State Studies

The State

Global Networks of States and Transformation of the Function of State; Testing theory of Anne-Marrie Slaughter

Hossien Salimi

Volume 10, Issue 40 , December 2024

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.82957.1592

Abstract

IntroductionAlthough the study of politics is no longer limited to the examination of the state as an institution and encompasses all aspects of social life, the nature and function of the state remain among the most significant subjects of discussion in this historically significant field. Especially ... Read More IntroductionAlthough the study of politics is no longer limited to the examination of the state as an institution and encompasses all aspects of social life, the nature and function of the state remain among the most significant subjects of discussion in this historically significant field. Especially as continuous and fundamental changes in society and global relations have led to transformations in both functions and perceptions of the state. States still represent the most important social institution in human existence, and the primary question facing social and political scientists is whether the fundamental transformation of global relations will lead to the elimination or alteration of the state institution. Some theorists of international relations, particularly among realists, believe that the state neither disappears nor does its primary function change. The state of the world and international relations is fundamentally the same as it has always been. That is, states will remain the main actors in the field of international relations, and their primary role will continue to be ensuring security and protecting interests within their borders, all within an anarchic world that lacks any centralized power to govern it and has its own unique rules and order.Accordingly, the main question of this article is how, according to Anne-Marie Slaughter, can the state continue to play its role in a networked world. The secondary question is whether the indicators proposed by Slaughter for the state's role in a networked world align with current realities.Our preliminary answer to this question is that, according to Slaughter, the functions of the state continue in a manner that aligns with the internal rules of global networks, albeit the discontinuous state as Slaughter has described has not yet fully materialized. The subsidiary hypothesis is that the state will act as a discontinuous institution within judicial, decision-making, action-oriented, and norm-setting global networks. However, we cannot yet speak of the emergence of a new form of the state called the discontinuous state.Our method for examining these hypotheses is a mixed approach derived from a deductive strategy. This means that Anne-Marie Slaughter's theory will serve as the main framework for analysis, and this theory will be tested using qualitative interpretations and indicators on one hand, and quantitative indicators on the other. To this end, we will first examine Slaughter's concepts based on her primary sources and then evaluate the indicators of this theory with empirical evidence.Although Anne-Marie Slaughter has been influenced by other theorists' viewpoints, she strives to present new insights. She believes we are facing a serious paradox in the age of global networks. On one hand, there are global networks that have made globalization an inevitable part of human life, and on the other hand, there is an increasing need for states to govern and manage various issues that encompass all dimensions of social life in different countries. Some believe that the expansion of globalization and the inevitability of global networks will weaken or eliminate the state, thus reducing the need for its governance and role. However, Slaughter argues that the need for states and their roles in the process of globalization will increase, presenting a paradox in the modern world. She understands global political networks as follows: "Global political networks stem from diverse projects of 'reinventing and reimagining the state,' both academically and practically. These projects focus on various ways the private sector can perform functions and roles traditionally associated with government, from providing expertise for public services to overseeing and controlling compliance."An examination of the indicators that Slaughter presents regarding state networks in the global arena shows that these indicators somewhat reflect reality, but as this theorist claims, they have not led to the emergence of a new phenomenon. An analysis of global realities indicates that such networks do exist, and as we will explore in subsequent pages, their existence and influence cannot be denied. However, given that her central concept is the discontinuous state, these networks have not yet resulted in a discontinuity of states. As we will demonstrate, these networks influence decisions and laws in various countries, but not to the extent that would transform a continuous state into a discontinuous one.Anne-Marie Slaughter offers a new perspective on the role and manner of state functioning in the global age, aptly termed the disaggregated state. This new perspective can explain many phenomena and new developments in the world and provide a fresh theoretical framework for understanding the state. Nevertheless, while Slaughter's concept and theory align with many ongoing transformations and open a new window for understanding them, they still cannot explain all dimensions of the actual state and political world, nor can many new political currents and realities be accounted for within this theory. The statistics and examples presented in this article reveal that although initial sprouts of the phenomenon of the discontinuous state are visible, it has not yet fully materialized. States continue to play significant roles in most areas...

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Political Thought

The breakdown of modern states: Analyzing the Behemoth metaphor in Hobbes's political theory

Mohammad Abdolahpour Chenari

Volume 10, Issue 40 , December 2024

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.82280.1569

Abstract

Introduction Behemoth is one of Hobbes's most significant and final works of thought. Its importance for research does not stem from its references to historical events or the connections of its previous arguments with historical materials. Instead, it addresses a fundamental issue: the origins of the ... Read More Introduction Behemoth is one of Hobbes's most significant and final works of thought. Its importance for research does not stem from its references to historical events or the connections of its previous arguments with historical materials. Instead, it addresses a fundamental issue: the origins of the "collapse" and "fall" of newly established states. The research problem at hand revolves around the same Hobbesian concern. We aim to understand the conditions under which newly founded states collapse and what leads to their dissolution or downfall. A key assumption of this research is that collapse is fundamentally a cognitive matter. Thus, within political knowledge, collapse, and fall are regarded as primary issues, along with establishment and continuity. This idea is also reflected in our Iranian intellectual tradition, particularly in the book Siasatnameh by Khajeh Nizam al-Molk. The choice of Hobbes for this research is significant due to his insights as a thinker of the New Testament, who recognized that the collapse of newly established states—known in the modern context as "artificial persons" characterized by "political sovereignty"—is a critical problem of the contemporary era. This era has led to a regression back to a state of nature, civil war, and national disintegration. For Hobbes, the collapse and dissolution of the state involve two aspects: one stemming from the "legal" angle, as discussed in his book Leviathan, and the other from the "mental" perspective, as presented in Behemoth. The first aspect relates to the time of the state's establishment, while the second pertains to the continuity of power. Before Hobbes, Machiavelli addressed this fundamental problem in his work Discourses, where he viewed the decline of the ancient Roman state as a historical example. In contrast, Hobbes philosophically examined this issue in 17th-century England, particularly during the reign of Charles I. He expanded the collapse theory in newly founded states and proposed an innovative solution that transcended Machiavelli's approach, emphasizing naked force. Theoretical Approach of the Research The approach adopted for this research is based on cognitive psychology. This choice is made to analyze Hobbes's thought because other methods, such as Quentin Skinner's hermeneutic approach to intentionalism, John Donne's biography, or Strauss's "Between the Lines," do not effectively address mental and psychological metaphors. In essence, these approaches focus primarily on political concepts and overlook the importance of psychological factors. According to Howard Gardner, the cognitive approach aims to illustrate how mentalities within a political society change. He posits that individuals' mindsets can shift based on several empirical conditions. For instance, one condition that prompts a change is when an individual is exposed to an environment where diverse beliefs and convictions are presented, often differing from their own. Another condition occurs when individuals face traumatic experiences that alter their perspectives on various issues and subjects in their surrounding environment. Moreover, the influence of enlightened figures that individuals encounter can also lead to shifts in thinking. These changes can manifest quickly, such as a sudden shift in religious beliefs, or occur gradually over time (Gardner, 2017, p. 101). Ultimately, metaphors play a crucial role in explaining these changes—whether they are the metaphors through which a thinker interprets the world or those through which ordinary people perceive politics. Discussion and Conclusion According to Carl Schmitt, the metaphor of the leviathan in Hobbes' political theory suggests that just as the establishment of the modern state is rooted in political matters, so is the collapse of newly founded states reliant on political and cognitive factors. On one hand, Behemoth serves as a metaphor within a religious context, illustrating the relationship between the creator and the creature and the dynamics between limited and unlimited power. On the other hand, this concept carries an additional metaphorical significance, which implies that collapse, unlike a straightforward fall, is primarily a mental phenomenon influenced by human cognitive beliefs. Accordingly, the demise of a state should be understood in its mental dimensions rather than its natural aspect—defined as the end of political power. Hobbes argued that beliefs such as the desire for power and self-interest have led individuals to conflict with one another, prompting a regression to a more primitive state and creating challenges for newly established states. The historical expression of these dual beliefs is evident in the concepts of "salvation" and "liberation." The first belief highlights the issue of "sin," positing that the path to salvation involves seeking forgiveness and pardon, which has, over time, undermined the authority of the ruling prince. Conversely, the second belief addresses "oppression," suggesting that liberation can be achieved through popular rule, emphasizing the necessity of eradicating tyranny by invoking historical references and contemporary events. In the context of Hobbes's cognitive framework presented in this work, the notion of "departure" emerges as a fundamental belief. He contends that realizing and maintaining security depends on creating political "fear" and instilling a sense of political subordination. This approach is arguably more problematic than the previously mentioned beliefs. According to Hobbes, this educational endeavor should aim to purge the populace of these two rebellious beliefs, fostering obedience and compliance with the ruler's mandates. The ultimate goal of this education is to cultivate a politically constructed individual—a subject entirely submissive and perceived as the foundation of the prince's power.

