Heidarali Masoudi
Abstract
Extended AbstractIntroductionEstablishing appropriate criteria to evaluate the performance of executive bodies is crucial for oversight by Iran's Islamic Parliament. The main objective of the article is to enhance efficiency and improving government performance. Although the Islamic Parliament has dedicated ...
Read More
Extended AbstractIntroductionEstablishing appropriate criteria to evaluate the performance of executive bodies is crucial for oversight by Iran's Islamic Parliament. The main objective of the article is to enhance efficiency and improving government performance. Although the Islamic Parliament has dedicated attention to evaluating ministries, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has received comparatively less scrutiny. This lack of attention stems primarily from the complex and sensitive nature of this ministry's activities and actions, coupled with the presumed evasion of oversight in governments' international endeavors. Like other ministries, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is publicly funded and must undergo continuous monitoring and evaluation by the Islamic Parliament. However, there is a dearth of coherent, well-formulated criteria for evaluating this ministry's performance. The central question this article addresses is: how can the Islamic Parliament effectively evaluate and monitor the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' performance?Materials and MethodsIn this research, a mixed-methods approach was employed for the extraction and analysis of performance monitoring indicators about the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Initially, qualitative content analysis was conducted on the supervisory reports from the Islamic Consultative Assembly, the report on specific performance evaluation indicators for executive agencies from the Administrative and Recruitment Affairs Organization, as well as high-level documents related to the activities of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Through this qualitative analysis, and drawing upon the researcher's prior theoretical knowledge, the functional domains of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and their corresponding preliminary indicators were identified. Subsequently, an analytical method was utilized to examine these indicators and assess their measurability and quantifiability. In instances where indicators were not measurable, or where they were measurable but lacked the requisite quantifiability, novel ideas for evaluating and monitoring the performance of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs have been proposed.Results and DiscussionBilateral Diplomacy: In the realm of bilateral diplomacy, certain indicators, such as actions taken to counter the domination system and support the resistance movement, are not readily quantifiable. Such activities are primarily conducted based on the strategic influence of Iran's security and military forces, with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs primarily playing a facilitating role and providing diplomatic support. The impact of such actions cannot be evaluated in short time intervals; moreover, publicly accessible information and data for researchers in this field are limited, aside from some official meetings between Iranian diplomatic officials and resistance movement leaders. Some indicators, such as bilateral diplomacy for resolving disputes between third countries and Iran's disputes with other countries, are amenable to qualitative assessment of the country's overall actions, as such measures are usually carried out within a cross-sectoral framework, involving various decision-making and executive institutions such as the Supreme National Security Council and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Therefore, it is not possible to precisely differentiate the performance of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from that of other agencies.Multilateral Diplomacy: In the domain of multilateral diplomacy, some indicators, such as safeguarding national interests, do not inherently possess quantitative evaluability. First, the realization of Iran's national interests in international organizations must be indexed, and then evaluated. For instance, if we accept that reducing the number of anti-Iranian human rights resolutions in the United Nations, or decreasing the number of countries voting in favor while increasing those voting against or abstaining from these resolutions, aligns with the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran, then the number of correspondences or bilateral meetings with countries likely to change their vote in Iran's favor could serve as an indicator for assessing the positive performance of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in protecting the interests of the Islamic Republic in international organizations. Other indicators in this axis can be quantitatively evaluated based on metrics such as Iran's annual membership in international and regional organizations, meetings with counterpart officials from neighboring countries, and legal cases raised in international forums.Economic Diplomacy: In the sphere of economic diplomacy, in addition to quantifiable indicators such as trade exchanges, trade agreements, and identified economic opportunities in other countries, other indicators can be added. These may include the number of Iranian commercial attachés in other countries, the number of Ministry of Foreign Affairs employees recruited with qualifications related to economic diplomacy, the number of joint meetings with private sector actors at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the number of training courses and participating employees in the field of economic and commercial diplomacy, and the number of reports received by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from commercial attachés.Public Diplomacy: In the realm of public diplomacy, international indices such as the soft power index can be utilized. Some indicators, like city diplomacy, can be measured based on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' performance in facilitating communication between city officials and agreements between various Iranian cities and foreign cities, including sister city agreements. However, some indicators, such as cyberspace diplomacy, are not readily quantifiable; the virtual space has a complex and decentralized nature, and one cannot make accurate judgments about the diplomatic success or failure based on the number of messages sent by diplomatic officials on virtual networks or the number of likes these messages receive. On the other hand, metrics such as the growth in the number of Persian language learners abroad are shared between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Education, and the performance of both ministries is jointly evaluated, making it difficult to precisely differentiate their respective contributions. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs' performance in improving the global ranking of the Persian language can be evaluated based on the indicator of actions taken by cultural councils and Iranian embassies towards establishing Persian language chairs and learning centers in various countries.ConclusionThis research represents an initial step towards augmenting the Islamic Consultative Assembly's role in foreign policy. As a manifestation of the general will alongside the executive branch, the Assembly should collaborate with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to achieve national interests and enhance Iran's international standing. Establishing a relationship of trust between the parliament and the Ministry, facilitated by verifiable performance indicators, can lead to domestic force synergy and increased international bargaining power. The Seventh Development Plan's emphasis on an economy-oriented foreign policy approach provides a favorable context for parliamentary evaluation, as the Ministry's activities in these domains are more measurable. Furthermore, the economic involvement of various parliamentary commissions allows for broader participation in the oversight process, extending beyond the National Security and Foreign Policy Commission.
