The State
Hossien Salimi
Abstract
IntroductionAlthough the study of politics is no longer limited to the examination of the state as an institution and encompasses all aspects of social life, the nature and function of the state remain among the most significant subjects of discussion in this historically significant field. Especially ...
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IntroductionAlthough the study of politics is no longer limited to the examination of the state as an institution and encompasses all aspects of social life, the nature and function of the state remain among the most significant subjects of discussion in this historically significant field. Especially as continuous and fundamental changes in society and global relations have led to transformations in both functions and perceptions of the state. States still represent the most important social institution in human existence, and the primary question facing social and political scientists is whether the fundamental transformation of global relations will lead to the elimination or alteration of the state institution. Some theorists of international relations, particularly among realists, believe that the state neither disappears nor does its primary function change. The state of the world and international relations is fundamentally the same as it has always been. That is, states will remain the main actors in the field of international relations, and their primary role will continue to be ensuring security and protecting interests within their borders, all within an anarchic world that lacks any centralized power to govern it and has its own unique rules and order.Accordingly, the main question of this article is how, according to Anne-Marie Slaughter, can the state continue to play its role in a networked world. The secondary question is whether the indicators proposed by Slaughter for the state's role in a networked world align with current realities.Our preliminary answer to this question is that, according to Slaughter, the functions of the state continue in a manner that aligns with the internal rules of global networks, albeit the discontinuous state as Slaughter has described has not yet fully materialized. The subsidiary hypothesis is that the state will act as a discontinuous institution within judicial, decision-making, action-oriented, and norm-setting global networks. However, we cannot yet speak of the emergence of a new form of the state called the discontinuous state.Our method for examining these hypotheses is a mixed approach derived from a deductive strategy. This means that Anne-Marie Slaughter's theory will serve as the main framework for analysis, and this theory will be tested using qualitative interpretations and indicators on one hand, and quantitative indicators on the other. To this end, we will first examine Slaughter's concepts based on her primary sources and then evaluate the indicators of this theory with empirical evidence.Although Anne-Marie Slaughter has been influenced by other theorists' viewpoints, she strives to present new insights. She believes we are facing a serious paradox in the age of global networks. On one hand, there are global networks that have made globalization an inevitable part of human life, and on the other hand, there is an increasing need for states to govern and manage various issues that encompass all dimensions of social life in different countries. Some believe that the expansion of globalization and the inevitability of global networks will weaken or eliminate the state, thus reducing the need for its governance and role. However, Slaughter argues that the need for states and their roles in the process of globalization will increase, presenting a paradox in the modern world. She understands global political networks as follows: "Global political networks stem from diverse projects of 'reinventing and reimagining the state,' both academically and practically. These projects focus on various ways the private sector can perform functions and roles traditionally associated with government, from providing expertise for public services to overseeing and controlling compliance."An examination of the indicators that Slaughter presents regarding state networks in the global arena shows that these indicators somewhat reflect reality, but as this theorist claims, they have not led to the emergence of a new phenomenon. An analysis of global realities indicates that such networks do exist, and as we will explore in subsequent pages, their existence and influence cannot be denied. However, given that her central concept is the discontinuous state, these networks have not yet resulted in a discontinuity of states. As we will demonstrate, these networks influence decisions and laws in various countries, but not to the extent that would transform a continuous state into a discontinuous one.Anne-Marie Slaughter offers a new perspective on the role and manner of state functioning in the global age, aptly termed the disaggregated state. This new perspective can explain many phenomena and new developments in the world and provide a fresh theoretical framework for understanding the state. Nevertheless, while Slaughter's concept and theory align with many ongoing transformations and open a new window for understanding them, they still cannot explain all dimensions of the actual state and political world, nor can many new political currents and realities be accounted for within this theory. The statistics and examples presented in this article reveal that although initial sprouts of the phenomenon of the discontinuous state are visible, it has not yet fully materialized. States continue to play significant roles in most areas...
Political Thought
Mohammad Abdolahpour Chenari
Abstract
Introduction
Behemoth is one of Hobbes's most significant and final works of thought. Its importance for research does not stem from its references to historical events or the connections of its previous arguments with historical materials. Instead, it addresses a fundamental issue: the origins of the ...
