Political Science
Elaheh Sadeghi
Abstract
Introduction
After the victory of the Islamic Revolution in February 1978, the Islamic Republic was founded on two core principles: divine sovereignty and popular sovereignty. One of the most important ideals of the Revolution was to establish an Islamic state that would implement the laws and rules ...
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Introduction
After the victory of the Islamic Revolution in February 1978, the Islamic Republic was founded on two core principles: divine sovereignty and popular sovereignty. One of the most important ideals of the Revolution was to establish an Islamic state that would implement the laws and rules of Islam. Such a state would not only manage the everyday affairs of the people but also guide society towards spiritual perfection and closeness to God. However, despite the efforts made over the years, a true Islamic state has yet to be fully realized. This is largely due to various challenges and the damage faced by the Islamic State, one of which is linked to its agents. It is thus essential to identify the vices in the personal and behavioral characteristics of agents. These agents are essential pillars of the Islamic state, playing a vital role in the political system’s stability and efficiency, and in achieving the government’s objectives. Throughout history, however, the agents have faced numerous challenges and vices that have threatened not only their individual and collective lives but also the survival and continuity of the political system itself. Religious teachings consistently emphasize the importance of the health and competence of agents of the Islamic state, warning that the mismanagement of such officials is one of the key factors in the collapse of political systems. In this context, Ayatollah Khamenei’s insights into the vices of agents are particularly valuable. As both the leading Shia thinker in the Islamic world and the Supreme Leader of Iranian society, his views are crucial in identifying the vices of the state officials and offering solutions for preventing or addressing them. In this line, the present study intended to identify and analyze the vices of agents of the Islamic system, which in turn have contributed to the delay in the realization of the Islamic state. Relying on Ayatollah Khamenei’s views, the study aimed to address the following question: What vices have been inflicted upon agents that have led to the delay in the realization of the Islamic state?
Materials and Methods
The current study employed a qualitative content analysis method. The data was collected from various sources, including books, articles, and the Official Website of the Office for the Preservation and Publication of the Works of the Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali Khamenei (www. khamenei. ir).
Results and Discussion
From Ayatollah Khamenei’s perspective, the most significant challenges and vices experienced by agents that could delay the realization of the Islamic state include the following: the whims of the self, despair and hopelessness, prioritization of people’s satisfaction over God’s, dogmatism and sanctification, extreme modernism, neglect of cultural issues, indulgence in luxury, secularism, corruption, broken promises to the people, evasion of justice and the law, dominance, extreme factionalism, divisiveness, and dependence on foreign influences. According to Ayatollah Khamenei, the most important vices are the evasion of justice and indulgence in luxury. To remedy the vices, he proposed to follow the model set by the Prophetic (Nabawi) and the Alevi government.
Conclusion
If state officials lack integrity and competence, the resulting damage will permeate Islamic society, leading it astray from the right path. Therefore, the negative characteristics among agents of the Islamic State may cause serious and irreparable damage to the system, delaying or even preventing the realization of the Islamic State. Ayatollah Khamenei’s views on the shortcomings and vices of state officials and the methods to prevent or address them provide valuable guidelines. These insights can help ensure the moral integrity of agents and contribute to the realization of the Islamic state.
Development and Security
Heidar Shahriari
Abstract
Introduction
National security theorists used to view security primarily as a hardware issue, focused on military and government-oriented concerns. However, more recent theorists approach national security from a software perspective, emphasizing civic and public issues. The security governance model ...
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Introduction
National security theorists used to view security primarily as a hardware issue, focused on military and government-oriented concerns. However, more recent theorists approach national security from a software perspective, emphasizing civic and public issues. The security governance model is one of the recent models for providing national security. The model highlights the role of various public and private sectors, alongside the central government, in creating, maintaining, and distributing security in today’s complex world. Moreover, an often overlooked but crucial component of the political system that can contribute to national security is the political party system, which has been largely ignored by security theorists. The present study aimed to address how national security is influenced by the political party system, assuming that it is impossible to achieve security within the security governance model without the development of a political party system. Political parties are so integral to the realization of security governance that they determine the success or failure of security governance. A review of existing literature reveals that few works directly address the topic, though some relevant studies exist. Notable works include “Foreign Politics and National Security Governance” (Yazdanfam, 2023), “Political Parties and the Provision of Non-State Security in Lebanon” (Stedem, 2021), and “Conceptualizing Security Governance” (Krahmann, 2003). The current research is based on the hypothesis that political parties significantly influence various dimensions of the security governance model, such as the involvement of public and private sectors in the security provision process, decentralized policymaking and decision-making, acquisition and accumulation of resources and benefits of security, etc. Moreover, political parties contribute to the model’s foundations, such as coordination, accountability, competition, socialization, etc. The study examined the influence of political parties on national security in two phases. The first phase concerns their impact on the dimensions of security governance, and the second phase focused on how political parties affect the foundations of security governance.