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Political Science

The Distinguishability of the Cultural from the Political in the Process of Nation-building in Switzerland

Ali Akbar Gorji Azandaryani; Shahriar Hoseini

Volume 10, Issue 40 , December 2024

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.67711.1256

Abstract

IntroductionEthnic and cultural diversity, as a social reality, has always existed in the world; however, these diversities become a significant issue when they are integrated into the process of nation-building. Diversities, as an issue, can either lead nation-building to a stable point or ignite the ... Read More IntroductionEthnic and cultural diversity, as a social reality, has always existed in the world; however, these diversities become a significant issue when they are integrated into the process of nation-building. Diversities, as an issue, can either lead nation-building to a stable point or ignite the flames of civil wars. In the early stages, states adopted homogeneous cultural policies to resolve diversity through ethnic and cultural assimilation in the name of national unity and integration, as they perceived ethnic and cultural diversity as a kind of obstacle to the creation of a national state. In an ethnically and linguistically diverse society, cultural matters must also be considered pluralistic within the framework of that society's characteristics. However, in the process of nation building within a diverse society, cultural matters are sometimes narrowly defined to accelerate the process and gain political legitimacy, with their scope limited to the cultural components of the majority group. In this case, since the driving force behind nation building urgently requires the support of the majority group, cultural matters are subsumed under political matters. Here, cultural matters are hidden behind the hegemony of power, leading to the destruction of the cultural matters of other groups. In this model of nation building, leaders strive to maintain the internal cohesion of the group they claim to represent by extending political matters into cultural ones. To advance their political goals, they alter cultural markers, even fabricating them, and ultimately subordinate culture to politics. It seems that drawing a hypothetical line to prevent the interference of cultural matters under political matters in the process of nation building is an extremely difficult and complex task.Materials and Methods The process of nation-building in Switzerland since the early 19th century has puzzled researchers, raising the question of how Switzerland, with its cultural and linguistic diversity, managed to survive in the heart of Europe amidst neighboring homogeneous nation-building processes. In other words, for those who consider linguistic and cultural homogeneity as essential elements of nation-building, Switzerland's nation-building process is somewhat of a significant anomaly. The approach of this research is legal, historical, and interpretive, based on texts collected through library research, aiming to answer the following questions:Given the linguistic, cultural, and religious diversity in Switzerland, what path has the foundation and process of nation-building in this country taken to embrace all diversities without the dominance of one language or one culture in the nation-building process? Has cultural matter been separated from political matter in the completion of this country's nation-building process? What is the identity of the Swiss nation? Given the linguistic, cultural, and religious diversity, is it a single-nation or multi-nation state?Results and DiscussionIn the first part, by examining the historical process of the concept of the nation, we have divided nation-building into democratic and non-democratic in relation to the function of cultural matters. In democratic nation-building, efforts are made to define ethnic, linguistic, and religious diversities alongside one another. In the non-democratic process, cultural matters are often subsumed under the concept of political matters, which is why ethnic, cultural, and religious pluralities come into conflict with one another. This leads to the neglect of the fundamental rights of minorities. It is also noteworthy that although short-term successes may be achieved in such nation-building processes, in the long term, they not only fail to bring stability and coherence to the political community in nation-building but also result in a highly fragile constructed nation, which is somewhat incompatible with the ideals of democracy. Non-democratic nation-building involves the strategic selection of specific segments of the population for identity construction, typically those with an ethnic or linguistic majority. From the perspective of various scholars, Switzerland's nation-building can be analyzed through three theoretical frameworks: liberal-multinational, postnational-liberal, and liberal-nationalist or single-nation theories. In fact, what is surprising is that proponents of these theories use Switzerland's nation-building process as a unique case study for their research. However, according to the authors of this study, Switzerland's situation is unlike nation-building processes based on objective components such as shared language, culture, or religion. In other words, in Switzerland, political matters are defined under cultural matters. Therefore, Switzerland's nation-building process cannot be solely limited to a shared or dominant language, race, culture, or religion. In other words, another concept of the nation can be considered, one that does not rely exclusively on the aforementioned components. This concept envisions a subjective state of the nation, which in a way returns to the issue of self-awareness. In Switzerland's nation-building process, cultural matters were never sacrificed or politicized, and the construction of the nation was never the exclusive domain of a privileged class with specific ethnic, linguistic, or religious concepts. Thus, Swiss elites explicitly defined the nation-building process as non-ethnic. Rather, they took into account the existing pluralism at every stage and defined political matters based on it.ConclusionThe nation in Switzerland is the product of a classical process, and in its completion, no state apparatus, political party, or individual will—unlike most nation-building projects—has been involved. In other words, in most nation-building projects, which follow a top-down process, the cultural matters of the majority group are treated as a political tool. However, in Switzerland's nation-building process, cultural matters such as ethnicity, language, or religion were not used as political instruments under state control to satisfy the majority and forcibly retain the minority. By examining Switzerland's nation-building process, we understand that it has moved from the lowest level of society upward, following a democratic process. Therefore, the classical understanding of Swiss national identity is, to some extent, a political understanding based on a shared conception of republicanism, federalism, direct democracy, and neutrality. None of these political matters are founded on the cultural matters of the majority ethnic group. However, this does not mean that cultural matters were not involved in shaping national identity and completing the nation-building process in Switzerland. On the contrary, both cultural and political matters were involved in this process, but the crucial point lies in how the boundaries between cultural and political matters were drawn, ensuring that one was not sacrificed for the other. Accordingly, Swiss national identity is a two-dimensional identity. At the cantonal and local levels, there are shared and common ethnic and cultural elements, but when the Swiss nation is considered as a whole, there is a political and neutral understanding of linguistic, ethnic, and religious diversity. This indicates that being a nation does not require a homogeneous and uniform conception of the elements involved in the nation-building process. Therefore, the conclusion of the research is that a democratic process in nation-building defines political matters under cultural matters, based on which the existing diversities within the society are accepted. This process is time-consuming, but the nation and the national identity constructed from it will be stable and enduring.