Public Policy
Ali Khaje Naieni
Abstract
Extended AbstractIntroductionThe metaphor of "hollow " is used to express the changing nature of the public sector. "hollowing out " is used to describe the nature of devolution of power and decentralization of services from central governments to local governments and thus to third parties. This outsourcing ...
Read More
Extended AbstractIntroductionThe metaphor of "hollow " is used to express the changing nature of the public sector. "hollowing out " is used to describe the nature of devolution of power and decentralization of services from central governments to local governments and thus to third parties. This outsourcing did not cause the state to shrink, but it caused the state to be empty from the inside, but on the outside, it has the same big bureaucracy. The concept of a hollow state is usually understood as the blurring of boundaries between the public and private sectors in modern societies. The influence of private entities in the public sector is done through the increasing use of privatization strategies. These strategies are believed to lead to the delivery of networked services across sectors more efficiently and effectively than if the government were involved in implementation alone. However, it should be noted that the following scenarios occur in different ways beyond the approach of privatization contracts. Hollowing of state also occurs in the policy cycle, as programs go through periods of redrafting. Here, non-governmental entities can influence not only the implementation of programs but also their design, goals, and structure.Materials and MethodsThe current study relied on a qualitative, causal-explanatory approach, as well as the data collected from library and internet sources.Results and Discussion The establishment of the hollow state means the thinning of the executive organizations. The thinner the institutions, the weaker they become and their capacity for proper management decreases. Fragile institutions lack integrity, cannot provide effective service to public interests, and lack the capacity for good governance. On the other hand, networks, which are the new form of social action alongside the hierarchy and the market, are the main support of the hollow state. On the one hand, networks increase the problem-solving capacity of traditional political-administrative institutions, and on the other hand, they cause the draining of these traditional institutions of resources and legitimacy. In the end, political-administrative institutions may turn out to be hollow institutions whose real power is transferred to networks without any transparent system of accountability. This situation threatens the management and legitimacy because the executives perform actions in the name of the state without the controls that should be done as a public service. policymakers need strong networks with a degree of autonomy, administrative capacity, and resources to solve "complicated issues", but the stronger these networks are, the more likely they are to weaken traditional governance institutions and, as a result, hollow out of state increase. In the meantime, the experience of some countries, especially the United Kingdom, can be used. In the United Kingdom, the hollowing-out situation includes networks that are not purely public, purely private, or completely voluntary but have the personnel and characteristics of two or three of these sectors in a combined manner. For example, the UK Coalition Government's Healthy Lifestyles Accountability Program involves large companies in government policy planning and seeks local business involvement in running campaigns. In the continuation, The British government started decentralization to empower the local communities, while at the same time reducing the budget of these communities and limiting the ways of obtaining taxes for them. In the same period, the privatization of healthcare services and the cancellation of welfare programs, which all hurt the most vulnerable sections of society, were initiated. To face this situation, concepts and tools such as " joined-up government ", "policy coherence", "increasing strategic capacity in the center", "organizational flexibility" and "information collection and processing systems" can be used.Conclusion A look at the historical process of hollowing of the state shows that both political leaders and citizens have exerted pressure to reduce the power of the central government and create a "hollow" state. These pressures reflect some of the failures of governments in the post-war era, but they are also ill-considered responses to those problems. it is by no means clear that the private sector has acted in providing superior services at a more reasonable cost. The purpose of the measures that led to the hollowing of the state was to increase efficiency but It created many problems for coordination, control, accountability, regulating competition, ensuring coordination, and providing public services to all people. This historical experience should always be against similar trends in Iran.
The State
Mazaher Ziaei
Abstract
Extended AbstractIntroductionInvestigating how the Safavid state emerged and flourished in today’s Iran territory is very useful for understanding Iran's history and current situation. Interpreting states' evolution over time requires a theory that considers the dynamics of the internal relations ...