Materials and Methods
The present study adopted a multi-level, mixed-method approach, in which various methods were used in combination in line with different stages of the study. Having collected the data through a library–documentary method, the research relied on two levels of analysis: causal explanation and structure–agency explanation. The causal framework was used to explain the impact of political parties on the realization of security governance, whereas the structure–agency analysis helped explain the realization of the indicators and foundations of security governance.
Results and Discussion
The analysis investigated the relationship between the political party system and the provision of national security within the governance model. According to the research findings, political parties can influence security governance indicators such as the involvement of public and private sectors in the security provision process, policymaking, decentralized policymaking and decision-making, acquisition and accumulation of resources and benefits of security, civic participation, and decentralized geography. Second, political parties can impact the foundations of security governance, including coordination, accountability, promulgation of the non-ideological viewpoint, socialization, and development of the prismatic perspective. Additionally, one of the most significant findings is the interplay between individual dynamics and the collective environment, which drives the provision of national security. In other words, political parties cannot automatically achieve security governance on their own; rather, they facilitate its realization through the cooperation of political and social structures and agents.
Conclusion
The effectiveness of the model is contingent upon the growth and development of robust political parties with robust organizational structures, which are essential for making the security governance model feasible, efficient, and effective. It is also important to note that the security governance model—regardless of how it is formulated or implemented—offers greater efficiency, effectiveness, and adaptability than traditional security models, particularly in today’s pluralistic and complex world. Finally, the results of the study proved its theoretical innovations, addressed a gap in the existing literature, and provided a foundation for future research to analyze other factors influencing the security governance model through comparative studies.
Political Thought
Reza Javid
Abstract
Introduction
The Takyeh Dowlat, a significant architectural structure from the Naseri period, played a crucial role in the development of political theology during both the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah and the Constitutional Revolution in Iran. Allegorically, the building can be seen as representing the ...
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Introduction
The Takyeh Dowlat, a significant architectural structure from the Naseri period, played a crucial role in the development of political theology during both the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah and the Constitutional Revolution in Iran. Allegorically, the building can be seen as representing the end of the Constitutional Revolution and the emergence of a new government. So far, most research on the Takyeh Dowlat has focused on descriptive accounts of its construction, emphasizing its spatial and architectural features, as well as its social and ritual functions. In an attempt to move beyond the mere architectural analysis and social descriptions, the present study aimed to apply Walter Benjamin’s historical theory and methodology to interpret the building as a historical allegory of political theology spanning the pre-Constitutional, Constitutional, and post-Constitutional periods. The study sought to examine the Takyeh Dowlat as an allegory for the rise and fall of political theology, analyzing the building’s allegorical dimension and contrasting it with its symbolic grandeur. The allegorical interpretation was discussed concerning the formation of the Constitutional Revolution in Iran. The results highlighted the tension between the allegorical and the symbolic, with the Takyeh Dowlat symbolizing the emergence of new conquerors while simultaneously serving as an allegory for destruction and decay. This allegorical reading of political theology is historically significant, not only during the Constitutional era but also in subsequent periods, as it continued to influence the history and politics of Iran.
Materials and Methods
This research adopted Walter Benjamin’s approach of allegorical reading of history. Benjamin contrasts the allegorical reading with the symbolic interpretation of history. Symbolic history centers on conquerors, imbuing them with glory, mystery, and a sense of transhistorical significance. In the symbolic view, history finds a linear and unifying process that connects histories of triumphs. In contrast, allegory engages with themes of destruction and decay, focusing on the neglected and thus aligning itself with the defeated. The allegorical reading views history through fragments, ruptures, and ruins, inevitably turning our attention to the defeated and the deprived. Concerning the present study, Naser al-Din Shah’s political will to build the Takyeh Dowlat and establish its associated ceremonies and rituals can be considered as a form of symbolizing theology for political exploitation. If so, in the later periods, the building would take on an allegorical dimension due to the potential possibility of liberation. For this purpose, Benjamin’s method proved useful by addressing both the possibility of salvation in theology and the destruction and decay of worldly happiness and salvation.