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Introduction
Behemoth is one of Hobbes's most significant and final works of thought. Its importance for research does not stem from its references to historical events or the connections of its previous arguments with historical materials. Instead, it addresses a fundamental issue: the origins of the "collapse" and "fall" of newly established states. The research problem at hand revolves around the same Hobbesian concern. We aim to understand the conditions under which newly founded states collapse and what leads to their dissolution or downfall. A key assumption of this research is that collapse is fundamentally a cognitive matter. Thus, within political knowledge, collapse, and fall are regarded as primary issues, along with establishment and continuity. This idea is also reflected in our Iranian intellectual tradition, particularly in the book Siasatnameh by Khajeh Nizam al-Molk. The choice of Hobbes for this research is significant due to his insights as a thinker of the New Testament, who recognized that the collapse of newly established states—known in the modern context as "artificial persons" characterized by "political sovereignty"—is a critical problem of the contemporary era. This era has led to a regression back to a state of nature, civil war, and national disintegration. For Hobbes, the collapse and dissolution of the state involve two aspects: one stemming from the "legal" angle, as discussed in his book Leviathan, and the other from the "mental" perspective, as presented in Behemoth. The first aspect relates to the time of the state's establishment, while the second pertains to the continuity of power. Before Hobbes, Machiavelli addressed this fundamental problem in his work Discourses, where he viewed the decline of the ancient Roman state as a historical example. In contrast, Hobbes philosophically examined this issue in 17th-century England, particularly during the reign of Charles I. He expanded the collapse theory in newly founded states and proposed an innovative solution that transcended Machiavelli's approach, emphasizing naked force.
Theoretical Approach of the Research
The approach adopted for this research is based on cognitive psychology. This choice is made to analyze Hobbes's thought because other methods, such as Quentin Skinner's hermeneutic approach to intentionalism, John Donne's biography, or Strauss's "Between the Lines," do not effectively address mental and psychological metaphors. In essence, these approaches focus primarily on political concepts and overlook the importance of psychological factors. According to Howard Gardner, the cognitive approach aims to illustrate how mentalities within a political society change. He posits that individuals' mindsets can shift based on several empirical conditions. For instance, one condition that prompts a change is when an individual is exposed to an environment where diverse beliefs and convictions are presented, often differing from their own. Another condition occurs when individuals face traumatic experiences that alter their perspectives on various issues and subjects in their surrounding environment. Moreover, the influence of enlightened figures that individuals encounter can also lead to shifts in thinking. These changes can manifest quickly, such as a sudden shift in religious beliefs, or occur gradually over time (Gardner, 2017, p. 101). Ultimately, metaphors play a crucial role in explaining these changes—whether they are the metaphors through which a thinker interprets the world or those through which ordinary people perceive politics.
Discussion and Conclusion
According to Carl Schmitt, the metaphor of the leviathan in Hobbes' political theory suggests that just as the establishment of the modern state is rooted in political matters, so is the collapse of newly founded states reliant on political and cognitive factors. On one hand, Behemoth serves as a metaphor within a religious context, illustrating the relationship between the creator and the creature and the dynamics between limited and unlimited power. On the other hand, this concept carries an additional metaphorical significance, which implies that collapse, unlike a straightforward fall, is primarily a mental phenomenon influenced by human cognitive beliefs. Accordingly, the demise of a state should be understood in its mental dimensions rather than its natural aspect—defined as the end of political power. Hobbes argued that beliefs such as the desire for power and self-interest have led individuals to conflict with one another, prompting a regression to a more primitive state and creating challenges for newly established states. The historical expression of these dual beliefs is evident in the concepts of "salvation" and "liberation." The first belief highlights the issue of "sin," positing that the path to salvation involves seeking forgiveness and pardon, which has, over time, undermined the authority of the ruling prince. Conversely, the second belief addresses "oppression," suggesting that liberation can be achieved through popular rule, emphasizing the necessity of eradicating tyranny by invoking historical references and contemporary events. In the context of Hobbes's cognitive framework presented in this work, the notion of "departure" emerges as a fundamental belief. He contends that realizing and maintaining security depends on creating political "fear" and instilling a sense of political subordination. This approach is arguably more problematic than the previously mentioned beliefs. According to Hobbes, this educational endeavor should aim to purge the populace of these two rebellious beliefs, fostering obedience and compliance with the ruler's mandates. The ultimate goal of this education is to cultivate a politically constructed individual—a subject entirely submissive and perceived as the foundation of the prince's power.