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Iranian Studies

Criticism and Evaluation of the Economic Development Model During the Reza Shah era, with Emphasis on the Theory of the Developmental State

Ebrahim Abbasi; Mohammad Jamiri

Volume 10, Issue 40 , December 2024

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.69462.1289

Abstract

IntroductionThere is an approach to the issues of industrial and economic expansion called the theory of developmental state, which seems to have similarities with the Reza Shah Regime in some of its components. This perspective has been repeatedly used in Iran to explain the industrial situation of ... Read More IntroductionThere is an approach to the issues of industrial and economic expansion called the theory of developmental state, which seems to have similarities with the Reza Shah Regime in some of its components. This perspective has been repeatedly used in Iran to explain the industrial situation of the Asian tigers and even the adaptation to the industrialization trend in the post-Islamic Revolution period. However, the assumptions of this theory have not been tested in detail so far in its adaptation to the industrial and economic transformations of the Reza Shah era. That is why the main question of the present paper is whether or not the industrial and financial measures of Reza Shah can be placed within the framework of the theory of developmental state. The aim of investigation into the indicators of the theory of developmental state is to compare those developments during the Reza Shah era.MethodologyOne of the theories that can evaluate the economic transformations of Reza Shah's era is that of the developmental state. The theory of a developmental state or developmentalist state is based on the possibility of government intervention in the country's industrial development process. Chalmers Johnson popularized the term developmental states for the first time and considered it a description of a theoretical configuration to explain a reality derived from the experience of countries such as Japan, Indonesia, South Korea, Botswana, and Taiwan. The distinctive feature of these countries was continuous and sustainable economic growth averaging 4% or more over two decades, increased level of welfare and living standards of the people along with controlling inflation. Although those governments were not economically liberal and believed in a maximalist government, they provided serious support to the private sector through a very proficient and strong bureaucracy. The theory of developmental state was further evolved by the people such as Peter Evans and Adrian Leftwich. Leftwich defines developmental states as the ones whose domestic policies and foreign relations are aimed at gaining power, authority, independence, capability, and capacity, which are determined and encouraged through the creation and promotion of conditions for economic growth or direct organization, or a combination of the two. This paper presents a qualitative method and an explanatory approach, and collects the necessary information from authentic sources such as memoirs, documents, and authentic analytical books from that period.Findings and DiscussionThe indicators of a development-oriented government in adaptation to Reza Shah administration are:Centralized and comprehensive bureaucracy: The existence of a centralized and comprehensive bureaucracy, in a way that encompasses the entire country, is one of the primary requirements for a development-oriented government. Here, bureaucracy means a powerful, proficient, and corruption-free network. Iran lacked a unified bureaucratic network before the Pahlavi era. With Reza Khan taking the power and the need to concentrate power in order to confront multilateralism in the country and to create national unity, a unified and comprehensive bureaucracy was established in the country. However, the Iranian administrative system was faced with serious intellectual, cultural, and managerial challenges from the very beginning. Challenges that failed to transform it into an agile, dynamic, and anti-corruption bureaucratic complex and consequently, it became one of the obstacles to development in the country even up to the present time. The administrative system is dependent and passive, and informal in these types of systems and has managers who are merely subordinate to the decisions of the top of the political pyramid.Developmental elites: Elites, both executive and intellectual, are considered to be the main components of transforming the community and advancing the goals of the government. The political elites of Iran at this time consisted of two groups. A group such as Davar, Hekmat, Foroughi, Taghizadeh, who were actually among the intellectuals and solidified the intellectual and cultural foundations of that government. The second group consisted of people such as Teimur Tash, the powerful Minister of the Court, Nosrat al-Dowleh Firouz, Seyyed Mohammad Tadayyon, Sardar Asad, etc., who were often active in the political and executive arenas. The dominance of this group over the affairs of the country was far beyond the first group. They institutionalized their irrational, self-centered, and anti-developmental behaviors in governmental affairs in such a way that the path for the promotion of capable and competent elites became narrow. In addition, none of the elites of the Reza Shah era, from Foroughi to Hekmat, from Davar to Kasravi, Taghizadeh, Bahar, and others, produced any work on the industrial and economic expansion of Iran. Most of the writings and works of the aforementioned individuals, and even their newspaper notes, have been devoted to cultural, literary, political, and civilizational issues.Lack of a central development body in Iran: The existence of a central organization, which can manage the development program in the country by a precise design, is an undeniable necessity. Such a body paves the way for coherence in policies and the emergence of talents. There was no body for development planning in Iran. Although steps were taken for industrialization and modernization during the Reza Shah era, the concept of economic expansion within the planned framework was never operationalized until Reza Shah was exiled. Ebtehaj believed that the failure of planning thinking during that period was because Reza Shah did not believe in the centralization of planning work.State Independence: The meaning of the state independence is the state's lack of dependence on social classes. The states were generally not dependent on a specific class in Iran, but rather were beyond any class. Reza Shah, who was the founder of the Pahlavi Dynasty, did not consider his government indebted to any group or class. Iran's historical experience shows that although Reza Shah's administration was independent of all social groups, it was cut off and separated from all of them. On the one hand, it was completely separated from the religious leaders and groups that formed the majority of society, and there was no common logic between them. The state's relationship with traditional and small merchants and traders, who mainly formed the commercial sector of Iran, was also severed.Favorable international environment: If there is no suitable international environment for the export and competition of domestically-produced goods, the developmentalist government will face serious weaknesses. Many believe that the special conditions and situation of the developmentalist governments in South Korea and Taiwan after the World War II were exceptional. Among them, we can mention the unwavering support of the United States for these countries to prevent the influence of communism and the special conditions of the Cold War. But the influence of the great powers, especially Britain and the Soviet Union in Iran during this period, and their competition with each other was one of the important obstacles to development. Iran was exposed to the competition of the superpowers between the two world wars, and its expansion had become a matter of their pledge (distraint).Neglect of agriculture during the Reza Shah Reign: Agriculture was of great importance for reasons such as utilizing the value-added capacity of the agricultural sector for industrial expansion, combating the influence of communism, and ensuring the production of needed and cheap food for the people in development-oriented governments. At the same time, paying attention to agriculture, along with land reforms in Iran, was also necessary and essential, but it was not realized in practice. This neglect can be considered in factors such as the Shah himself becoming the largest landowner in the country.Conclusion: The results of the research show that although some elements of this theory, such as proficient bureaucracy, weak civil society, establishment of a permanent army and some development-oriented elites, seem to be consistent with political and economic approaches of Reza Shah's era, in reality, the lack of a development planning body, the government's lack of cooperation with social classes, the unfavorable international environment, elimination of development-oriented elites and their replacement with non-development-oriented elites, along with Reza Shah's neglect of some necessary measures for development, such as land reforms, which are considered the infrastructure for realizing the expansion, indicate that there is no real relationship between this theory and economic transformation in that period. What was necessary for real production, including industry, agriculture, services, and especially science and technology during this period, was not achieved, and most of them were subordinate to foreign markets. Iran's industrial expansion strategy was individual-oriented and tasteful, not organization-oriented and purposeful. No organization or group was engaged in economic and industrial expansion planning. For these reasons, Reza Shah's administration cannot be called a development-oriented administration, although it had similar conditions to that theory in some aspects, such as a weak civil society or the creation of a regular army.