Results and Discussion
Nasir al-Din Shah developed an interest in theaters during his travels to Western countries. On returning to Iran, he sought to replicate them. Facing opposition from religious scholars, he decided to construct a building dedicated to religious performances. Through the rituals held in this space, he recognized the influence of theology on the masses. After Nasir al-Din Shah’s death, the building became a site for public protests during the Constitutional Revolution. Many mass protests mirrored the rituals previously held there, infusing the revolution with a theological color. In this way, the building played an important role in transforming religious rituals into a social movement. Following the victory of the Constitutional Revolution, however, the Takyeh Dowlat was largely forgotten. With the rise of Reza Khan, it regained attention. The Constituent Assembly convened there, and Reza Khan took his oath as king within its walls. Afterward, the Takyeh Dowlat, having sunk into obscurity once more, was destroyed during the Second Pahlavi.
Conclusion
The Takyeh Dowlat can be viewed as an allegory of political theology. During the Naseri period, it was intended to symbolize the ruling religious policy, but during the Constitutional Revolution, it became an allegory of revolutionary liberation. In the post-constitutional era, the Takyeh Dowlat represented the decay and destruction of the ideals of the Constitutional Revolution, serving as the place where new rulers and conquerors established their dynasties.
Political Sociology
Mostafa Ghorbani
Abstract
Introduction
The prevalence of modern consumption in recent years is a significant phenomenon and an environmental factor that has influenced both society and politics. Although modern consumption has been somewhat addressed in sociological research in Iran, it seems there is no serious research about ...
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Introduction
The prevalence of modern consumption in recent years is a significant phenomenon and an environmental factor that has influenced both society and politics. Although modern consumption has been somewhat addressed in sociological research in Iran, it seems there is no serious research about its impact on politics and power. In this respect, the current study adopted the perspective of political sociology in order to analyze the impact of modern consumption on the broader domains of politics and power in Iran. The purpose of the research was to examine the sociopolitical consequences of modern consumption in contemporary Iran, shedding light on the underlying logic of current sociopolitical developments. This approach could offer a series of analytical possibilities to understand the dynamics of transformation and change in Iran’s sociopolitical landscape today, and particularly to identify the latent potential for protest in Iranian society.
Materials and Methods
This study used Peter Wagner’s sociology of modernity and Jean Baudrillard’s ideas about consumer society as the theoretical framework. Moreover, it relied on the insights drawn from Pierre Guiraud’s semiotics as the method of analysis. The integration provided a theoretical foundation and an appropriate research method. The method of semiotics was used to explore the signs of modern consumption in contemporary Iran and its implications. In this context, the analysis situated the phenomenon of pretentious consumption in relation to the third wave of modernity.
Results and Discussion
According to the findings, the prevalence of consumption, as a seemingly minor aspect of lifestyle and daily life in Iranian society, has led to the commodification of social relations and politics. This has contributed to reinforcing the welfare aspects of the state in Iran, thereby both weakening the possibility of authoritarianism and making the legitimacy of the political system increasingly dependent on consumption. While consolidating Iran’s position on the margins of the global division of labor, this phenomenon may also facilitate identity fragmentation, foster a sense of relative deprivation, and give rise to new variants within social movements. Therefore, despite the ongoing prevalence of modern consumption in Iran, not only does the prospect of development remain uncertain, but the deepening sense of relative deprivation—especially considering the identity-related impacts—may further increase the ruptures in Iran’s sociopolitical developments. In this context, the potential for protest in Iranian society is likely to persist.
Conclusion
To manage the consequences of modern consumption, efforts should focus on making its costs real. The government should only support the necessary consumption of society, focusing on essential needs and basic goods. Moreover, eliminating visible and hidden subsidies can help realize the true costs of modern consumption. Additionally, revitalizing intellectual and cultural spaces—such as promoting free thought, establishing intellectual forums, and encouraging cultural activities—can be an effective way to manage the consequences of modern consumption in Iran. There is an inverse relationship between the growth of intellectual and cultural activities and the growth of commodification. Promoting intellectual and cultural activities can help slow down the pace of commodification. Another important step is to restore the dignity and status of traditional, yet qualified, intellectual and cultural authorities. Less influenced by commodification, these figures typically embody intellectual, cultural, and educational values, so they can help cultivate virtues in society. This in turn can counteract consumerism and commodification. The media, particularly radio and television, play an irreplaceable role in this effort. They should focus more on promoting values such as work, effort, and bio-culture, rather than purely bio-economic concerns. The government should also shift its position in Iran’s socioeconomic system as the dominant owner and exclusive holder of privileges. It is recommended that future research explore other aspects of modern consumption in Iran, particularly the underlying causes of its prevalence, as well as the potential political developments that could arise due to modern consumption.