Political Science
Ali Akbar Gorji Azandaryani; Shahriar Hoseini
Abstract
IntroductionEthnic and cultural diversity, as a social reality, has always existed in the world; however, these diversities become a significant issue when they are integrated into the process of nation-building. Diversities, as an issue, can either lead nation-building to a stable point or ignite the ...
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IntroductionEthnic and cultural diversity, as a social reality, has always existed in the world; however, these diversities become a significant issue when they are integrated into the process of nation-building. Diversities, as an issue, can either lead nation-building to a stable point or ignite the flames of civil wars. In the early stages, states adopted homogeneous cultural policies to resolve diversity through ethnic and cultural assimilation in the name of national unity and integration, as they perceived ethnic and cultural diversity as a kind of obstacle to the creation of a national state. In an ethnically and linguistically diverse society, cultural matters must also be considered pluralistic within the framework of that society's characteristics. However, in the process of nation building within a diverse society, cultural matters are sometimes narrowly defined to accelerate the process and gain political legitimacy, with their scope limited to the cultural components of the majority group. In this case, since the driving force behind nation building urgently requires the support of the majority group, cultural matters are subsumed under political matters. Here, cultural matters are hidden behind the hegemony of power, leading to the destruction of the cultural matters of other groups. In this model of nation building, leaders strive to maintain the internal cohesion of the group they claim to represent by extending political matters into cultural ones. To advance their political goals, they alter cultural markers, even fabricating them, and ultimately subordinate culture to politics. It seems that drawing a hypothetical line to prevent the interference of cultural matters under political matters in the process of nation building is an extremely difficult and complex task.Materials and Methods The process of nation-building in Switzerland since the early 19th century has puzzled researchers, raising the question of how Switzerland, with its cultural and linguistic diversity, managed to survive in the heart of Europe amidst neighboring homogeneous nation-building processes. In other words, for those who consider linguistic and cultural homogeneity as essential elements of nation-building, Switzerland's nation-building process is somewhat of a significant anomaly. The approach of this research is legal, historical, and interpretive, based on texts collected through library research, aiming to answer the following questions:Given the linguistic, cultural, and religious diversity in Switzerland, what path has the foundation and process of nation-building in this country taken to embrace all diversities without the dominance of one language or one culture in the nation-building process? Has cultural matter been separated from political matter in the completion of this country's nation-building process? What is the identity of the Swiss nation? Given the linguistic, cultural, and religious diversity, is it a single-nation or multi-nation state?Results and DiscussionIn the first part, by examining the historical process of the concept of the nation, we have divided nation-building into democratic and non-democratic in relation to the function of cultural matters. In democratic nation-building, efforts are made to define ethnic, linguistic, and religious diversities alongside one another. In the non-democratic process, cultural matters are often subsumed under the concept of political matters, which is why ethnic, cultural, and religious pluralities come into conflict with one another. This leads to the neglect of the fundamental rights of minorities. It is also noteworthy that although short-term successes may be achieved in such nation-building processes, in the long term, they not only fail to bring stability and coherence to the political community in nation-building but also result in a highly fragile constructed nation, which is somewhat incompatible with the ideals of democracy. Non-democratic nation-building involves the strategic selection of specific segments of the population for identity construction, typically those with an ethnic or linguistic majority. From the perspective of various scholars, Switzerland's nation-building can be analyzed through three theoretical frameworks: liberal-multinational, postnational-liberal, and liberal-nationalist or single-nation theories. In fact, what is surprising is that proponents of these theories use Switzerland's nation-building process as a unique case study for their research. However, according to the authors of this study, Switzerland's situation is unlike nation-building processes based on objective components such as shared language, culture, or religion. In other words, in Switzerland, political matters are defined under cultural matters. Therefore, Switzerland's nation-building process cannot be solely limited to a shared or dominant language, race, culture, or religion. In other words, another concept of the nation can be considered, one that does not rely exclusively on the aforementioned components. This concept envisions a subjective state of the nation, which in a way returns to the issue of self-awareness. In Switzerland's nation-building process, cultural matters were never sacrificed or politicized, and the construction of the nation was never the exclusive domain of a privileged class with specific ethnic, linguistic, or religious concepts. Thus, Swiss elites explicitly defined the nation-building process as non-ethnic. Rather, they took into account the existing pluralism at every stage and defined political matters based on it.ConclusionThe nation in Switzerland is the