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Public Policy

Coercive Policy of Iran's Governments Through Environmental Legislation in Terms of Network of Coercive/Non-Coercive Terms-Organization

Sajedeh Safikhani; Arashk Holisaz

Volume 10, Issue 40 , December 2024

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.67489.1246

Abstract

Problem and background During recent decades, the implementation of environmental regulations has changed from traditional approaches based on command and control towards new approaches based on participation and fewer penalties. The problems of coercive instruments in environmental protection became ... Read More Problem and background During recent decades, the implementation of environmental regulations has changed from traditional approaches based on command and control towards new approaches based on participation and fewer penalties. The problems of coercive instruments in environmental protection became apparent, and the frameworks of policy instruments of legislative institutions began to change, and frameworks with a less punitive outlook were replaced and spread. Non-coercive instruments are not based on command and control strategies, and the government can develop the spirit of obedience in citizens through options such as participatory management and the involvement of resource users in management and policy development. Investigation of the studies related to the expansion of new political instruments in solving environmental problems shows that these studies can be divided into several general categories. The first category includes research that focuses on determining the instruments of legislative institutions when developing environmental laws and regulations. The second category includes research that compares the effectiveness of coercive and non-coercive instruments in reducing environmental issues and problems. Purpose Despite the value of all the studies that have examined regulatory instruments and coercive and non-coercive approaches in policymaking, which organizations and institutions are subjected to coercive and non-coercive instruments policies is a fundamental issue that has been paid less attention and requires more specialized studies. Therefore, this article has been compiled to fill this research gap. In other words, the purpose of this research is to show which organizations and institutions are subject to coercive and non-coercive policies in Iran's environmental laws. Methods The network analysis approach is a new method in multi-criteria decision-making that can be used to prioritize factors and criteria. In order to analyze the network of environmental laws and regulations and generate the primary data for this research, first all the words that indicate coercive and non-coercive policies, as well as organizations and institutions under compulsory and non-coercive policies, were extracted from the text of environmental laws and regulations. Then, a two-dimensional "word-organization" matrix was formed, the rows of which were coercive and non-coercive instruments words, and the columns of which were organizations and institutions under the coercive and non-coercive literature in-laws. In the next step, the degree centrality and between centrality indexes of coercive and non-coercive literature were calculated for each law using Ucinet software. The graphs of the degree centrality and between centrality indices of coercive and non-coercive literature were drawn using NetDraw software. Research findings Investigation of the graphs of the coercive network shows that the most diversity of coercive words is in the period of the implementation of land reforms until the Islamic Revolution (1963-1979), and the most institutions under coercive literature are during the periods of Rouhani's presidency (the twelfth government) (2013-2020) and the implementation of land reforms until the Islamic Revolution. Investigation of non-coercive graphs also shows that the most variety of non-coercive words is in the periods of the implementation of land reforms until the Islamic revolution (1979) and Reza Khan's coup until land reforms (1921-1963), And most institutions under non-coercive literature are in the periods of the implementation of land reforms until the Islamic revolution and the victory of the Islamic revolution until the end of the Iran‑Iraq war. Conclusion The legal and management structure of the environment and natural resources in Iran has a top-down view. But this coercive literature is mostly for non-state actors (people), and the "punishment" is mostly for non-state actors. Therefore, the most emphasis of the government in Iran is on the first aspect of environmental issues and problems. It is people's activities that cause environmental processes to be disturbed. Therefore, the flow of political science focuses on applying more coercion and pressure on people. In other words, legislative institutions use non-coercive literature more for government organizations and institutions, and the literature on coercion and punishment is used mostly for people and non-governmental organizations. Meanwhile, the government should apply the second aspect of the pressure framework. In other words, applying compulsory literature is appropriate when the government and government institutions also give their share in this deal. It means that it creates the idea that there will be no difference between those who follow and violate the law when environmental issues and problems arise. In other words, focus on an approach in which the government tries to encourage a kind of quasi-voluntary cooperation in a cooperative atmosphere. Also, the government creates a kind of balance between government institutions and non-government actors when applying coercive and non-coercive literature. These efforts of the government will maintain the balance, increasing the sense of trust in the government and creating a kind of quasi-voluntary obedience.