Read More
Extended AbstractIntroductionInvestigating how the Safavid state emerged and flourished in today’s Iran territory is very useful for understanding Iran's history and current situation. Interpreting states' evolution over time requires a theory that considers the dynamics of the internal relations of individuals in the government organization and the mutual effects the society in the economic, political, and social fields over time. A look at the mass of studies about the Safavids shows that despite the many efforts made, there are still many differences of opinion about the causes of the emergence, peak, and decline of the Safavid era. It is expected that the use of more comprehensive theories in interpreting state developments will contribute to the coherence of interpretations of common understanding in this field.Recently, three experts centered on Douglas North, the joint winner of the 1993 Nobel Prize in Economics, have presented a conceptual framework for development, which they claim can be used to interpret and analyze the written history of mankind and the relationship between historical developments and development.BackgroundThe North et al. conceptual framework attracted the attention of Iranian researchers and it has been used in the research (Ziaei, 1402) to interpret the developments of the Sasanian state from the beginning to its fall, and in (Qarakhani et al. 1400) for the Pahlavi state. One research, with the same theoretical framework was conducted by (Ostad and Heydari 1400) for the Safavids, although its title seems to include the entire Safavid period, its purpose is to investigate the causes of the downfall of the Safavids. Also, in the theoretical framework of North et al., the changes in the government are the changes in the coalition, which can be analyzed by the principle of double balance, as described in the theoretical part, but in this research, this capacity is neglected and in some cases, the concepts of other theoretical frameworks are used.GoalThe aim of this is to use the conceptual framework of the "natural state" to provide a new interpretation of the progress of Safavid dynasty from the beginning to the end of Shah Abbas I's reign, which is expected to be more comprehensive and coherent than the existing interpretations.MethodologyThe period from the Safavid sect era to Abbas I is divided into seven periods.From endowment management to country government (1300-1499)From the coalition of warriors to the government of an empire (1514-1499)The containment of Qazalbashan by the break down Ismail (1514-1524)War of the elders in the presence of the child king (1524-1533)Stable and durable coalition (1576-1533)Civil war and shaky alliances (1576-1589)The perfect coalition (1629-1589)For each period, at first, the related part of the theoretical framework is presented, then state evolution is interpreted according to the combination of the coalition’s members, their relative political power, and environmental conditions.FindingsThe results show that the initial coalition of the Safavid state, which was formed by the absolute dominance of the Shah and the strong role of the Qizelbashs and Sufis, with some ups and downs reached its peak during the period of Abbas I. This coalition includes the king, wardens, governors of kingdoms and Khalsa states, pastoral and professional soldiers, jurisconsult, bureaucrats, courtiers, and on its margins were merchants, architects, doctors, and some other elites. The geographical size of the Safavid state during the last conquests of Ismail I and the time of the death of Abbas I did not differ much, and except for around the beginning of the kingdom of Abbas I, it had little fluctuations during this period.The characteristics of the Safavid coalition are: 1) The axis of this coalition was a dynasty with a long history was urban, with a religious attraction among the society and especially acceptance among the military of the alliance. It had economic, political facilities and military command experience. This family was always above all, more or less the manifestation of the hopes of the members, the arbiter and the speaker of the conflicts and the controller of all the members of the coalition. In other words, the axis of the coalition was often "people of religion", "people of the sword", "people of the pen" and "people of economic accounting" at the same time.2) Although the military force always played an important role in the coalition, it was fragmented and as a result, one of them couldn't dominate the entire coalition. They were basically the defenders of the coalition and they competed to the extent that the coalition would not fall apart.3) The composition of the members, their role and power were such that it provided various military and economic rents to the coalition and to some extent provided the growth of some economic activities. The whole coalition and especially its axis, unlike most of the great Mongol and Turkish empires, was not alien to agriculture, urban life and trade, but promoted trade and urbanization.ConclusionAccording to the theory of "natural state" by North et al. the relation of the Safavid coalition to the development of Iran It can said:- The Safavid state was not an absolute European state or a national state, but the rule of a single government over the current territory of Iran for more than two hundred years accelerated and facilitated the achievement of a centralized state in the following years.- The role of religion in this coalition has been much more complicated than in Europe, and it seems that each of the different points of view in this field has only dealt with a part of these complexities.- From an organizational point of view, no organization was formed outside the state, but the juris consults had an organization parallel to the state to some extent- In terms of the government's support for organizations outside the government, it can be said that no organization of this kind was formed, but the scholars recently had an organization that was somewhat parallel to the government.- The dominance of the militaries, especially nomads, in the coalition and the consecration of officials and individuals caused the discussion on the powers of the coalition members, especially the restrictions on the king's powers, to not lead to official and written agreements like what happened in Europe.
The State
Abolfazl Ghasemi
Abstract
AbstractIntroductionThe complexity of governing countries, coupled with changes in the roles and functions of governments, has led to a more complex administrative and managerial structure. At the dawn of the 21st century, two main currents have shaped development policy worldwide: globalization, which ...