product of a classical process, and in its completion, no state apparatus, political party, or individual will—unlike most nation-building projects—has been involved. In other words, in most nation-building projects, which follow a top-down process, the cultural matters of the majority group are treated as a political tool. However, in Switzerland's nation-building process, cultural matters such as ethnicity, language, or religion were not used as political instruments under state control to satisfy the majority and forcibly retain the minority. By examining Switzerland's nation-building process, we understand that it has moved from the lowest level of society upward, following a democratic process. Therefore, the classical understanding of Swiss national identity is, to some extent, a political understanding based on a shared conception of republicanism, federalism, direct democracy, and neutrality. None of these political matters are founded on the cultural matters of the majority ethnic group. However, this does not mean that cultural matters were not involved in shaping national identity and completing the nation-building process in Switzerland. On the contrary, both cultural and political matters were involved in this process, but the crucial point lies in how the boundaries between cultural and political matters were drawn, ensuring that one was not sacrificed for the other. Accordingly, Swiss national identity is a two-dimensional identity. At the cantonal and local levels, there are shared and common ethnic and cultural elements, but when the Swiss nation is considered as a whole, there is a political and neutral understanding of linguistic, ethnic, and religious diversity. This indicates that being a nation does not require a homogeneous and uniform conception of the elements involved in the nation-building process. Therefore, the conclusion of the research is that a democratic process in nation-building defines political matters under cultural matters, based on which the existing diversities within the society are accepted. This process is time-consuming, but the nation and the national identity constructed from it will be stable and enduring.
Iranian Studies
Ebrahim Abbasi; Mohammad Jamiri
Abstract
IntroductionThere is an approach to the issues of industrial and economic expansion called the theory of developmental state, which seems to have similarities with the Reza Shah Regime in some of its components. This perspective has been repeatedly used in Iran to explain the industrial situation of ...
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IntroductionThere is an approach to the issues of industrial and economic expansion called the theory of developmental state, which seems to have similarities with the Reza Shah Regime in some of its components. This perspective has been repeatedly used in Iran to explain the industrial situation of the Asian tigers and even the adaptation to the industrialization trend in the post-Islamic Revolution period. However, the assumptions of this theory have not been tested in detail so far in its adaptation to the industrial and economic transformations of the Reza Shah era. That is why the main question of the present paper is whether or not the industrial and financial measures of Reza Shah can be placed within the framework of the theory of developmental state. The aim of investigation into the indicators of the theory of developmental state is to compare those developments during the Reza Shah era.MethodologyOne of the theories that can evaluate the economic transformations of Reza Shah's era is that of the developmental state. The theory of a developmental state or developmentalist state is based on the possibility of government intervention in the country's industrial development process. Chalmers Johnson popularized the term developmental states for the first time and considered it a description of a theoretical configuration to explain a reality derived from the experience of countries such as Japan, Indonesia, South Korea, Botswana, and Taiwan. The distinctive feature of these countries was continuous and sustainable economic growth averaging 4% or more over two decades, increased level of welfare and living standards of the people along with controlling inflation. Although those governments were not economically liberal and believed in a maximalist government, they provided serious support to the private sector through a very proficient and strong bureaucracy. The theory of developmental state was further evolved by the people such as Peter Evans and Adrian Leftwich. Leftwich defines developmental states as the ones whose domestic policies and foreign relations are aimed at gaining power, authority, independence, capability, and capacity, which are determined and encouraged through the creation and promotion of conditions for economic growth or direct organization, or a combination of the two. This paper presents a qualitative method and an explanatory approach, and collects the necessary information from authentic sources such as memoirs, documents, and authentic analytical books from that period.Findings and DiscussionThe indicators of a development-oriented government in adaptation to Reza Shah administration are:Centralized and comprehensive bureaucracy: The existence of a centralized and comprehensive bureaucracy, in a way that encompasses the entire country, is one of the primary requirements for a development-oriented government. Here, bureaucracy means a powerful, proficient, and corruption-free network. Iran lacked a unified bureaucratic network before the Pahlavi era. With Reza Khan taking the power and the need to concentrate power in order to confront multilateralism in the country and to create national unity, a unified and comprehensive bureaucracy was established in the country. However, the Iranian administrative system was faced with serious intellectual, cultural, and managerial challenges from the very beginning. Challenges that failed to transform it into an agile, dynamic, and anti-corruption