توسل به لنز مفهومی لاکلائو و موفه و بهره‌مندی از هستی‌شناسی سیاسی است. پیرو همین امر روش مطالعات کتابخانه ای و قیاسی را مناسب یافتیم و تا حد ممکن تلاش شد از تسلیم شدن به کلیشه های مضاف برای تعریف عدالت خوددداری شود و یا استفاده از حساسیت معطوف در رویکرد لاکلائو و موفه میدان وضعی عدالت فراخ گردد. به این ترتیب برای بازخوانی سوژگی جمعی ، حالات روانی اخلاقی و عاطفی سوژه را نیز با مفاهیم روانکاوی لکانی مورد خوانش قرار دادیم. در نهایت به این نتیجه رسیدیم که مفصل بندی معنایی عدالت میتواند ماهیت اخلاقی و عاطفی و روانی سوژه را مورد تاثیر قرار دهد. و می توان به امکان مقاومت، رهایی بخشی انبساط عدالت، تقویت تعهدات اخلاقی در راستای آگاهی جمعی .اشاره کرد، که همین امر کنشگری سیاسی را ممکن می کند.درنهایت به این نتیجه رسیدیم که با اندیشیدن بین سوبژکتیویته و امر سیاسی، می‌توان این رابطه را از انبوهی از دیدگاه‌ها، جهت‌ها و متفکران بررسی کرد تا ناهمگونی، گشودگی و ماهیت منازعه‌آمیز آن وضوح یابد. تسلط سیاست بر مراجع معنا سازی اجتماعی زمینه‌ساز توتالیتاریسم می‌شود به‌طوری‌که مراجع ایدئولوژیک با القای وعده‌های توخالی، مطالبه گری عدالت را به سمت کلیتی هژمونیک هدایت می‌کنند. عدالت به‌عنوان یک هستی‌شناسی که امکان تغییر درونی بنیادی را فراهم کند. پست مارکس گرایان پسا آلتوسری در جستجوی یک اصل استعلایی هستند که ممکن است امید های اجتماعی را دوباره فعال کند. .در نتیجه با توجه به فرض انشقاق سوژگی در زمان، و انتاگونیسم ذاتی سوبژکتویته، ایده عدالت به‌عنوان روزنه همیشگی در امر سیاسی مانع از تثبیت هژمونی و توهم تمامیت‌گرایی می‌شود و همواره بدیل‌های خویش را فرامی‌خواند و عدالت بستر سوبژکتویشن جمعی خواهد بود. فرض ما در این مقاله این بود که عدالت به‌عنوان یک هستی‌شناسی است که امکان تغییر درونی بنیادی را فراهم کند. نویسندگان این مقاله مدعی نیستند که توانسته‌اند راه‌حلی برای این مسئله بیایند بلکه این مقاله صرفاً تلاش و تمرینی بود برای اندیشیدن به حوزه هنجاری در نظریه سیاسی، بر اساس هستی‌شناسی موجود در نظریه گفتمان لاکانی.

Conceptualization of the Idea of Iran Based on: "Iran as a Civilizational Nation"