Read More
AbstractIntroductionThe complexity of governing countries, coupled with changes in the roles and functions of governments, has led to a more complex administrative and managerial structure. At the dawn of the 21st century, two main currents have shaped development policy worldwide: globalization, which integrates private sector interaction and trade relations, and localization, which is the process of devolution of roles, financial responsibilities, and management from central government to a subnational unit. Administrative systems are considered the executive arms of political leaders in society. Administrative systems can be divided into two categories: centralization and decentralization. Centralization is a type of administration under a single command. In a centralized system, a country's affairs are managed from a central location by ministers who are the highest decision-making authorities in the government and are usually based in the capital. Decentralization is a system in which the authority to make decisions about matters is devoted to authorities who are more or less independent of the central authority. In other words, they have a degree of administrative independence and freedom of action.Decentralization is used in many countries as one of the principles of good governance and is a means of promoting political, economic, civil, and managerial governance. Intending to find solutions to problems in cities such as poverty, unemployment, inflation, and environmental pollution, a transformation has occurred in the urban development management system, the basis of which is the focus on a decentralized approach in organization. In this approach, the concept of urban governance is first used, meaning the simultaneous and joint participation of people, local institutions, and government and non-governmental organizations as actors in urban development.In Iran, with the growth of cities, their management and administration have also faced various challenges, as meeting the demands of different groups of citizens requires interaction with various institutions. Metropolises have sought good urban governance to be managed correctly and appropriately, in which citizens have the opportunity to freely agree and establish various social, economic, political, and cultural relationships without violating the rights of othersResearch Question(s): Why has decentralization and good urban governance not been realized in Iran?Literature ReviewBy reviewing the background of conducted research, the fundamental gap observed is the lack of a coherent study examining the simultaneous causes of the failure of decentralization and good urban governance in Iran. The author aims to fill this research gap concerning decentralization and the delegation of powers to formal sub-national, as well as good urban governance, since the failure to achieve these two has led to unfavorable consequences at the urban level in Iran.MethodologyThis research is Institutionaly (Public Administration) approach. The data collection tool is a library-documentary approach, referring to books, articles, official reports, and electronic resources.ResultsHistorically, Iran's administrative system has been characterized by a strong hierarchical structure, reflecting a deep-rooted cultural emphasis on obedience and authority. This hierarchical mindset, evident in the bureaucratic culture, has its roots in centuries of centralized governance. The Iranian state has traditionally been structured around a unitary political center, with power concentrated at the national level. This centralized model, while providing a degree of stability and control, has often hindered local initiative and responsiveness to diverse regional need. In this tradition, decision-making processes were given less consideration, and executive authorities preferred broader government powers to enable rapid decision-making on various issues at all levels of the territory. The concept of decentralization first emerged during the Constitutional Revolution. After the Islamic Revolution, decentralization, administrative deconcentration, and the council system were also given attention, and the Constitution explicitly mentioned the council-based governance of the country. Urbanization has been on the rise in Iran, with the urban population increasing from 54.3% to 74% between 1986 and 2016, according to post-revolutionary censuses. The number of cities has also grown from 199 in 1956 to 1431 in 2022.To achieve good urban governance, certain requirements are necessary, based on global lived experiences, whereby decision-making powers are delegated to sub-national institutions. Among the most important factors influencing the strength or weakness of good urban governance are the political elites' perspective on the delegation of powers, their understanding and vision of sub-national governance, political culture, the historical background of governance, the social and class base of the state, and the geopolitical position of the state.Iran's political elites' perspective, lack of a Referential, political culture, bureaucratic culture, oil revenues, the tradition of governance in Iran, and the government's security-oriented view of society have all contributed to the continued centralization, leaving local governance not particularly strong in practice. The consequences of centralization and the failure to achieve good urban governance in Iran can be summarized as follows: reduced civic participation, reduced transparency, reduced accountability, Disruption, and inefficiency in service delivery, Increased government intervention and complex bureaucratic processes, and Growth of corruption.ConclusionAn evaluation of urban planning and management experiences in Iran indicates a centralized approach. In a centralized political management system, planning is influenced by the overall thoughts and programs of the government and central institutions. The Iranian government, with its oil revenues excessive independence from society, and the dependence of social classes on it, has focused on centralized decision-making. To successfully decentralize at the urban level, there is a need for a strong will among high-level government officials to share power, authority, and financial resources with sub-national entities.
Davoud Feirahi; Davood Bayat
Abstract
Extended AbstractIntroductionIn this article, we try to explore the emergence of the new concept of State in the first decades of Nasere al-Din Shah's reign by using Reinhart Koselleck’s system of concepts. We are not faced with a fixed and frozen concept called the State, because this concept, ...
Read More
Extended AbstractIntroductionIn this article, we try to explore the emergence of the new concept of State in the first decades of Nasere al-Din Shah's reign by using Reinhart Koselleck’s system of concepts. We are not faced with a fixed and frozen concept called the State, because this concept, especially in the threshold period, is accumulated with layers of heterogeneity and the historicity of those themes, Created the historicity and fluidity of the concept of the state, and its controversial nature, Produces conflict between supporters and carriers of concepts. In response to the question of the historical time of the emergence of the new concept of the State in contemporary Iran, it can be claimed that with Amir Kabir, the concept of the State advanced to the threshold of a paradigmatic transformation, but the hardness of the Hard layers of the concept of the State and the forces that carry them prevented The complete emergence of such a new phenomenon at that historical moment. Despite this, the first and fundamental step in the paradigmatic evolution of the concept of the State in that era was taken by Amir Kabir with the language of his statesmanship, and the second and historic step was taken by Mirza Malkam Khan. The result of the research says that the common denominator of these two founders is passing over the myth of the sensory existence and the imaginary "person" of the State, and emphasizing and focusing on the Rational and impersonal existence of the State, which manifests itself in the form of "Absolute Bureaucratic State" and "Regular State".Materials and MethodsOur problem in this research is to track those temporal and linguistic layers of the concept of State in contemporary Iran, which, like many other Basic concepts, in the threshold period of its history, is exposed to anxiety, inflammation, and ambiguity caused by thematic and semantic changing. To investigate this semantic layering and to study the Change of the concept of the State in the contemporary history of Iran, we will take methodological benefits from the system of concepts of the theory of conceptual history of Koselleck (1923-2006). Conceptual history makes concepts especially Basic concepts such as the State as the " History analysis unit" and as the constructive concepts of political discourse and action of an era, the subject of its research.Results and DiscussionThe objective and practical content of what appeared in the governance of Amir Kabir was revealed as a Basic concept that became both a criterion for criticizing the State in Iran and a source of crisis for it. Those new semantic layers that formed the concept of Mirza Taghi Khani's State marked the history of the evolution of the concepts after them and gave shape and identity to the system of concepts of the constitutional State and the first Pahlavi State.It can be said that what Malkam found out about the new concept of the State wrote down in Ghibi's booklet is the basis of every discussion that he has addressed in his treatises and other writings. And this new language and understanding is the beginning of the discourses that have flowed in the language of legalistic writers after him.ConclusionIn this article, we tried to explore the emergence of new layers of meaning and the new concept of State in the mind and language of Amir Kabir and Malkam Khan by using the theory of Koselleck's conceptual history and its interwoven and related categories. With the emergence of historical time on the horizon of Iranians' consciousness and their opening to the threshold period of their history, the unity of time governing different areas of social life broke down and different rhythms prevailed in different areas of life. The intersection of two natural and historical times and the fast tempo of the modern time, created new themes in the form of concepts and words of the slow language of the traditional time and created layers of meaning that are completely different from the old layers of meaning.