Political Science
Nozar Khalil Tahmasebi; Ahmad Naghibzade
Abstract
Introduction
Analyzing the transition of countries from traditional governance to modernization is crucial in political, historical, and sociological studies. The 19th century was a pivotal period for Eastern nations because they were grappling with this transition. Countries like Japan, India, Iran, ...
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Introduction
Analyzing the transition of countries from traditional governance to modernization is crucial in political, historical, and sociological studies. The 19th century was a pivotal period for Eastern nations because they were grappling with this transition. Countries like Japan, India, Iran, and the Ottoman Empire experienced a century of transformation characterized by intense debate, conflict, bewilderment, regret, reflection, comparison, and deliberation in their move from the old order to the new one. The political and historical treatises of the 18th and 19th centuries also attest to the transformation and the experience of the modern world encountered by the Eastern countries. This study aimed to explore the experience of Japan by examining its significant 19th-century transformations, providing insights into the process and vicissitudes of the transition from a traditional political system to a modern state. During the 19th century, Japan encountered modern concepts and experienced momentous events, grappling with its declining status and the need for reform. On the one hand, Japan possessed deeply rooted historical and political traditions that could not be abandoned. On the other hand, it had just emerged from a period of darkness, poverty, and turmoil of the 18th century. Against this backdrop, the Japanese elite recognized the necessity of reforming their governance system. Trying to untie the tangled knot of tradition and modernity, they decided to embrace modernity and its benefits while retaining their traditions. In fact, they aimed at thinking traditionally within the new order, with constitutionalism emerging as a key element in this transition. Having encountered global transformations, the Japanese considered constitutionalism as the most important lesson and the prominent manifestation of the modern world, as the cornerstone of the transition from a worn-out political system to the modern governance. The challenge for the elite and reformers was to reconcile constitutionalism with traditional values. The Japanese elite had actually realized that Japan’s constitutionalism could not take place in a radical and complete break from the country’s historical and political traditions. However, in the tug of war between constitutionalism and tradition, the former was greatly sacrificed for the sake of the latter.
Japan’s constitutionalism was a turning point in finding a way between modernity and tradition. Therefore, examining the Japanese historical experience can offer valuable insights into similar experiences across Eastern nations. Given the historical similarities between Iran and Japan, the present study aimed to examine Japan’s transition from traditional governance to a modern political order, highlighting how the Japanese constitutionalism attempted to reconcile the historical traditions with emerging modernity. The research questions are as follows: How did the Japanese constitution attempt to reconcile historical tradition with emerging modernity? And did Japan abandon its traditions? The study is based on the hypothesis that while Japan’s constitutionalism maintained the spirit of tradition, especially the divine and authoritative position of the emperor, it could break away from its traditional era by facilitating economic growth and the establishment of a powerful and modern state.
Materials and Methods
This study employed an analytical and historical perspective. It also relied on political concepts and theories to explore the Japanese experience of modernity, offering insights for understanding similar historical experiences in other Eastern nations.
Results and Discussion
Japan’s 19th-century transformation exemplifies the East’s encounter with modernity. After centuries of feudal rule under shoguns, internal crises, and awareness of new international dynamics, Japan underwent significant changes in governance. The Meiji Restoration emerged as a beacon of hope for the elite, offering liberation from a tumultuous past. While embodying constitutional principles, the Meiji Constitution was implemented with a conservative and pragmatic approach, preserving Japan’s heritage and upholding the emperor’s central role. Reforms in the military, bureaucracy, economy, and education under centralized governance reflected the elite’s efforts to reconcile tradition with modernity. The Japanese modernity prioritized stability and order over democratic ideals and individual freedoms, aligning with the aspirations of a patriotic and reformist emperor. Emperor Meiji, the embodiment of imperial resurgence, stood at the heart of the Constitution, solidifying his position as the focal point of political authority. Despite advancements, the Meiji Constitution failed to establish a real constitutional rule where the law reigns supreme over both the ruler and the ruled. It represented a blend of the enlightened emperor’s authority and pragmatism.
Conclusion
According to the findings, Japanese constitutionalism was characterized by the reconciliation of modernity and tradition. Japan’s conservative approach preserved traditional aspects within its new political framework exemplified by the constitution. The results of the study can offer insights for understanding similar historical experiences in other Eastern nations, including Iran.
Political Sociology
Aboulfazl Delavari; Negar Ghanavati
Abstract
Introduction
The state, as one of the most sophisticated social phenomena, has been a central focus of philosophers and scholars for centuries. From ancient times to the present, philosophical reflections and empirical research have produced an extensive and rich body of literature on the nature, typology, ...