bureaucratic complex and consequently, it became one of the obstacles to development in the country even up to the present time. The administrative system is dependent and passive, and informal in these types of systems and has managers who are merely subordinate to the decisions of the top of the political pyramid.Developmental elites: Elites, both executive and intellectual, are considered to be the main components of transforming the community and advancing the goals of the government. The political elites of Iran at this time consisted of two groups. A group such as Davar, Hekmat, Foroughi, Taghizadeh, who were actually among the intellectuals and solidified the intellectual and cultural foundations of that government. The second group consisted of people such as Teimur Tash, the powerful Minister of the Court, Nosrat al-Dowleh Firouz, Seyyed Mohammad Tadayyon, Sardar Asad, etc., who were often active in the political and executive arenas. The dominance of this group over the affairs of the country was far beyond the first group. They institutionalized their irrational, self-centered, and anti-developmental behaviors in governmental affairs in such a way that the path for the promotion of capable and competent elites became narrow. In addition, none of the elites of the Reza Shah era, from Foroughi to Hekmat, from Davar to Kasravi, Taghizadeh, Bahar, and others, produced any work on the industrial and economic expansion of Iran. Most of the writings and works of the aforementioned individuals, and even their newspaper notes, have been devoted to cultural, literary, political, and civilizational issues.Lack of a central development body in Iran: The existence of a central organization, which can manage the development program in the country by a precise design, is an undeniable necessity. Such a body paves the way for coherence in policies and the emergence of talents. There was no body for development planning in Iran. Although steps were taken for industrialization and modernization during the Reza Shah era, the concept of economic expansion within the planned framework was never operationalized until Reza Shah was exiled. Ebtehaj believed that the failure of planning thinking during that period was because Reza Shah did not believe in the centralization of planning work.State Independence: The meaning of the state independence is the state's lack of dependence on social classes. The states were generally not dependent on a specific class in Iran, but rather were beyond any class. Reza Shah, who was the founder of the Pahlavi Dynasty, did not consider his government indebted to any group or class. Iran's historical experience shows that although Reza Shah's administration was independent of all social groups, it was cut off and separated from all of them. On the one hand, it was completely separated from the religious leaders and groups that formed the majority of society, and there was no common logic between them. The state's relationship with traditional and small merchants and traders, who mainly formed the commercial sector of Iran, was also severed.Favorable international environment: If there is no suitable international environment for the export and competition of domestically-produced goods, the developmentalist government will face serious weaknesses. Many believe that the special conditions and situation of the developmentalist governments in South Korea and Taiwan after the World War II were exceptional. Among them, we can mention the unwavering support of the United States for these countries to prevent the influence of communism and the special conditions of the Cold War. But the influence of the great powers, especially Britain and the Soviet Union in Iran during this period, and their competition with each other was one of the important obstacles to development. Iran was exposed to the competition of the superpowers between the two world wars, and its expansion had become a matter of their pledge (distraint).Neglect of agriculture during the Reza Shah Reign: Agriculture was of great importance for reasons such as utilizing the value-added capacity of the agricultural sector for industrial expansion, combating the influence of communism, and ensuring the production of needed and cheap food for the people in development-oriented governments. At the same time, paying attention to agriculture, along with land reforms in Iran, was also necessary and essential, but it was not realized in practice. This neglect can be considered in factors such as the Shah himself becoming the largest landowner in the country.Conclusion: The results of the research show that although some elements of this theory, such as proficient bureaucracy, weak civil society, establishment of a permanent army and some development-oriented elites, seem to be consistent with political and economic approaches of Reza Shah's era, in reality, the lack of a development planning body, the government's lack of cooperation with social classes, the unfavorable international environment, elimination of development-oriented elites and their replacement with non-development-oriented elites, along with Reza Shah's neglect of some necessary measures for development, such as land reforms, which are considered the infrastructure for realizing the expansion, indicate that there is no real relationship between this theory and economic transformation in that period. What was necessary for real production, including industry, agriculture, services, and especially science and technology during this period, was not achieved, and most of them were subordinate to foreign markets. Iran's industrial expansion strategy was individual-oriented and tasteful, not organization-oriented and purposeful. No organization or group was engaged in economic and industrial expansion planning. For these reasons, Reza Shah's administration cannot be called a development-oriented administration, although it had similar conditions to that theory in some aspects, such as a weak civil society or the creation of a regular army.