Political Science
Mohamad mahdi Golshahi; Shoja Ahmadvand
Abstract
Extended Abstract IntroductionHow to recognize national identity is important for children and teenagers; Because how social behavior appears in adulthood is a function of how national identity is understood and attitudes towards society's values in childhood and adolescence. Based on this, governments ...
Read More
Extended Abstract IntroductionHow to recognize national identity is important for children and teenagers; Because how social behavior appears in adulthood is a function of how national identity is understood and attitudes towards society's values in childhood and adolescence. Based on this, governments try to institutionalize their desired and preferred identity in society, especially among children and adolescents. In order to organize their desired social order in this way, the governments rely on textbooks and pay special attention to identity building through narrative or story within the framework of the education system and textbooks. Through the representation of people, historical events and social and political concepts, textbooks play an important role in shaping the attitudes and behavior of students. 17th and returns with the emergence of new nation-states and the formation of the national education system. In this period, in addition to the emergence of class social consciousness under the industrial process, competition between socio-economic and political groups among nation-states was formed to form a committed and nationalist force in the framework of the newly formed concepts resulting from the independence of independent nation-states. As a result, a large part of the institutionalized or formalized education program was directed to the education of the ideological attitudes and programs of the nation-states, and competition was created between the nation-states and their educational systems. During these developments, the school as the main center of education It was formed and one of the most central areas of education, which is the creation of national identity, was noticed in the framework of formal education in countries such as Germany, France, Italy, America and England. This process, i.e. rebuilding and reforming the national identity through educational policies in Iran, started from the era of Abbas Mirza with the arrival of new civilizational facilities and the establishment of Dar al-Funun, political science school, missionary schools and Roshdiyeh, and until the signing of the constitutional decree in 1285 in the framework of Educational modernization and reform continued, but it was never able to change Iran's educational system from an inefficient and traditional system to a coherent educational system resulting from a modern state, but this is important as the reconstruction of Iran's cultural identity in order to form a modern and absolute state in the period of Reza Shah. Attention was paid and it became the fundamental pillar of his nascent government in different dimensions by focusing on modern education and in the second Pahlavi era, it found a broader aspect by relying on the reconstruction of ancient Iranian culture, as Alessandro Busani called it Aryan and Neo-Achaemenid nationalism. This process continued with fundamental changes during the Islamic revolution with the formation of concepts such as Islamic-Iranian identity centered on religious identity and national elements such as language and history, which centered on the books of heavenly gifts and social studies in elementary school in order to socialize students with The centrality of Islamic-Iranian identity. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to put the cognitive theory as the focus of the three emotional, cognitive and metacognitive aspects, taking into account components such as culture and art, history, geography, religion, national symbols, mythology and national celebrities, and the policy of answering this The question is which primary school textbooks emphasize more on which components of national identity have had and which representation model have they used.Materials and MethodsRegarding the research method, it should be mentioned that the data collection is done in the document-library method and the data analysis is done in the content analysis method. In this research, all the texts, images and questions of thirteen books of the fourth, fifth and sixth grade elementary courses, including Persian, writing, heavenly gifts, social studies and sixth grade thinking and research, are collected and in eight components of culture and art (including literature, including works literature, literary celebrities, calligraphy, painting, music, drama and handicrafts); National and local norms and traditions (including national customs, patriotism, national celebrations); History and historical works (including historical stories and events, inscriptions, bridges, palaces); Geography (including soil, weather, mountains, lakes); National legends and celebrities (including Rostam, Sohrab, Esfandiar, Shahnameh Ferdowsi, Khayyam, Razi, Abu Ali Sina); national symbols (including flag, anthem, language, map and calendar); Politics and government (including political history, political system, political personality, revolution and type of government, sacred defense); and religion (including religious elders, religious rituals and holy places) are divided. Then, based on our understanding of the three emotional, cognitive and metacognitive aspects in the framework of cognitive theory, we placed these components and its indicators in one of these three aspects to find out through which aspect (emotional, cognitive or metacognitive) the symbols of national identity. Children are induced.Results and DiscussionBased on the results of the content analysis of the target textbooks, out of 129 examined phrases and questions, 62 had an emotional aspect; That is, by using values and an epic and emotional narrative, they expressed and explained the components of national identity. 42 cases had a cognitive aspect; That is, their centrality was the narrative and historical aspects and students' familiarity with a topic, concept or historical event; Here, the emotional aspect (sadness, happiness, etc.) is not a priority and it is only for familiarization and awareness. 