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Introduction
The state, as one of the most sophisticated social phenomena, has been a central focus of philosophers and scholars for centuries. From ancient times to the present, philosophical reflections and empirical research have produced an extensive and rich body of literature on the nature, typology, structures, functions, and evolution of the state. Despite numerous forward-looking studies—whether examining the state as a general form of social organization or in its various manifestations across different societies and countries—it remains a vital area of inquiry that has consistently been on the research agenda. However, the related studies have largely adhered to conventional scientific approaches, such as positivism and interpretivism. While these methods have yielded valuable insights, they are often doomed to have been heavily influenced by ideological tendencies or theoretical preferences, leading to results that are not always accurate and desirable. As a different line of inquiry, the present research aimed to assess the appropriateness of causal layered analysis (CLA) for future studies of the state, hoping to capture its complex dimensions, characteristics, and transformations. As an effective analytical method, CLA has gained popularity in the Iranian scholarly community in recent years. However, the related studies sometimes display misunderstandings and oversimplifications in both the introduction and application of the method. In some cases, the ontological and methodological distinctions between the four layers of CLA are not properly considered, and the method is neither accurately presented nor applied. There are also instances where CLA is mentioned only in the title, while other methods are used in the body of the research. To address these shortcomings, the present study aimed to introduce CLA, highlight its distinct features and capabilities compared to other approaches in future studies and demonstrate its suitability for future studies of the state. The main research question is, how suitable is CLA for future studies of the state? The study also sought to address three sub-questions as follows: What are the components and techniques of CLA? How does CLA differ from other methods in future studies? And what capacities does CLA offer for future studies of the state?
Materials and Methods
As a descriptive inquiry, the current study intended to provide a detailed explanation of CLA, while also exploring the general characteristics of contemporary states. Additionally, it examined the appropriateness of applying CLA to futures studies of the state. The data was collected from scientific documents, including books and articles, and analyzed through an inferential approach.
Results and Discussion
CLA was proposed to address the inadequacies of both evidential and interpretive approaches. It is based on the premise that human and social phenomena are highly complex, requiring at least four layers of investigation for a comprehensive understanding. The first layer, known as the litany, consists of the surface-level, everyday aspects of these phenomena, manifested in tangible dimensions and quantitative data. The second layer (the structural or systemic) covers more stable and general factors, including institutions, arrangements, and socioeconomic and political relations. The third is the discourse layer involving dominant worldviews and mentalities. Finally, the fourth layer (myths/metaphors) concerns the unconscious rooted in archetypes and myths. In CLA, each of these layers should be examined using a method appropriate to its nature. The first and second layers, being more objective, require objective data, quantitative methods, and statistical or structural analysis. In contrast, the third and fourth layers, which are more subjective, require qualitative data, interpretive strategies, and semantic analyses. Addressing all four dimensions and layers simultaneously, CLA has a great capacity for understanding both the current status and the objective and subjective factors influencing states' future, whether in general or within specific societies. The method offers a key advantage by encouraging researchers to move beyond one macro narrative to several different narratives, leading to a deeper and more reliable understanding of complex, multi-layered phenomena like political systems and states.
Conclusion
The application of CLA can offer valuable insights into the state's direction, trends, and prospects. However, this method primarily addresses broad prospective studies and lacks specific techniques and tools for depicting accurate scenarios of possible, probable, and preferable futures. To address this gap, it is essential to use complementary methods such as retrospection, morphology, and trend research, in conjunction with future thinking techniques like driver analysis, visioning, and scenario building.
Public and International Law
Rohola Alidadzadeh; Mehdi Rezaie
Abstract
Introduction
The degree of independence of the Guardian Council is one of the most critical issues in Iran’s legal and political system. The more independent the Guardian Council, the higher the quality and effectiveness of its decisions concerning other institutions. Therefore, the governance ...