Public Policy
Sajedeh Safikhani; Arashk Holisaz
Abstract
Problem and background
During recent decades, the implementation of environmental regulations has changed from traditional approaches based on command and control towards new approaches based on participation and fewer penalties. The problems of coercive instruments in environmental protection became ...
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Problem and background
During recent decades, the implementation of environmental regulations has changed from traditional approaches based on command and control towards new approaches based on participation and fewer penalties. The problems of coercive instruments in environmental protection became apparent, and the frameworks of policy instruments of legislative institutions began to change, and frameworks with a less punitive outlook were replaced and spread. Non-coercive instruments are not based on command and control strategies, and the government can develop the spirit of obedience in citizens through options such as participatory management and the involvement of resource users in management and policy development. Investigation of the studies related to the expansion of new political instruments in solving environmental problems shows that these studies can be divided into several general categories. The first category includes research that focuses on determining the instruments of legislative institutions when developing environmental laws and regulations. The second category includes research that compares the effectiveness of coercive and non-coercive instruments in reducing environmental issues and problems.
Purpose
Despite the value of all the studies that have examined regulatory instruments and coercive and non-coercive approaches in policymaking, which organizations and institutions are subjected to coercive and non-coercive instruments policies is a fundamental issue that has been paid less attention and requires more specialized studies. Therefore, this article has been compiled to fill this research gap. In other words, the purpose of this research is to show which organizations and institutions are subject to coercive and non-coercive policies in Iran's environmental laws.
Methods
The network analysis approach is a new method in multi-criteria decision-making that can be used to prioritize factors and criteria. In order to analyze the network of environmental laws and regulations and generate the primary data for this research, first all the words that indicate coercive and non-coercive policies, as well as organizations and institutions under compulsory and non-coercive policies, were extracted from the text of environmental laws and regulations. Then, a two-dimensional "word-organization" matrix was formed, the rows of which were coercive and non-coercive instruments words, and the columns of which were organizations and institutions under the coercive and non-coercive literature in-laws. In the next step, the degree centrality and between centrality indexes of coercive and non-coercive literature were calculated for each law using Ucinet software. The graphs of the degree centrality and between centrality indices of coercive and non-coercive literature were drawn using NetDraw software.
Research findings
Investigation of the graphs of the coercive network shows that the most diversity of coercive words is in the period of the implementation of land reforms until the Islamic Revolution (1963-1979), and the most institutions under coercive literature are during the periods of Rouhani's presidency (the twelfth government) (2013-2020) and the implementation of land reforms until the Islamic Revolution. Investigation of non-coercive graphs also shows that the most variety of non-coercive words is in the periods of the implementation of land reforms until the Islamic revolution (1979) and Reza Khan's coup until land reforms (1921-1963), And most institutions under non-coercive literature are in the periods of the implementation of land reforms until the Islamic revolution and the victory of the Islamic revolution until the end of the Iran‑Iraq war.