25 items were metacognitive; That is, the function of the components, concepts, and their role in shaping the national identity was considered, which was mostly expressed in the form of questions and analysis, which confirmed the initial assumption of the research as the emotional representation of the components of the national identity and paying less attention to the cognitive and metacognitive dimensions. About the second hypothesis, it should be noted that the priority of national identity representation in textbooks is not functional and metacognitive, and this approach does not form the basis of national identity representation in primary school textbooks, but more on the emotional and cognitive aspect centered on the historical narrative. has been discussed and has an essentialist approach rather than a metacognitive and functional one. In fact, in the textbooks, the narrative and emotional aspects of some concepts are emphasized, and the functions and application of the national identity components in shaping the national identity have not been paid much attention. Most of the components of national identity were only emotional, and its function and importance were not properly explained, and it did not lead to the formation of a whole unit called national identity, and did not create a duty in students to preserve and continue the concepts and heritage presented, and only tried to show acceptance. Giving these concepts was done by emphasizing the emotional and value aspects of the concepts.ConclusionBy examining the results of the research, it can be seen that national identity is not represented in textbooks based on cognitive and functional indicators, but often based on emotional indicators. in most cases, the emotional aspect is emphasized in religious components. For example, in the representation of events and epic stories such as the incident of Karbala, the characters and events of the beginning of Islam, and stories such as Arash Kamangir, more emphasis is placed on the emotional and emotional aspect, and on the cognitive and functional aspects of standing and resistance and the role of such stories in the formation of national identity throughout history and not mentioned. Therefore, instead of children and teenagers getting to know the cognitive and functional aspects of identity and its components and then deepening these functions using the emotional aspect, they get to know more about the emotional aspect of national identity and are unfamiliar with its function. This causes the education given about national identity to be ineffective because due to the lack of familiarity with the cognitive and functional aspects of national identity, students do not have an intellectual coherence and analytical framework. When faced with a stronger emotional stimulus that has a greater impact They replace the learned concepts and this is what causes the formation of value conflict and confused mentality of students. Therefore, elementary school textbooks should be revised from the perspective of characterizing and norming under identity politics, and the metacognitive aspect.
Political Thought
Hussein Gholami; Vahidreza Masoumi
Abstract
Extended AbstractProblem Definition This exploration of the intersection between Republican theory and criminal law as the last and least resort highlights a significant dialogue on freedom, justice, and governance. The concept of "liberty as non-domination," articulated by scholars like Philip Pettit, ...
Read More
Extended AbstractProblem Definition This exploration of the intersection between Republican theory and criminal law as the last and least resort highlights a significant dialogue on freedom, justice, and governance. The concept of "liberty as non-domination," articulated by scholars like Philip Pettit, challenges traditional liberal notions of freedom that prioritize personal autonomy. This redefinition is particularly relevant in contemporary criminal justice discussions, where it has profound implications for state power and individual rights.This research explores the intersection of Republican theory and the principle of criminal law as a last and least resort, highlighting critical issues surrounding freedom, justice, and governance. The concept of "liberty as non-domination," articulated by Philip Pettit, challenges traditional liberal views that prioritize individual autonomy. This redefinition is particularly pertinent in contemporary criminal justice discussions, where it impacts state power and individual rights.There exists a fundamental tension between Republicanism and the punitive measures typical of modern legal systems, which often emphasize retribution and deterrence over communal responsibility and protection from arbitrary state actions. This research addresses the potential for integrating Republican ideals into criminal law, advocating for restorative practices and greater citizen participation.In the context of Iranian legal thought, the adoption of Republican principles could foster transformative insights, particularly in advancing restorative justice frameworks that promote healing and community engagement. By critiquing existing retributive frameworks, this research aims to illuminate pathways toward a more just and participatory legal system that embodies the principles of freedom, justice, and communal responsibility.The questions of the paper areFundamental deviation: It questions whether Republican theory fundamentally deviates from contemporary understandings of criminal law.Theoretical Foundations: It seeks whether Republican theory provides the necessary theoretical support for the principle of criminal law as the last and least resort.Implications for Justice: It investigates how the principles of Republican thought can inform and enhance justice systems, especially in the context of restorative justice and community engagement. The purpose of the paper is to explore the relationship between Republican theory and the principle of criminal law as the last and least resort, particularly in the context of Iranian legal discourse. It aims to:Analyze the concept of freedom as non-domination and its implications for justice and governance.Critique the limitations of retributive and consequentialist approaches in modern criminal law, highlighting their role in perpetuating power imbalances.Advocate for the principle that criminalization should be a last resort, promoting restorative practices over punitive measures.Investigate whether Republican theory diverges fundamentally from modern criminal law and how it can support the last and least resort principle.Enhance the understanding of justice in Iran by integrating Republican principles and emphasizing citizen empowerment and community engagement in the legal system.Overall, the paper seeks to enrich the understanding of how Republican theory can inform and transform contemporary approaches to criminal justice.Methodology: Literature Review: A comprehensive examination of existing literature on Republican theory, liberty as non-domination, and modern criminal law. This includes works by key scholars like Quentin Pettit, and John Braithwaite, and historical texts from Machiavelli and ancient Roman legal traditions. Conceptual Analysis: Analyzing the definitions and implications of key concepts such as "freedom," "domination," and "criminal law as last and least resort" within the context of both Republican and liberal theories.The findings of this research are as follows:Integration of Republican Theory: Republican theory effectively informs contemporary criminal law discussions, particularly through the concept of "liberty as non-domination."Support for Criminal law as the last and least resort: The principles of Republicanism advocate for criminal law as the last and least resort, arguing that criminalization should be a last resort and promoting restorative justice over punitive