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Political Thought

The Polis Discourse and the Evolution of Political Thought in Ancient Greece

Ehsan Kazemi; Morteza Kazemi

Volume 10, Issue 40 , December 2024

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.72212.1383

Abstract

Introduction Any attempt at reviewing the history of philosophical thought inevitably starts from ancient Egypt. Ancient Egypt is the cradle of political thought and as such, has an impeccable role in the history of political thought. Therefore, the attempt to scrutinize political thought in ancient ... Read More Introduction Any attempt at reviewing the history of philosophical thought inevitably starts from ancient Egypt. Ancient Egypt is the cradle of political thought and as such, has an impeccable role in the history of political thought. Therefore, the attempt to scrutinize political thought in ancient Egypt continues to be an attractive field for historians of political thought. A critical issue in ancient Greece's political thought is its evolution and the elements involved in the procedure. Historians of political thought argue that various elements such as governance systems, culture, and geography as predictors of political thought in ancient Greece. Understanding these issues can lead us into deeper layers of political thought in ancient Egypt in particular, and the political thought of the West in general. For that aim, the purpose of this study is “the analysis of the role and place of the polis system in the evolution of political thought in ancient Greece”. The major question of the study is “What impacts has the emergence of the polis system had on the formation of the foundations of thought in ancient Greece?”. The hypothesis is that “the emergence of the polis system in the form of a dominant discourse not only determined the daily political relations in ancient Greece but also had an undeniable role in the maturation of political thought as a field of knowledge. In other words, political thought as historical knowledge follows the norms of discourse formation and transformation. The current study analyses the polis discourse in juxtaposition to the monarchy discourse; in effect, it presents several transitory stages from monarchy to polis. The first stage is the emergence of the crisis in the hegemon monarch discourse. The second stage is the emergence and consolidation of polis discourse as the new hegemon discourse. The third and last stage is the structuration of the discursive elements of political thought around a central sign (i.e. polis). Materials and Methods The authors utilize discourse analysis methodology to elucidate the research issue, namely the logic behind the formation of political thought in ancient Greece. Results and Discussion Based on the methodology of the research, the thoughts of every era are under the influence of the dominant discourse. In effect, in monarch discourses, the mythical thought that is influenced by dominant values and norms in its turn provides the grounds for a special kind of thought known as “mythical thought”. The monarch discourse constructs methods and models of thinking that reproduce the dominant discourse. With the passage from the monarch discourse to the polis discourse, it is not only the political order that changes but also the totality of the Greek social/political life. Beyond the living models and styles, a novel form of thinking takes form in the polis discourse. In this novel form of thinking, the passage from the monarch discourse to the polis discourse entails the replacement of rational thought for mythical thought. This replacement and the resulting emphasis on the rational aspect of humanity as against his instinctual and national one gives way to transformations in political institutions’ relations. As a result, the foundations of political legitimacy and stability change from metaphysical and mythical legitimacy to earthly or citizen-oriented legitimacy. Conclusion With the transition from the discourse of monarchy to the discourse of the city-state, not only has the political order changed, but the entirety of the social/political life of the Greek individual is transformed. Beyond biological patterns, a new form of thinking is constructed within the discourse of the city-state. In this new way of thinking, by the shift from the discourse of monarchy to that of the city-state, rational thought gradually replaces mythical thinking, and the result of this rationalism is the emergence of political thought.

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Management

From E-Government Readiness to Public Trust: Explaining the Mediating Role of Organizational Transparency

Masoumeh Najibi; Mostafa Hadavinejad

Volume 10, Issue 40 , December 2024

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.62416.1130

Abstract

Introduction Public trust as people's belief in certain behaviors and actions that they expect to witness from the government and is a sign of the effectiveness and legitimacy of the democratic government, is of particular importance to public affairs managers; So that they try to improve it with the ... Read More Introduction Public trust as people's belief in certain behaviors and actions that they expect to witness from the government and is a sign of the effectiveness and legitimacy of the democratic government, is of particular importance to public affairs managers; So that they try to improve it with the support of their abilities, skills, and independence and by discovering and using the most effective methods and tools. Low public trust in the government or public organizations is an echo of public pessimism. Many people believe that governments do not work well and therefore do not trust them; Therefore, for governments to provide better services to people, they must create an optimal level of public trust. One of the interesting topics for theorists and researchers is to investigate the methods used by governments to reverse the decline of public trust in the government. One of the solutions proposed to improve public trust is the e-government readiness which means the ability of an organization, group, or work unit to successfully join the group of users of information and communication technologies and use and gain profit from it. It has been claimed that e-government and readiness for it can improve public trust by shortening the complicated processes of the bureaucracy, transferring the voice of the people to the government, and reflecting more clearly the government's services to the public. Also, according to another claim, transparency is essential for trusting the government and rebuilding public trust. This is because transparency can help the government by preventing government officials from making mistakes through promoting public oversight and dialogue between citizens and policymakers before making decisions. It is said that information and communication technology is a suitable and affordable means for transparency. Therefore, in recent years, e-government has been used with the aim of increasing transparency. Therefore, it is possible that electronic government can improve public trust in the government by increasing transparency. This theoretical claim has been investigated in the present research. Materials and Methods A sample of 311 faculty members of Shiraz public universities was selected and questionnaires according to the variables - whose validity and reliability were tested - were answered by them. In order to test the hypotheses, first, the research measurement models were evaluated with confirmatory factor analysis, and then the data were fitted to structural equation models in Amos Graphics software with multiple regression. Baron and Kenny (1986) method was used to investigate the mediating role of organizational transparency. For this purpose, firstly, the significance of the effect of independent variables on the dependent, independent on the mediator, and mediator on the dependent variables was examined, and then the effect of the mediator variable was kept constant and the insignificance of the independent variable on the dependent variable was evaluated. Results and Discussion At the confidence level of 99%, the relationships of the model and the partial mediating role of organizational transparency were confirmed. Therefore, it was found that e-government readiness has a positive effect on organizational transparency, and public trust and organizational transparency are mediators and have an increasing effect on public trust. Earlier research had generally shown that access to more information and increased transparency through information and communication technology enhances public trust in the government among citizens. Although the present study indicated that while the readiness of e-government has a partial direct effect on public trust through organizational transparency, it also possesses the capacity to build public trust on its own. Conclusion According to the results, the managers of public organizations are advised to increase various types of organizational transparency, including participatory, informational, accountability, overall, and secretive in the organization. Also, since e-government readiness is considered as one of the ways to increase organizational transparency and public trust, it is suggested that government organizations strengthen it. For this purpose, considering the following points based on the items of the e-government readiness scale is essential: having clear strategies, objectives, and action plans in the field of information technology; directing the goals of the information technology sector towards focusing on internet-based activities; ensuring that the individual or individuals responsible for establishing e-government in the organization have the support and access to senior management; utilizing information technology in all activities and aspects of individuals within the organization; promoting information technology in a way that stakeholders are satisfied with it; changing the service delivery process of the organization under the influence of information technology; collaborating extensively with other public organizations to solve problems, provide services, and perform tasks more effectively electronically; establishing clear processes to compare the e-government strategy in the organization with its current implementation status, as well as continuously monitoring and evaluating e-government activities within the organization; developing standard criteria for the use of information technology by employees and clients; providing quality information to stakeholders; offering suitable software for stakeholders; creating a high-quality website; implementing appropriate security measures for the organization's information technology; using high-quality hardware suitable for the organization's information technology; employing skilled and committed staff in the organization's information technology unit; involving stakeholders in the design, development, and modification of the organization's information technology systems; and ensuring the availability of most hardware, software, and necessary personnel to support them in the workplace.

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The Roots of the Arab Spring and the Domino Effect of Collapsing Arab Regimes; the Determining Role of Short-Run Factors and Political Management

Volume 3, Issue 11 , December 2017, , Pages 1-26

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2017.8102

Abstract

Between 2010 and 2013, during what was called the Arab Spring, the Arab world witnessed a wave of popular uprisings that led to the overthrow of four governments (in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen), serious difficulties for three states (in Bahrain, Jordan and to some extent, Saudi Arabia), and a civil ... Read More

Gender Policy in Contemporary Iran: The Role of State in Changing the Status and Rights of Women (1891–2013)

Volume 7, Issue 27 , December 2021, , Pages 59-87

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2021.43143.710

Abstract

Gender policy in contemporary Iran has experienced many fluctuations, but it has generally brought about significant changes in the status of women. The question of this article is focused on political factors, especially the role of state, in these changes. Using a historical–comparative method, ... Read More

Military Diplomacy: A New Strategy for States in Pursuit the Foreign Policy Goals