Ebrahim Abbasi; َAdel Nemati

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 13 January 2026

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.80151.1533

Abstract

Conceptualization of the Idea of Iran Based on:"Iran as a Civilizational Nation"Ebrahim Abbassi, Associate Professor Political Sciences, Shiraz University, Iranorcid:ooo-ooo2-1420-9556 Adel Nemati, Ph.D. in Political Sciences, Shiraz University, Iranorcid: 0009-0001-8870-9385IntroductionThe Iranian agent, ... Read More Conceptualization of the Idea of Iran Based on:"Iran as a Civilizational Nation"Ebrahim Abbassi, Associate Professor Political Sciences, Shiraz University, Iranorcid:ooo-ooo2-1420-9556 Adel Nemati, Ph.D. in Political Sciences, Shiraz University, Iranorcid: 0009-0001-8870-9385IntroductionThe Iranian agent, before encountering the civilizational order of Western modernity in their historical context, possessed this historical awareness that they had to shape their destiny on two levels: First: How to create a connector or intermediary among the diverse and various Iranian ethnic groups and religions within the shared geographic bedrock of the Iranian plateau. This connector would serve as a foundation for achieving the technology of "Iranian Peace" within the geographic territory of the Iranian plateau. Second: How to create an intermediary and modality between rulers and the governed, through which they could access the technology of the "Iranian State" in their history. Accessing the technology of "Iranian Peace" and the technology of the "Iranian State" represents two formations of the Iranian governance order. This governance order and its technologies are referred to in this article using the theories of Hegel and some other contemporary theorists of "civilization."The fundamental question of this article is the conceptualization of governance and its nature in Iranian politics and its relation to the nature of governance in the West. The historical nature of governance in the foundational history of Iran, before encountering the civilizational order of Western modernity in the 16th century, cannot be articulated within the dual models of governance in the West, namely "empire" and "nation-state." Instead, this foundational history, based on the geographical and historical components of Iran, possesses a distinct historical structure from the dual Western models of governance. In this article, we have conceptualized this governance model as a "civilizational nation." The idea of a civilizational nation is conceptualized based on James Rosenau's concept of governance and the Hegelian concept of " Avfheben". Based on the concept of the "civilizational nation," the research findings show that the idea of Iran in its history has had the following three levels:1. "Iran": The object of Iran's geographical territory as an independent and non-constructed ontological object with an eternal and everlasting nature.2. "Iranian": The pluralism of various and opposing ethnic groups and religions as social agents that have been constructed and are constantly undergoing historical transformation. 3. "Governance Technologies of the Iranian Civilizational Nation": Mechanisms of governance or ruling without the relationship of dominance and subjugation between rulers and the ruled, and between the various and diverse Iranian ethnic groups and religions with the shared geographical bedrock of the Iranian plateau, which mediate between the concept of "Iran" and the concept of "Iranian."ObjectiveNarrating the foundational history of pre-modern Iran based on the governance order of the "Iranian Civilizational Nation" and the governance technologies of "Iranian Peace" and the "Iranian State" that will be presented in this article, represents a reversal of the official and dominant interpretations in discourses on "underdevelopment," such as Mohammad Ali Homayoun Katouzian's reading of "Iranian Despotism," Aramesh Dustdar's "The Impossibility of Thinking in the Religious Culture," Mahmoud Sariolghalam's "Tribal Characteristics of Iranians," Ahmad Ashraf's "Patriarchal Tribal Despotism," and others, which conceptualize the pre-modern historical past of Iranians as the "cause of underdevelopment" in modern times. Contrary to the narratives of "underdevelopment," the concept of the "Iranian Civilizational Nation" conceptualizes the