measures.Critique of Existing Frameworks: Modern retributive and consequentialist approaches are critiqued for perpetuating social inequalities and failing to protect individuals from domination.Theoretical Divergence: There is a fundamental divergence between Republican and liberal theories regarding freedom and the state's role in justice, with Republicanism offering a more social understanding of freedom.Implications for Iranian Legal Discourse: Incorporating Republican ideas into Iranian legal discussions can enhance the understanding of justice and promote restorative practices.ConclusionThe Republican tradition was revitalized in the late 20th century, offering an alternative to liberal theory by redefining liberty as non-domination. Contemporary Republicans critique modern criminal law for its individualistic focus and lack of coherent normative theory. They emphasize that the primary aim of criminalization should be to protect fundamental rights and freedoms, warning against methods that impose domination. The principle of criminal law as last and least resort emerges as central, advocating for a broad definition of crime to limit state power over individuals. This perspective ultimately contributed to the development of restorative justice as a new approach to addressing social norm violations.
Political Sociology
Mohammad javad Moosanezhad; Mohammad Bagher Khorramshad
Abstract
Extended AbstractIntroductionLand and its distribution and exploitation, as an important component in the class system of rural society, has long been the concern of governments, and especially after the occurrence of communist revolutions, it undergoes fundamental changes. Among other things, this can ...
Read More
Extended AbstractIntroductionLand and its distribution and exploitation, as an important component in the class system of rural society, has long been the concern of governments, and especially after the occurrence of communist revolutions, it undergoes fundamental changes. Among other things, this can be seen in communist revolutions. In these countries, the nascent socialist government immediately pays special attention to land policy and agrarian reforms and tries to redistribute the land by the ideals of a communist society. The Soviet Union, China, and Cuba are three countries that have experienced a communist revolution. Our country, Iran, has witnessed the implementation of land policies in two different periods. One is the land reform before the revolution in 1961, which was in line with liberal policies, and the other is the land division policy of the years after the Islamic Revolution, which was a revolutionary policy. Considering the experience of land reforms in Iran and the fact that this issue is a very important issue for the rural society of Iran, therefore, taking advantage of the experience of other countries in the field of land reforms and land policy can be useful and effective for understanding and analyzing this great social event. be It is also important to point out that despite the importance and sensitivity of the land issue in Iran and the experience of two periods of land division in the country, unfortunately, there are no written Persian sources and texts on this matter that have examined the experience of other countries in this field. does not have in this regard, the researchers of this study tried to provide new information about the land distribution policy in these countries in the Persian language by using the original texts in English and Russian languages.Materials AND MethodsThe purpose of this article is to examine and explain the land reforms and land policy of the socialist governments stemming from the communist revolutions of China, Russia, and Cuba. The research method of this study is a comparative method based on library resources of the main languages.Results and DiscussionBy reviewing the land reform process in China, Iran, and Cuba, it can be said that all socialist countries followed a specific policy in this matter. These countries first tried to make fundamental changes in agricultural structures based on their ideological goals. This issue can be seen from Communist China led by Mao to Fidel Castro and even Lenin. It can be said that the spirit governing these revolutions was the same due to the ideology of communism, but it was different from one society to another. With time, the structures of the communist countries moved away from the revolutionary state. Many of the ideals of the founders of socialism seemed unachievable, and on the other hand, these countries, which were mostly far from democratic standards, had problems justifying the people. Although none of the countries officially announced that they failed in their initial goals., The subsequent policies of the statesmen were aimed at maintaining the appearance of these structures based on agriculture, but with changes to make them profitable. This can be seen in cooperative approaches, which were a form of informal acceptance of private ownership.In many of these countries, like Russia, we are facing the collapse of communist governments, the subsequent governments turned to de-socialism as the first step, but mostly they were not very successful. Because the structures of the communist era were so rooted in the peasant society that they made changes difficult. As a result of the changes that were tried to take place after the collapse, the market was so chaotic that it was not clear that the strategy of communism was in question and not the free market. We see an example of it in Russia. In addition, in this country, Yeltsin's differences with the Duma (which was in the hands of the communists) did not allow the government to maneuver much, and this itself caused conflicts. That too in a situation where the only thing the government needed was a consensus on reforms.The common point of all these land policies, seen after the great communist revolutions, is the lack of attention to the issue of private property. Private property, an inherent and natural thing for humans, was destroyed by these governments, and non-private property methods, whether collective, state, or public, were used. This lack of attention to the inherent rights of human beings caused the land redistribution programs in the communist governments, which were also carried out on an immense scale, to face failure after several decades and the mentioned governments to implement land policies based on Private property move.ConclusionBased on the findings of this research, the land policy in the Soviet revolution consisted of: the rigid land policy of the collective farm, the flexible land policy of the farm, and the land policy of the contractual brigades. The land policy in the Chinese Revolution was: land policy in the family farming style, land policy in the collective farming style, land policy in the commune style, and land policy in the rural cooperative style. The land policy in the Cuban Revolution consisted of land policy based on public ownership, land policy based on land nationalization, and land policy based on cooperative cooperatives.