Conclusion
The legal and management structure of the environment and natural resources in Iran has a top-down view. But this coercive literature is mostly for non-state actors (people), and the "punishment" is mostly for non-state actors. Therefore, the most emphasis of the government in Iran is on the first aspect of environmental issues and problems. It is people's activities that cause environmental processes to be disturbed. Therefore, the flow of political science focuses on applying more coercion and pressure on people. In other words, legislative institutions use non-coercive literature more for government organizations and institutions, and the literature on coercion and punishment is used mostly for people and non-governmental organizations. Meanwhile, the government should apply the second aspect of the pressure framework. In other words, applying compulsory literature is appropriate when the government and government institutions also give their share in this deal. It means that it creates the idea that there will be no difference between those who follow and violate the law when environmental issues and problems arise. In other words, focus on an approach in which the government tries to encourage a kind of quasi-voluntary cooperation in a cooperative atmosphere. Also, the government creates a kind of balance between government institutions and non-government actors when applying coercive and non-coercive literature. These efforts of the government will maintain the balance, increasing the sense of trust in the government and creating a kind of quasi-voluntary obedience.
Political Thought
Ehsan Kazemi; Morteza Kazemi
Abstract
Introduction
Any attempt at reviewing the history of philosophical thought inevitably starts from ancient Egypt. Ancient Egypt is the cradle of political thought and as such, has an impeccable role in the history of political thought. Therefore, the attempt to scrutinize political thought in ancient ...
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Introduction
Any attempt at reviewing the history of philosophical thought inevitably starts from ancient Egypt. Ancient Egypt is the cradle of political thought and as such, has an impeccable role in the history of political thought. Therefore, the attempt to scrutinize political thought in ancient Egypt continues to be an attractive field for historians of political thought. A critical issue in ancient Greece's political thought is its evolution and the elements involved in the procedure. Historians of political thought argue that various elements such as governance systems, culture, and geography as predictors of political thought in ancient Greece. Understanding these issues can lead us into deeper layers of political thought in ancient Egypt in particular, and the political thought of the West in general. For that aim, the purpose of this study is “the analysis of the role and place of the polis system in the evolution of political thought in ancient Greece”. The major question of the study is “What impacts has the emergence of the polis system had on the formation of the foundations of thought in ancient Greece?”. The hypothesis is that “the emergence of the polis system in the form of a dominant discourse not only determined the daily political relations in ancient Greece but also had an undeniable role in the maturation of political thought as a field of knowledge. In other words, political thought as historical knowledge follows the norms of discourse formation and transformation. The current study analyses the polis discourse in juxtaposition to the monarchy discourse; in effect, it presents several transitory stages from monarchy to polis. The first stage is the emergence of the crisis in the hegemon monarch discourse. The second stage is the emergence and consolidation of polis discourse as the new hegemon discourse. The third and last stage is the structuration of the discursive elements of political thought around a central sign (i.e. polis).
Materials and Methods
The authors utilize discourse analysis methodology to elucidate the research issue, namely the logic behind the formation of political thought in ancient Greece.
Results and Discussion
Based on the methodology of the research, the thoughts of every era are under the influence of the dominant discourse. In effect, in monarch discourses, the mythical thought that is influenced by dominant values and norms in its turn provides the grounds for a special kind of thought known as “mythical thought”. The monarch discourse constructs methods and models of thinking that reproduce the dominant discourse. With the passage from the monarch discourse to the polis discourse, it is not only the political order that changes but also the totality of the Greek social/political life. Beyond the living models and styles, a novel form of thinking takes form in the polis discourse. In this novel form of thinking, the passage from the monarch discourse to the polis discourse entails the replacement of rational thought for mythical thought. This replacement and the resulting emphasis on the rational aspect of humanity as against his instinctual and national one gives way to transformations in political institutions’ relations. As a result, the foundations of political legitimacy and stability change from metaphysical and mythical legitimacy to earthly or citizen-oriented legitimacy.
Conclusion
With the transition from the discourse of monarchy to the discourse of the city-state, not only has the political order changed, but the entirety of the social/political life of the Greek individual is transformed. Beyond biological patterns, a new form of thinking is constructed within the discourse of the city-state. In this new way of thinking, by the shift from the discourse of monarchy to that of the city-state, rational thought gradually replaces mythical thinking, and the result of this rationalism is the emergence of political thought.