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Introduction
The degree of independence of the Guardian Council is one of the most critical issues in Iran’s legal and political system. The more independent the Guardian Council, the higher the quality and effectiveness of its decisions concerning other institutions. Therefore, the governance of the Guardian Council is a vital aspect of its decision-making process. A key issue for institutions tasked with protecting the constitution is their independence and immunity from the pressures of political bodies and government forces. Furthermore, the independence of the court directly impacts its legitimacy. Effectively safeguarding the nation’s constitutional rights requires that citizens trust the capability of the constitutional court to carry out its duties impartially and independently. This trust fosters the legitimacy and acceptability of court rulings. Moreover, the principles of independence and impartiality of judicial authorities (constitutional courts) are fundamental to achieving fair trials and ensuring the rights of citizens during proceedings. Only through such independence can we hope for the judiciary and judges who exercise justice and professionalism in their rulings. In this respect, the current research aimed to assess the level and degree of independence of the Guardian Council, as the constitutional judicial body in Iran, especially about the institutions that appoint or select its members. According to the existing studies, the Guardian Council demonstrates a weak level of independence compared to what is expected of a judicial institution. Against this backdrop, the present study conducted a comparative analysis of the institutional, administrative, and financial independence of the Guardian Council, examining its structure alongside similar institutions in Germany, Egypt, and Algeria.
Materials and Methods
This study employed a descriptive–analytical approach and relied on library and internet sources to examine the independence of the Guardian Council in Iran. The analysis took a comparative perspective, assessing the Council’s independence by comparing it with similar institutions in Germany, Egypt, and Algeria.
Results and Discussion
Considering the institutional independence, the Guardian Council is by no means in an ideal legal position, compared to the three countries under study. According to the principles in Iran’s constitution, the Council is considered part of the legislature. Notably, the constitution does not explicitly specify the Council’s independence, with only Article 57 emphasizing the separation of powers and their respective independence. This suggests that the Council, as a pillar of the legislative branch, could be considered independent. However, in practice, the Guardian Council holds a higher position than the Islamic Consultative Assembly (or the Iranian Parliament). While the parliament drafts laws, the Guardian Council exercises a higher degree of independence in reviewing and approving them. In addition, the fact that the Council is placed under the legislature reflects the founder’s original vision regarding the nature of this institution. In other words, the Council’s political and Sharia dimensions are superior to its legal and judicial dimensions. This has influenced the approach of its members to overseeing the legality of laws and supervising elections. As such, the Council lacks the institutional and individual independence typically associated with a constitutional judicial body. The constitution, as the authority for the establishment of the Guardian Council, can play a crucial role in securing its administrative and financial independence. However, the principles of Iran’s constitution, particularly in the case of institutional independence, do not explicitly mention the independence of the Council. This has created a legal vacuum, leading to challenges for the Guardian Council in achieving administrative and financial independence. To address this gap, the parliament passed 1983 Law on Financial Regulations of the Guardian Council, granting the Council control over the preparation of its own budget. The law uses the term exactly to indicate that the Council’s regulatory budget should be submitted directly to the government, without needing to be included in the annual budget bill. This approach aligns better with the realities of the government budget regulation. The Guardian Council has followed a similar process concerning other institutions, such as the parliament and the Expediency Council, and requiring the inclusion of its budget in the government budget bill could be seen as violating Article 52 of the constitution. Regarding administrative matters, the Council has asserted its independence by exercising its interpretive authority, preventing the parliament from interfering in it.
Conclusion
The present study assessed the degree of independence of the Guardian Council by comparing it with similar judicial institutions in Germany, Egypt, and Algeria. The Guardian Council, as the constitutional and Sharia-based judicial institution within Iran’s political-legal system, plays a crucial role in ensuring the proper implementation of the constitution. This is particularly true in safeguarding the rights and freedoms of citizens and upholding the rule of a lawful government. The weight of this responsibility highlights the important position of the Guardian Council. The Council’s independence is considered one of the most essential tools for fulfilling its responsibility. Independence enables the Guardian Council to exercise its powers, duties, and authority effectively, free from political pressures exerted by appointing or electing bodies, as well as from political and security groups or authorities. Fundamental reforms are necessary to improve the Council’s performance, strengthen its position, and ensure its independence. Such reforms would require constitutional amendments.
The State
Alireza Samiee Esfahani; Sara Farahmand
Abstract
Introduction
On August 15, 2021, in a strategic shock, the Taliban entered Kabul to seize power after a cascading crisis triggered by the Western military withdrawal and the reluctance of the Afghan government and its national security forces to engage in military conflict. The question arises ...