Economic
Hanieh Mohebikia; Hamid Sepehrdoust
Abstract
Extended AbstractIntroductionIn the economic development of countries, important features of good governance and using corruption control are the key factors to gain more public satisfaction and reduce the budget deficit are among the important program goals of governments. The necessity of the budget ...
Read More
Extended AbstractIntroductionIn the economic development of countries, important features of good governance and using corruption control are the key factors to gain more public satisfaction and reduce the budget deficit are among the important program goals of governments. The necessity of the budget was formed in parallel with the importance of the role of governments in economic activities, and over time, the structure changed and evolved. In general, governments enter the market when the market alone cannot create efficiency in the economy and the prices do not reflect the real social costs and benefits. Corruption is one of the factors hindering growth and deviation in the economy Of course, the inability of the market mechanism alone does not justify the government's intervention in financial issues, in other words, although market failure is only a necessary condition for government intervention in the economy, it is not a sufficient condition. The condition is necessary because, according to the theory of the classics, if the market mechanism worked satisfactorily through the operation of invisible hands, there would be no need for government intervention. Generally, the government intervenes in the economy to prevent market failures, and protect people's rights, and international trade. According to the mentioned cases, the necessity of the government's intervention in some matters was proved; The important point is that with the expansion of these interventions and the increase of the activities of the public sector, the volume of their expenses has also expanded significantly over time. This issue has made the importance of paying attention to the budget and funding solutions even more important efficiency, which usually leads to increasing government budget deficits. In this regard, experience has shown that strengthening the foundations of good governance as an opportunity to increase growth, and security and improve the business environment can play a significant role in achieving the goals of sustainable development and adjusting the deficit figures. In the meantime, the effect of financial corruption directly and the effect of indicators determining good governance indirectly on the budget deficit are of serious concern. Improving the quality of governance, and especially controlling government corruption, can lead to managing public spending, gaining public confidence, increasing tax revenues, reducing tax evasion, and ultimately reducing the budget deficit. Therefore, the need to control corruption and increase the quality of governance becomes important. Corruption is like a force that damages the proper functioning of markets. In addition, the quality of governance is also another important institutional factor that affects the process of growth and development and improving the performance of the tax system and as a result reducing the budget deficit. Materials and MethodsThe purpose of this study is to investigate the deterrent effect of good governance on the budget deficit through corruption control in developing economies of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), during the years 2002-2018; using the generalized method of moments (GMM).Results and DiscussionMany macro variables affect the budget deficit, and the focus of the present research was on two variables of good governance and corruption control, because today, financial corruption and its fight is considered as a fundamental issue in many different countries of the world.There are different types of corruption, one of which is financial corruption. Financial corruption is a complex phenomenon that has various effects. So that the scope of financial corruption is wide and it ranges from an individual act of paying a bribe to a comprehensive malpractice that includes all elements of the political and economic system. Corruption is sometimes considered as a structural problem of politics or economy, and it may also be considered as a cultural and moral issue; But in this research, only one of the consequences of corruption, i.e. the effect of financial corruption control on the budget deficit, was investigated. In general, it can be said that good governance is the practice of economic, political, and executive management of a country's resources to achieve the set goals.In line with the results of the studies of many thinkers, the results of this study also show the fact that the existence of corruption and lack of good governance can aggravate the problems of the underdevelopment of the countries under study, especially the problem of government budget deficits in be the economy of the country; Because in different economic systems, an important part of the government's duties are implemented through the budget. Conclusion The results of the estimation of the research model showed that the main variables introduced have a significant effect on the budget deficit of governments; so the variable of corruption control has a negative and significant effect on the budget deficit, and the hypothesis related to the significance of the effect of the variable of corruption control on reducing the budget deficit cannot be rejected. The good governance index has a positive and significant effect on the budget deficit in the group of countries under study; Therefore, the hypothesis based on a meaningful relationship between good governance and budget deficit cannot be rejected either. The negative relationship between corruption control and tax revenue is confirmed; With the justification that the variable of good governance and corruption control affects both government revenues and government expenses Considering the extent and severity of the influence of these variables on government revenues and expenses in the MENA countries, the positive or negative relationship between good governance variables and corruption control on the budget deficit can be extracted. The general level of prices and the inflation index also showed that it can have a positive and significant effect on the government budget deficit in the MENA group of countriesSo creeping and mild inflations have a positive effect on investment and severe inflation also. It severely reduces and sometimes stops productive investment, Finally, based on the findings of the current research and the results of the estimation of the measurement model, the negative effect of corruption control and the positive effect of good governance on the budget deficit were confirmed.