Volume 6, Issue 23 , December 2020, , Pages 219-256

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2020.39753.653

Abstract

For a long time, the only solution to ending disputes between countries was war on the battlefield and military option. In the midst of these wars, the most important military strategies were born and often used in other battles. But over time, states have found that warfare is a very costly activity, ... Read More

Securitization of the Corona Virus and Adopting State Restrictive Measures in the Fight against the viral Pandemic (Case Study of the United Kingdom, Germany, and Australia)

Volume 6, Issue 22 , September 2020, , Pages 107-140

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2021.56706.1023

Abstract

Various governments around the world have put tough restrictive measures on the agenda to combat the outbreak of the Covid-19 virus. Actions that are unbearable for people under normal circumstances. These restrictive measures and extraordinary means have so far been accepted by the public (despite popular ... Read More

State and Environment: From the Non-State to the Participatory Approaches

Volume 2, Issue 8 , March 2017, , Pages 59-80

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2017.7198

Abstract

n the case of the relationship between government and environmental obligations there are different views in public law theory. At least three approaches can be mentioned in the context of general task to which principle 50 of constitution refers. The first approach is based on the centrality of the ... Read More

Welfare State, and the Binary of Social Democracy/Liberal Democracy

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 21 May 2020

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2020.11253

Abstract

In recent modernity era, especially between big war and the annihilation of communism, the most important political division in democratic countries has been the duality of Right/Left. Often the two biggest rival parties, apart from their different names, have been representing two tendencies, the social ... Read More

The Dialectical Dilemma of the Iranian Intellectual: Statism or Anti-statism

Seyed Majid Hosseini; Vahid Asadzadeh

Articles in Press, Corrected Proof, Available Online from 20 February 2020

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2020.10924

Abstract

In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development ... Read More

The Relationship between Political Structure and Political Development in the First Pahlavi Period Based on Bernard Crick's Model

Morteza Manshadi; Sara Akbari

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 21 May 2020

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2020.11257

Abstract

Political development, in the sense of expanding partnerships and ideological competition in the political arena, at least at the elite level, requires institutions, organizations and developments in the structure of traditional society. In the first Pahlavi period the programs for the modernization ... Read More

The Legal Personality of State in the Sassanid Era

Parham Mehraram; Mohammad Seyed Fatemi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 20 February 2020

Abstract

< p >There has been valuable research on the socio-political structure of the Sassanid era. Most have described Sassanid society as an example of feudal or authoritarian Eastern societies. But the historical evidence is not entirely consistent with these two theories. It seems that the existence of a ... Read More

The Constitutionalist States: Study of New Division of Constitution and the Concept of Dual Freedoms

Masoud Raei Dahaghi; Alireza Asadpour Tehrani

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 22 May 2019

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2017.10034

Abstract

Due to the developments in social relations in modern societies, and in particular the importance of restrictions on the political power of governments, the rule of people and the protection of individual rights and public freedoms as the foundations of constitutionalism and constitutional rule, it seems ... Read More

re-creation Political trust in today's Iran

mostafa ghorbani

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 13 October 2024

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2024.74485.1428

Abstract

Affected by the decrease in political trust as an evident fact in recent years, Iran is fa cing many problems in the field of political governance. despite this, although the issue of political trust has been taken into consideration in sociological research in Iran, so far no comprehensive research ... Read More Affected by the decrease in political trust as an evident fact in recent years, Iran is fa cing many problems in the field of political governance. despite this, although the issue of political trust has been taken into consideration in sociological research in Iran, so far no comprehensive research has been conducted on ways to restore or recreate political trust in Iran. therefore, in the cur rent research, with the perspective of political sociology, an attempt is made to analyze the ways of re-creating this important issue in today's Iran, referring to the state of political trust in today's Iran. therefore, the purpose of this research is to analyze how to recreate political trust in in today's Iran with the approach of political sociology, in order to present the necessary solutions to man age the challenge of reducing the level of political trust, as a very important challenge and at the same time affecting the quality of governance and the future of Iran's developments, while representing this macro issue. therefore, the current research has the nature of research policy. in this research To achieve this goal, by combining the cultural approach with the acute focus of Jean Baudrillard's hyper reality and the institutional approach in the form of systemic theory as a theoretical framework, as well as using the meta-analysis method with the approach, these results obtained that political trust in today's Iran is a variable whose level depends on the efficiency of the political system in providing valid answers to the demands of the citizens as well as their preferences and subjective perceptions. the latter case is especially affected by the acuteness of the hyper reality formed by the media's pretensions. In today's Iran, Political trust is declining due to the weakness in both mentioned fields. Based on this situation, in order to recreate the political trust in today's Iran, in order to strengthen the five capabilities of the political system in order to respond authentically to the demands of the citizens, the state should define a balancing nature for itself in the administration of the society and not be a part of the political conflict between the elites and political currents. become In this case, the state can make maximum use of the multiple capacities of the society. it is certain that paying attention to this matter is necessary to strengthen the efficiency of the government. In addition, strengthening efficiency, especially in the field of distributive justice and related to the basic needs of citizens, along with revising some governance methods or turning to some new procedures in the administration of the country, such as giving the field to the border characters, making governance more visible, strengthening intermediary institutions, strengthening Communicative rationality, employing public symbols to represent the whole society not just a specific section or sections, regulating the competition of political elites, accuracy in promises by officials, providing the first narrative of the country's events and strengthening the authority of the official media, in order to take media tools from the hands of foreigners, Strengthening the capacities of internal reform, accelerating the circulation of elites, the rule of law and etc can be effective in recreating political trust in today's Iran. The important point is that most of the solutions in this field have a functional nature rather than a media nature; Because the hyper reality that has been formed today in connection with Iran and its ruling political system, finds its driving force from the unfavorable objective realities existing in the Iranian society. Therefore, it is with the practical unraveling and resolution of the mentioned facts that the current reality is overturned.Finally, it is suggested that other researchers study other dimensions and angles of this issue, such as the futures studies of the state of political trust in Iran, the impact of socio-cultural changes on the state of political trust in today's Iran, the impact of the state of the country's foreign relations on the level of political trust, and also the impact of political elite conflicts on To analyze the level of political trust in today's Iran and etc.Keywords: Political Trust, System Theory, Hyper Reality, Meta-analysis, Efficiency, Equilibrium Nature of Government, Communicative Rationality.