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Introduction
On August 15, 2021, in a strategic shock, the Taliban entered Kabul to seize power after a cascading crisis triggered by the Western military withdrawal and the reluctance of the Afghan government and its national security forces to engage in military conflict. The question arises as to where the roots of this unexpected political event lie. At the beginning of the 21st century, the September 11 attacks and the American government’s decisive analysis of the Taliban’s role set the stage for a military invasion led by an international coalition. Under U.S. leadership, Afghanistan became the frontline for implementing the strategy of war against terrorism. However, America’s sustained involvement in Afghanistan cannot be understood simply as an effort to eliminate Al-Qaeda terrorist groups. This objective appeared to be of secondary importance to the coalition forces, particularly the United States. The primary focus of their policies was the establishment of political and social stability within Afghan society. American security theorists believed that terrorism was a consequence of bankrupt governments and the social environment, which they saw as manifestations of chaos that had persisted for years. As a result, state-building in Afghanistan became a key focus of U.S. security policy. With the support of other nations and various international organizations, the United States pursued a policy aimed at forming a powerful government and a stable society in Afghanistan. This effort involved several steps, including drafting the constitution, holding presidential and parliamentary elections, building political institutions, and granting political and social freedoms to civil society institutions and political activists. The Karzai administration even invited the Taliban to join the government and renounce violence in hopes of establishing political stability and forming an inclusive government. The 2014 presidential election was therefore expected to be an important opportunity for the institutionalizing of a democratic government and the peaceful transfer of power in Afghanistan. However, many successive crises in Afghanistan seem to stem from the limitations and obstacles of the international state-building project. The governments have struggled to incorporate all political factions and effectively manage conflicts. Both the Karzai and Ghani administrations faced growing political and social instability and significant crises (e.g., crises of authority, influence, and legitimacy), ultimately losing the support of the Afghan people.
After nearly two decades of democratization rhetoric supporting the international state-building initiative in Afghanistan, the modern state and democracy, with their inherent positive attributes, have yet to take root among the Afghan people. Moreover, political security and stability has remained elusive, becoming a rare and expensive commodity for both the elites and the general populace. In this respect, the present study aims to address the central question of what led to the failure of the political reconciliation process and the subsequent re-establishment of Taliban control in Afghanistan in August 2021. The research is based on the hypothesis that this political failure primarily stemmed from the unique nature of the international state-building project in Afghanistan. For the process of political settlement and the successful advancement of the state-building project to be effective, stability must be achieved on two levels: 1) horizontal stability and 2) vertical stability. To address the research question, the article first examined the political settlement among the elite and statesmen (horizontal stability), and then explored the legitimacy of the new political order within various segments of Afghan society (vertical stability).
Materials and Methods
The current study relied on a qualitative, causal-explanatory approach, as well as the data collected from library and internet sources. Following a pathological perspective, the research used a theoretical framework based on state-building and political stability to examine the Western efforts in state-building and political reconciliation in Afghanistan. It also sought to identify the reasons behind the failure of these policies, which ultimately led to the Taliban’s return to power within Afghanistan’s complex sociopolitical landscape during the period of 2014–2021.
Results and Discussion
According to the theoretical framework of state-building and political stability, Afghanistan’s National Unity Government can be considered a point of weakness in the country’s state-building process. The National Unity Government consistently failed to control power centers, both directly and indirectly and was unable to establish its authority and legitimacy in dealing with these centrifugal forces. Formed with external support through a political agreement brokered by the United States, the government was a temporary solution intended to address the crisis through a short-term coalition. However, it faced numerous challenges, including internal political divisions, increasing financial dependence on foreign countries (particularly the U.S.), failed peace talks with the Taliban, a rise in suicide operations, the Afghan National Army’s inability to counter the Taliban and establish security, administrative corruption, and political and economic crises. These issues severely undermined the legitimacy and authority of Ashraf Ghani’s administration, making it increasingly fragile and unable to provide the necessary political stability during the transition period. According to the theoretical model, for the process of political settlement and the successful advancement of the state-building project to be effective, stability must be achieved on two levels: 1) horizontal stability characterized by political agreements, officials’ respect for their obligations, and adherence to the rules of the political game; and 2) vertical stability referring to the constructive and mutual interaction between the government and society, including the domestic legitimacy of the government and non-interference of external forces. In Afghanistan, however, the international state-building efforts led by the Western alliance failed to establish the necessary consensus at both the horizontal and vertical levels.
Conclusion
The current study aimed to address the central question of what led to the failure of the political reconciliation process and the subsequent re-establishment of Taliban control in Afghanistan in August 2021. In the international war against terrorism, fragile states like Afghanistan became the focus of Western security discourse, leading to the proposal of international state-building through the theory of liberal peace as a solution to create political stability and a powerful central government in the country. This approach shaped the Western agenda in Afghanistan. However, nearly two decades later, the international state-building project failed to deliver the expected outcomes for both Afghan society and the international community. This article argued that the failure of national reconciliation and the peaceful political transition over the past two decades—especially after 2014—stems largely from the nature of the international state-building project. This project imposed a linear, mechanical, supranational–subordinate approach to state-building and political stability, failing to account for the internal dynamics and unique logic of intervened societies like Afghanistan. Therefore, the international state-building project struggled, as the liberal values of the West would contradict the traditional sociopolitical context of Afghan society. This fueled corruption, inefficiency, and the weakness of the quasi-government, which was heavily reliant on foreign support. Ultimately, the Taliban unexpectedly capitalized on anti-American sentiment among Afghans and regained power, plunging Afghanistan’s peaceful political transition into deep uncertainty.