historical past of Iranians before their encounter with the civilizational order of Western modernity not as a "decadent past" but as a "developed past." In this view, the Iranian agent, considering their geographical and historical singularities, was able to articulate their unique governance order in their history. This order or governance technology allowed them to achieve "peace" within their territorial geography and access the "art of connecting" rulers and the ruled in their history.MethodIn this article, the idea of Iran as a civilizational nation is discussed by borrowing from James Rosenau's discussions on governance and Hegel's concept of the concrete universal, with modifications and adjustments made by the authors. The research method in this article is the "history of thought" or "history of ideas." The following foundational principles can be outlined for the conceptualization of this scientific method. The combination of the "descriptive-explanatory" method with the "prescriptive-normative" method is one of the features of the scientific method of the "history of ideas."Research Findings In narrating the history of the Iranian nation within the theoretical framework of the "civilizational nation," we observe a fundamental distinction between the concept of "Iran" as an ontological object, independent of the Iranian subject, eternal and everlasting within the natural boundaries of the geographical territory of the Iranian plateau, and the concept of "Iranian" as a constructed, historical, temporary, and variable subject in history, corresponding to the diverse and non-reducible ethnicities and religions. In the reading of the "Iranian Civilizational Nation," coordination and connection are established between the source of continuity and stability of the Iranian nation, which is the concept of "Iran," and the source of change and transformation in the Iranian nation, which is the concept of "Iranian," through a third level that acts as an intermediary and modality between the two levels of "Iran" and "Iranian." This third level in the "Iranian Civilizational Nation" is the Iranian governance order, which historically acted as an intermediary between the source of continuity and historical stability of "Iran" and the source of change and historical transformation of "Iranian" in the foundational history of Iran before the encounter with the civilizational order of Western modernity. This governance order, through its modality between the geographical territory of the Iranian plateau and the various and diverse Iranian ethnic groups and religions, formed the technology of "Iranian Peace," and through the intermediary between rulers and the ruled, created the technology of the "Iranian State."ConclusionBefore encountering the West, Iranians were able to develop governance technologies as intermediaries between points of unity and diversity in their foundational history. These technologies, independent of individuals and personal power, led to the formation of the "art of connecting," nation-building, integration, historical continuity, stability, and long-term historical perspective.In the governance order of Iranian peace, we observed the technology of unity in diversity through the triad (Nowruz / King of Kings / Royal Road), linking the geographic unity of the Iranian plateau with the diversity of various Iranian ethnic groups and religions in ancient Iran's foundational history. Similarly, in the governance order of the Iranian state, we saw the technology of governance through the triad (Iranian etiquette / Iranian ministry / Dehgân), uniting Arab, Turkmen, and Mongol rulers and conquerors with the diversity of Iranian City in foundational Iranian history.This process began to decline from the mid-reign of Shah Abbas of the Safavid dynasty with Iran's encounter with the West and its efforts to Europeanize, although it had continued well during ancient Iran, the Islamic period, and even the Mongol era. The attempt to Europeanize and eliminate these intermediaries has been the main obstacle to revisiting them and combining Iranian peace and the Iranian state over the past four centuries. The repetition of these orders depends on returning to them with an interpretation that aligns with contemporary needs.Keywords: Civilizational Nation; Governance; Iranian Peace; Iranian State.