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The place of ethics in the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes

behzad yazdani; Hossein Ali nozari

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 09 March 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.73323.1408

Abstract

AbstractThe purpose of this article is to examine the place of ethics in the system of political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes, the English political philosopher of the 17th century. Although, according to political thought researchers, he has been considered the first great modern political philosopher; ... Read More AbstractThe purpose of this article is to examine the place of ethics in the system of political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes, the English political philosopher of the 17th century. Although, according to political thought researchers, he has been considered the first great modern political philosopher; However, the prominence of his original and influential political philosophy has not been able to hide his moral philosophy from the eyes of today's prominent researchers. Hobbes, who is the author of the theory of political ruler with absolute power, how can he have a moral theory? Undoubtedly, Hobbes's concern was order, peace and security, and therefore, by combining moral philosophy (natural laws) and political philosophy (civil laws) and presenting an ethical view of human self-preservation, he creates a system consisting of dos and don'ts based on description. Human nature to form a peaceful government based on the theory of social contract. The origin of his moral philosophy is the theory of natural law, which includes the theory of natural rights.Natural law and natural rights are the two foundations on which Hobbes based his theory of ethics and politics, respectively. Hobbes's moral philosophy is the fundamental starting point from which his political philosophy developed. He claims in Leviathan that he has provided the only correct and true moral philosophy.Hobbes' thoughts in the field of moral philosophy have received less attention from thinkers, the main reason for which is the ambiguity in his moral philosophy. In this sense, in Hobbes's moral philosophy, on the one hand, there are defenses of a type of personal relativism, and on the other hand, there are defenses of the divine command theory; In one place, Hobbes defends the theory of the general principle of principled egoism, and in another place, he defends pious ethics. As a result of the paradoxical content of Hobbes's moral philosophy, there has been a difference of opinion among experts in the field of moral philosophy.On the other hand, many research texts and articles in research and specialized magazines have dealt with the political aspect and political theory of Thomas Hobbes in their analysis, and due to the influence of Hobbes's thoughts on the politics of Western countries and the exclusive and authoritarian interpretations of the thoughts of this influential thinker. It is important to examine the difference between his moral theory and the political sphere of his thoughts and to emphasize that he has a moral theory. In this way, until today, no comprehensive research has been done on Hobbes's thoughts on the place of ethics in his political philosophy, The approach and reciprocity of prominent political and moral philosophers is doubled with the beginning and rereading of Hobbes' thoughts. The political, economic and social situation of the 20th and 21st century justifies the return to Hobbes, at least in the sense that he tries to find a cure and solution for the political and social crises of his time. In addition to everything that can be said about his philosophical system and the coherence of his philosophical foundation, the most important of them is his methodological value in establishing the deep relationship between science, politics and ethics with the basis of realism. Hobbes's most important criticism of his predecessors was their idealism (idealistic approach) in the field of politics and ethics.The path taken by Hobbes and his contemporaries has been a gateway to return to man and his place in the world; Because before this, human being in the face of church-centered eschatology and idealistic virtue (meaningless and vague attempt to create a utopia that never existed in the history of color from Plato's effort in the Republic to Osho at the end of the 20th century) which, according to Hobbes, is a dream and a dream. It has not been more, it has been sacrificed. Hobbes showed how despite the relativism resulting from skepticism in the fields of culture (politics, ethics, society and spirituality), it is possible to establish natural laws in political society, natural rights (human freedom) and the insatiable desire of man to gain power and His self-control has been curbed and with an agreement based on the social contract and giving up some of his freedoms, peace and tranquility can be brought under the shadow of total authority.He showed that political legitimacy can be obtained from the selection and selection of people to have satisfaction resulting from the modernization and well-being of humans in the society and the order resulting from political security. A very important point is that justice and rationality are two wings of political and social peace and tranquility; Although the basis of human decisions is based on emotions, feelings and sensual inactions.His pessimistic view of human nature is based on the informative point that if man is left alone and there are no political and moral arrangements, the acquisition of power, fame and honor will undoubtedly lead to endless war, and in the meantime, he tries , to create a mental plan and a logical scenario in which the human being has fallen into a pre-political and social situation where the risk of violent death, poverty, poverty, unhappiness and short life will be the immediate result and no one will be safe.

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From Acceptance to Resistance: Examining Iranian Society’s Strategies in Response to Political dichotomy between the State and Society

mahmoudreza rahbarqazi; zahra sadeghinaghdali

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 07 April 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.81415.1554

Abstract

The central aims of this study encompass the identification and analysis of the elements that affect the emergence and escalation of political dichotomy between the state and society in Iran, the investigation of societal strategies employed in reaction to this phenomenon, the assessment of its social ... Read More The central aims of this study encompass the identification and analysis of the elements that affect the emergence and escalation of political dichotomy between the state and society in Iran, the investigation of societal strategies employed in reaction to this phenomenon, the assessment of its social and political ramifications, and the provision of recommendations to address and alleviate its detrimental impacts. This research employs a qualitative methodology, grounded in the Strauss and Corbin framework, which entails conducting comprehensive and semi-structured interviews.The data for this study were obtained through in-depth and semi-structured interviews that were carried out with 24 experts, comprising mostly academic scholars with doctoral degrees. These interviews aimed to gather from them their experiences, perspectives, and methods regarding political bifurcation. For further data validation, relevant reports and documents dealing with political bifurcation were also used.Qualitative content analysis was carried out on the data. First, open coding was done in order to identify key concepts. Then, using focused coding, these key concepts were systematically compared and analyzed to discover the connections between them. Finally, selective coding was used in order to identify the central code and to detect meaningful patterns. This methodology allowed for a deep and comprehensive analysis of the origins, approaches, and implications of political dichotomy, which improved our understanding of the elements that contribute to this phenomenon.Validity and reliability of the data were critical components of this study. In addition to credibility, precision was ensured through the internal validation strategies of cross-checking and recoding. Furthermore, the preliminary analytical findings were continuously checked and confirmed through the involvement of experts and stakeholders, thus assuring the data reliability and accuracy of the analysis.The study suggests that "structural and cultural divides" come into being as the leading code, stemming from the complex interaction of causal, contextual, and intervening variables, which have deepened the political rift in Iran. The causal variables include social and economic inequality as well as ideological conflicts, which serve as the critical structure for this gap. These challenges arise out of unequal power relations and the uneven distribution of resources, resulting in a great deal of dissatisfaction among various groups in society. Situational factors that increase this division relate to the political and social culture within society, which, through institutions like the family and the education system, passes on conflicting political ideologies. This culture, instead of bridging the gaps, strengthens and reinforces them. Finally, intervening factors such as media and social networks further fuel political polarization by creating echo chambers and spreading misinformation. Moreover, ineffective political decisions and changes in legislation have often inflamed these tensions rather than reduced them, thus contributing to the crystallization of this divide.The theoretical framework developed in this study reveals that the political cleavage existing in society has caused the development of two basic strategies among the people: acceptance and resistance. Acceptance, as one of the responses to the political rift between the state and society in Iran, reflects a part of the population's willingness to adapt to the existing conditions and accept the hegemonic order. This strategy is generally adopted by groups that lack the motivation either to change the status quo or, because of conservatism, inability to access power, or uncertainty about what might result from change, opt for the maintenance of the status quo. Acceptance can either be passive, without open protest or resistance, or active, through attempts to use the existing conditions for the betterment of oneself or one's group. In this approach, both individuals and collectives strive to adjust to the prevailing conditions while maximizing the opportunities available in the system to assert their place. While acceptance may provide temporary relief from social tensions and bring about political stability, it can also work to reinforce inequalities and further entrench political polarization, as the social and economic disparities continue to exist and can even exacerbate.On the other hand, resistance is an alternative strategy characterized by the actions of part of society to challenge the status quo and bridge the gap between the state and society. This type of resistance may be carried out in different ways: public protest, oppositional political activities, acts of civil disobedience, and so on. People who apply this strategy usually are not satisfied with current conditions and would like to make significant changes in political, social, or economic structures. The notion of resistance often arises from perceptions of injustice, inequality, and discrimination within political and social ideologies. In contrast to acceptance, which tends to consolidate the prevailing order, resistance seeks to challenge and change the system for the betterment of disadvantaged and disenfranchised people. However, resistance can increase tensions and sharpen political polarization, particularly when it hits the wall or otherwise fails to gain support across the board. Ultimately, resistance lies at the very core of the formation of political and social dynamics and can serve as a catalyst for broader changes.The theoretical framework demonstrates that such a political dichotomy between society and the state is a complex and multifarious phenomenon with huge implications for Iran's social, political, and economic frameworks. An exploration of these implications reveals that such political dichotomy has deepened social and political cleavages, practically bifurcating society into two often hostile and rival camps. These divisions have fueled a rise in polarization and growing social and political unrest, which, in turn, further amplifies the sense of inequality and discrimination among some quarters. From such an environment, political and economic instability has emerged as the most likely outcome. Severe market volatility, lower investment, capital flight, and continued political unrest are just some of the results of this bifurcation and the failure to achieve national cohesion. Furthermore, rising public discontent is another major consequence, as clearly seen in widespread protests, growing feelings of injustice, and increased pessimism about the future. These complaints have fostered an atmosphere of increased violence and social unrest, driving society into street confrontations, political instability, and cyber attacks on social media platforms.Concomitant with these developments, a major issue that has emerged is the marked decline in trust in government institutions. Citizens have gradually lost confidence in democratic processes and state institutions; hence, there is a growing sense of powerlessness and political apathy. This precarious situation has posed a direct threat to national cohesion, evidenced by the weakening of social bonds, deepening ethnic and religious divides, and a decrease in participation in national affairs. Lastly, political polarization has also contributed much to the aggravation of emigration and brain drain. Part of the intellectual and cultural elite of the country, disillusioned by the local situation and dissatisfied with the prevalent conditions, are leaving the country, which may further weaken Iran's human capital and undermine its development potential. This only goes to prove that the political divide between state and society tends to jeopardize stability and progress in a society, which eventually leads to further crises due to increased divides and growing unrest among the citizens of such society.