Political Thought
Sadegh Saffarzadeh; Mohammad Javad Gholam Reza Kashi
Abstract
Introduction
Historians and political scientists have long debated the key influences of the Founding Fathers of the United States in establishing the government and drafting the Constitution. Thinkers like John Locke, Montesquieu, Algernon Sidney, and James Harrington are frequently cited, yet the ...
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Introduction
Historians and political scientists have long debated the key influences of the Founding Fathers of the United States in establishing the government and drafting the Constitution. Thinkers like John Locke, Montesquieu, Algernon Sidney, and James Harrington are frequently cited, yet the influence of Machiavelli’s ideas has often been overlooked. Only a few scholars, such as Walter McDougall and John Pocock, have briefly suggested the possibility that the Founding Fathers were influenced by Machiavelli’s ideas, while others, like Anthony DiMaggio, have approached the topic solely from the perspective of foreign policy and empire. Given Machiavelli’s significance as a political theorist, it is crucial to explore his potential influence on the Founding Fathers’ thoughts in establishing the American Republic. Such an examination is important because it reveals how Machiavellian principles may have shaped state-building efforts and contributed to the stability and longevity of the U.S. government and constitution.
Materials and Methods
The present study used a qualitative, text-based documentary approach and analyzed library–documentary sources to demonstrate how Machiavelli’s ideas had influenced the views of the Founding Fathers. A close examination of Chapters 2–8 of The Discourses: Book 1 was conducted to reveal Machiavelli’s influence. These chapters are considered essential because they focus on the organization of political regimes. Four of these chapters are particularly significant, as they directly address the prudent establishment of a regime and constitution, offering guidance to future founders.
Results and Discussion
The analysis revealed that the Founding Fathers were significantly influenced by Machiavelli in their understanding of human nature and the formulation of the constitution. They drew on his ideas to create a mixed regime. The Founding Fathers were also guided by Machiavelli in their approach to foreign policy, their pursuit of empire, and their definition of the role of the people as defenders of freedom and guardians of the constitution. Consequently, some of the most fundamental aspects of the United States of American were rooted in Machiavelli’s theories and perspectives, even if they were not openly acknowledged. The durability and stability of the U.S. Constitution, in contrast to the instability and variability of the French Constitution, can be attributed to the Founding Fathers’ reliance on the insights of a thinker who had gained his wisdom through “long experience of modern things and the continuous readings of ancient [things]” (Machiavelli, 1989, p. 1); who had opposed fictitious principalities and republics that existed only in theory (Ibid, p. 93). In contrast, the French pursued abstract concepts and implemented purely theoretical ideas, guided by a philosopher whose “true masterpiece” was referred to as “Reveries of the Solitary Walker” (Rousseau, 1782, p. 12). The utopian republic they aimed to establish had to remain a mere figment of the imagination. According to the findings,
Conclusion
According to the results, the Founding Fathers’ views aligned with and were shaped by Machiavelli’s theories. The findings can provide a new foundation for American studies and Machiavelli studies, and pave the way for further research. Given that the theoretical foundations underlying the establishment of the United States of America have been neglected in academic discussions in Iran, the present study can be considered a pioneering effort to address the Founding Fathers’ thoughts and the influence of other philosophers on the establishment of the U.S. government. Furthermore, by focusing on the founding principles of America, the results of the study can lead to a more realistic approach toward the U.S. and the adoption of more thoughtful strategies in foreign policy. This study does not claim that the Founding Fathers relied solely on Machiavellian theories while disregarding other intellectuals. Rather, it aimed to demonstrate that dismissing or denying Machiavelli’s influence on the establishment of the United States is both unjustified and unwise, despite the Founding Fathers not explicitly referencing his ideas. Nevertheless, by focusing on two fundamental texts, the present inquiry sought to provide meaningful insights without undermining the results. A more precise and detailed understanding of the topic requires an examination of numerous documents and extensive debates that took place during the Constitutional Convention until the adoption of the Constitution in the thirteen state assemblies.