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Political Participation of Iranians from the Perspective of Political Marketing: A Case Study of the Constitutional Revolution

Saeed Naderi Asl; Eshagh ُُSoltani

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 18 January 2026

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.79560.1512

Abstract

Political participation is one of the main challenges facing every politician today. In the new democratic system, political participation and institutionalization are two main tools for building trust (Radaddi, 2011: 184). Trust that every political system needs to maintain its structure. Political ... Read More Political participation is one of the main challenges facing every politician today. In the new democratic system, political participation and institutionalization are two main tools for building trust (Radaddi, 2011: 184). Trust that every political system needs to maintain its structure. Political marketing, as an interdisciplinary approach based on a participatory political space, tries to determine and represent the place of political participation in the political market and to maximize and continuously achieve the goals of political stakeholders.Placing political participation in political marketing in Iran requires that a specific time frame be considered in order to control variables and have an appropriate historical depth. In this way, the Constitutional Revolution, as a specific historical phenomenon, can be considered. In this movement, the religious and political spheres, in confrontation with each other, have come together to fight for the rights of the people. On the other hand, until this historical event, there had never been such a wide effort by the general public to infiltrate power.This research attempts to use the theoretical framework of political marketing to provide a detailed analysis of the first political arena of contemporary Iran, in which we witness the widespread participation of various components of Iranian society. In this way, a complete picture of the political participation achieved in this period is presented. Undoubtedly, achieving such a goal by using interdisciplinary studies such as political marketing can be the beginning of a deep understanding of the developments in the field of political participation of Iranians in the contemporary period.As time passes and modern societies become more complex, the concept of (political) participation has found different dimensions and aspects, and consequently, its place and dimensions in various fields of study, including political marketing, have undergone changes and developments. Without considering these developments, no prescription will be possible. Therefore, in this paper, using the qualitative method and case study research strategy, the question is answered that "How is the political participation of Iranians during the Constitutional Revolution, from the perspective of political marketing?"To achieve an analytical answer, the framework of political marketing studies is used to explain the political market, and using the model of political stakeholders Philip Kotler and Neil Kotler (1999), five stakeholders (1) clergy, (2) press, (3) foreigners, (4) rulers and (5) people are identified. Accordingly, it becomes clear that the rulers have a traditional and product-oriented approach, the press has a traditional and product-oriented approach and generally a sales-oriented approach, foreigners have a sales-oriented approach, the people also have a sales-oriented approach, and the clergy who are supporters of Ayatollah Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri had a traditional and product-oriented approach, and the other part of the clergy under the influence of intellectuals had a sales-oriented approach. Also, participation in the Constitutional era was the interaction of the efforts of various stakeholders in the market, and certainly the level of participation of each of them was affected by their understanding of the performance and actions of other stakeholders.In the Constitutional era, the government adopted a traditional and product-oriented approach, making no effort to change its views or products. The press of this era sought to present its product to the people by changing their views. Therefore, intellectuals published a large part of the press, and some of them printed and prepared their works abroad. Foreigners also had a sales-oriented approach and were willing to change people's minds to present their product, although they had a traditional and product-oriented approach to the government. However, they were generally sales-oriented. The people, who were seeking to overthrow despotism, also preferred to present their ideals with a sales-oriented approach. In this regard, they tried to influence other actors, including foreigners. Finally, some of the clergy, in support of Sheikh Fazlollah Nori, followed a traditional and product-oriented approach, while others adopted a sales-oriented approach, following the example of intellectuals and the people. Of course, the product offered by each of these two groups was fundamentally different and sometimes contradictory.Participation in the Constitutional era was the interaction of the efforts of various stakeholders in the market, and certainly the level of participation of each of them was affected by their understanding of the performance and actions of other stakeholders. For example, the role of foreigners and the understanding of this role by the clergy added to the activism of some of them (led by Sheikh Fazlollah Nori) and they preferred to prevent the weakening of the government under these conditions. In any case, the phenomenon of constitutionalism was not the effect of the activism of a single stakeholder, and the political market was composed of all the stakeholders mentioned. Similarly, the products of this movement, including elections, are also a joint product, and its guild nature, following the role of merchants or the consideration of the principle of high-ranking scholars based on the activism of the clergy, was only part of the effects of the activism of the stakeholders in this era. But in any case, elections are also the product of the political market of the Constitutional era with all the requirements listed.Political participation in the Constitutional era had important religious roots, although constitutionalism cannot be considered the product of the clergy in this era, and some of them opposed constitutionalism. However, the political participation of different stakeholders was the product of the active activism of the clergy. An activism that had not been manifested to this extent before. Although constitutionalism did not have a good end, and the presence of some stakeholders prevented it from being maximized and prevented the adoption of correct and rational positions. But it was the beginning of the dynamism of the clergy in directing political participation. In a way that after the activism of Sheikh Fazlollah Nori and his decisive role in representing constitutionalism and the role of various stakeholders, including foreigners and those affiliated with foreigners, Ayatollah Madani was present as a representative of the Majlis and he had such effective activism that the court, out of fear of his position and positions, first exiled him and then martyred him, just as Sheikh Fazlollah Nori was martyred. However, the success of this movement was achieved with the influence of Ayatollah Kashani during the Pahlavi era and the nationalization of the oil industry and the cutting off of the hands of foreigners, and finally, the clergy led a revolution under the leadership of Imam Khomeini (RA) to permanently eliminate despotism and foreigners. And he was able to lay the foundation for national political participation in a way that national interest was taken into account.