Management
Masoumeh Najibi; Mostafa Hadavinejad
Abstract
Introduction
Public trust as people's belief in certain behaviors and actions that they expect to witness from the government and is a sign of the effectiveness and legitimacy of the democratic government, is of particular importance to public affairs managers; So that they try to improve it with the ...
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Introduction
Public trust as people's belief in certain behaviors and actions that they expect to witness from the government and is a sign of the effectiveness and legitimacy of the democratic government, is of particular importance to public affairs managers; So that they try to improve it with the support of their abilities, skills, and independence and by discovering and using the most effective methods and tools. Low public trust in the government or public organizations is an echo of public pessimism. Many people believe that governments do not work well and therefore do not trust them; Therefore, for governments to provide better services to people, they must create an optimal level of public trust. One of the interesting topics for theorists and researchers is to investigate the methods used by governments to reverse the decline of public trust in the government. One of the solutions proposed to improve public trust is the e-government readiness which means the ability of an organization, group, or work unit to successfully join the group of users of information and communication technologies and use and gain profit from it. It has been claimed that e-government and readiness for it can improve public trust by shortening the complicated processes of the bureaucracy, transferring the voice of the people to the government, and reflecting more clearly the government's services to the public. Also, according to another claim, transparency is essential for trusting the government and rebuilding public trust. This is because transparency can help the government by preventing government officials from making mistakes through promoting public oversight and dialogue between citizens and policymakers before making decisions. It is said that information and communication technology is a suitable and affordable means for transparency. Therefore, in recent years, e-government has been used with the aim of increasing transparency. Therefore, it is possible that electronic government can improve public trust in the government by increasing transparency. This theoretical claim has been investigated in the present research.
Materials and Methods
A sample of 311 faculty members of Shiraz public universities was selected and questionnaires according to the variables - whose validity and reliability were tested - were answered by them. In order to test the hypotheses, first, the research measurement models were evaluated with confirmatory factor analysis, and then the data were fitted to structural equation models in Amos Graphics software with multiple regression. Baron and Kenny (1986) method was used to investigate the mediating role of organizational transparency. For this purpose, firstly, the significance of the effect of independent variables on the dependent, independent on the mediator, and mediator on the dependent variables was examined, and then the effect of the mediator variable was kept constant and the insignificance of the independent variable on the dependent variable was evaluated.
Results and Discussion
At the confidence level of 99%, the relationships of the model and the partial mediating role of organizational transparency were confirmed. Therefore, it was found that e-government readiness has a positive effect on organizational transparency, and public trust and organizational transparency are mediators and have an increasing effect on public trust. Earlier research had generally shown that access to more information and increased transparency through information and communication technology enhances public trust in the government among citizens. Although the present study indicated that while the readiness of e-government has a partial direct effect on public trust through organizational transparency, it also possesses the capacity to build public trust on its own.
Conclusion
According to the results, the managers of public organizations are advised to increase various types of organizational transparency, including participatory, informational, accountability, overall, and secretive in the organization. Also, since e-government readiness is considered as one of the ways to increase organizational transparency and public trust, it is suggested that government organizations strengthen it. For this purpose, considering the following points based on the items of the e-government readiness scale is essential: having clear strategies, objectives, and action plans in the field of information technology; directing the goals of the information technology sector towards focusing on internet-based activities; ensuring that the individual or individuals responsible for establishing e-government in the organization have the support and access to senior management; utilizing information technology in all activities and aspects of individuals within the organization; promoting information technology in a way that stakeholders are satisfied with it; changing the service delivery process of the organization under the influence of information technology; collaborating extensively with other public organizations to solve problems, provide services, and perform tasks more effectively electronically; establishing clear processes to compare the e-government strategy in the organization with its current implementation status, as well as continuously monitoring and evaluating e-government activities within the organization; developing standard criteria for the use of information technology by employees and clients; providing quality information to stakeholders; offering suitable software for stakeholders; creating a high-quality website; implementing appropriate security measures for the organization's information technology; using high-quality hardware suitable for the organization's information technology; employing skilled and committed staff in the organization's information technology unit; involving stakeholders in the design, development, and modification of the organization's information technology systems; and ensuring the availability of most hardware, software, and necessary personnel to support them in the workplace.