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The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouye counties

Abdolrasoul Kavehfard; Hojjatollah Ayyoubi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 14 April 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2023.74717.1436

Abstract

Extended abstractTitle: The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouyeh countiesAbdolrasoul Kaveh Fard, Ph.D. Student in Political Science/Political Sociology/Faculty of Lows, Theology & Political Science, Science and Research ... Read More Extended abstractTitle: The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouyeh countiesAbdolrasoul Kaveh Fard, Ph.D. Student in Political Science/Political Sociology/Faculty of Lows, Theology & Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranHojjatallah Ayyoubi Associate Professor, Faculty of World Studies, Tehran UniversityMojtaba MaghsoudiAssociate Professor, Faculty of Political Science, Islamic Azad University. Central Tehran Branch. Tehran, Iran.Introduction: Since development in developing societies, especially in Iran, depends a lot on the approaches, policies and plans of the government, knowing the special tasks, capabilities and capacities of agents and representatives of the government in the regions is also of fundamental importance in this field. Therefore, the topic of this article, which is derived from a scientific research, among various possible factors, is to study the role of governors in the political development of cities, which is examined from the perspective of political sociology.The purpose of the research: The general purpose of this research is to investigate the role and influence of governorates on the political development of cities.Method: In terms of purpose, this research is applied and among quantitative researches, the data has been collected by survey method. In the research process, a questionnaire was distributed electronically among all the employees of the governorates of "Dashtestan", "Genaveh" and "Asalouyeh" cities (including governors up to assistants in the number of 100 people) in the territory of Bushehr province. Therefore, the sample size was determined to be 100 people using the full enumeration method. Cronbach's alpha method was used to measure the reliability of the measuring instrument, and the questionnaire was confirmed with a reliability coefficient of 0.907. To analyze the data, one-sample t/t tests, analysis of variance and variance-oriented structural equation modeling approach and related software (PLS) were used.Report of findings: The findings of the research show that the highest average in the political development index is related to the "Governorship of Asalouyeh" and the lowest average is related to "Governorship of Genaveh". In the sub-indexes of political development, the governorates of all three cities have had a positive performance. "Activity of news-analytical media" in Dashtestan city has the highest average (3.85), and the lowest average related to the sub-index "political participation" (3.32), in Genaveh city, the sub-index of "activity of political parties and organizations" has the highest average (4.00) and the lowest average related to the sub-index of "political participation" (2.74); and in Asalouyeh city, the sub-index of "efficiency and effectiveness of the government" was the highest average (4.10) and the lowest average was related to the sub-index of "political participation" (3.65). Therefore, overall, in the political development index, the performance of Asalouyeh governorate has been better than other governoratesTo evaluate the political development index, 13 questions were asked, which were evaluated using the single-sample T/T test. The analysis of the collected data shows that the average of all the items of the political development index, except for the item of "governor's performance in the participation of the people in the elections of the Assembly of Experts" are above average, and thus there is a good satisfaction in the political development index. The value of the alpha error or the significance level of the T/T test for all items except for the item of "Governor's performance in the participation of the people in the elections of the Assembly of Experts" is equal to 0.000, since this error rate is less than the acceptable error rate for the test, i.e. is less than 0.05, as a result, it can be argued that the difference between the observation satisfaction level for these measures and the average level of satisfaction is significant at the 95% confidence level. The general results of the political development index express favorable conditions and a positive view of the governorates of the studied cities from the point of view of the statistical community of this research. Following up on the political affairs of the cities is one of the important tasks of the governorates, and in this field, the studied governorates have achieved relative success.Conclusion: on the functions, specialties and capabilities of governors as agents and high representatives of the government (and sovereignty) at the city level and their role in political development, clearly shows that governors, considering their duties and powers, as well as their role The leadership that they have, within the framework of their institutional structure, has helped to facilitate various indicators of political development in the regions and regions, and they play a prominent and prominent role in promoting the indicators of political development in the cities. Because the philosophy of establishing local governments in regions and districts also comes from the need to facilitate development at the regional level and as a result of national development. But in this process, some factors such as the presence of inefficient people at the head of the governorate as governor and the subsequent appointment of inefficient deputies and managers of executive bodies and government organizations at the city level, the sometimes security attitude of the governors to the administration of local affairs and especially the political activities of political currents at the level in the region, very weak financial resources, cumbersome laws and regulations, weak and insufficient human resources within the structure of the governorates and the lack of transparency in decision-making have caused their potential capacities and capabilities to perform effectively and carry out developmental tasks in the political dimension.The results of this research with the conclusion of "Shiari and Farhangi(2018)" research that the role of the government and its policies in the process of political development and the formation of civil society is prominent and significant, as well as the research of "Abiyar et al.(2018)" on this basis that Local governments play an important role in accelerating the process of political development, it is completely consistent.

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