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The relationship between the rationality of power and legal thought from the perspective of medieval and contemporary philosophers

Mohammad Reza Vizheh; Saeedeh Rahimzadeh

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 23 February 2026

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2026.76471.1466

Abstract

One can enumerate some constituents for the so-called middle and contemporary periods in the field of thought. In the middle period, heaven and religion are in a longitudinal relationship, above the earth and intellect. This unidirectional relationship characterizes the Middle Ages as the era of "single ... Read More One can enumerate some constituents for the so-called middle and contemporary periods in the field of thought. In the middle period, heaven and religion are in a longitudinal relationship, above the earth and intellect. This unidirectional relationship characterizes the Middle Ages as the era of "single source" knowledge and places all the thought systems under the revelation. The contemporary period, however, is the era of pluralization of epistemic sources and emergence of other types of relationships between thought systems; An era in which the longitudinal relationship between revelation and reason is faced with era-making questions and the gates of the multi-source era in the field of thought and politics are opened. It is based on this distinction that in this article, the issue of the rationality of power, as a measure, in the middle and contemporary period and its impact on legal thought has been investigated. The most important achievement of such a theoretical effort is the internalization of legal norms due to its compatibility with the rationality of the society and making the execution mandate aimed at it more efficient. Legal thought and order which is in a dialectical relationship with the rationality of the power of each era, plays a more effective role in social ordering.One can enumerate some constituents for the so-called middle and contemporary periods in the field of thought. In the middle period, heaven and religion are in a longitudinal relationship, above the earth and intellect. This unidirectional relationship characterizes the Middle Ages as the era of "single source" knowledge and places all the thought systems under the revelation. The contemporary period, however, is the era of pluralization of epistemic sources and emergence of other types of relationships between thought systems; An era in which the longitudinal relationship between revelation and reason is faced with era-making questions and the gates of the multi-source era in the field of thought and politics are opened. It is based on this distinction that in this article, the issue of the rationality of power, as a measure, in the middle and contemporary period and its impact on legal thought has been investigated. The most important achievement of such a theoretical effort is the internalization of legal norms due to its compatibility with the rationality of the society and making the execution mandate aimed at it more efficient. Legal thought and order which is in a dialectical relationship with the rationality of the power of each era, plays a more effective role in social ordering.One can enumerate some constituents for the so-called middle and contemporary periods in the field of thought. In the middle period, heaven and religion are in a longitudinal relationship, above the earth and intellect. This unidirectional relationship characterizes the Middle Ages as the era of "single source" knowledge and places all the thought systems under the revelation. The contemporary period, however, is the era of pluralization of epistemic sources and emergence of other types of relationships between thought systems; An era in which the longitudinal relationship between revelation and reason is faced with era-making questions and the gates of the multi-source era in the field of thought and politics are opened. It is based on this distinction that in this article, the issue of the rationality of power, as a measure, in the middle and contemporary period and its impact on legal thought has been investigated. The most important achievement of such a theoretical effort is the internalization of legal norms due to its compatibility with the rationality of the society and making the execution mandate aimed at it more efficient. Legal thought and order which is in a dialectical relationship with the rationality of the power of each era, plays a more effective role in social ordering.One can enumerate some constituents for the so-called middle and contemporary periods in the field of thought. In the middle period, heaven and religion are in a longitudinal relationship, above the earth and intellect. This unidirectional relationship characterizes the Middle Ages as the era of "single source" knowledge and places all the thought systems under the revelation. The contemporary period, however, is the era of pluralization of epistemic sources and emergence of other types of relationships between thought systems; An era in which the longitudinal relationship between revelation and reason is faced with era-making questions and the gates of the multi-source era in the field of thought and politics are opened. It is based on this distinction that in this article, the issue of the rationality of power, as a measure, in the middle and contemporary period and its impact on legal thought has been investigated. The most important achievement of such a theoretical effort is the internalization of legal norms due to its compatibility with the rationality of the society and making the execution mandate aimed at it more efficient. Legal thought and order which is in a dialectical relationship with the rationality of the power of each era, plays a more effective role in social ordering.

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