Political Sociology
Sajjad Sattari
Abstract
IntroductionThe author defines capitalism as “a natural consequence of human activity and success in the fundamental accumulation of capital, within any society, with any political economy structure and with any methods, forms, or means”. Although various forms of capitalism exist within ...
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IntroductionThe author defines capitalism as “a natural consequence of human activity and success in the fundamental accumulation of capital, within any society, with any political economy structure and with any methods, forms, or means”. Although various forms of capitalism exist within each society, not all forms have equal opportunities to flourish; rather, a specific form of capitalism evolves and comes to dominate in each society. The present article aimed to shed light on the nature of this phenomenon by answering the following question: Why and how is only a particular form of capitalism considered rational in each society, and as a result, positioned for furthur growth and evolution?Materials and MethodsThe present study attempted to develop a specific theoretical approach under the concept of “Paradigm of Power” (Sattari 2011; 2023), offering a new supra-organismic explanation of its relationship with capitalism.Results and DiscussionThe author has four interconnected arguments:First Argument; If the state is defined as “a paradigm of power”, it can be claimed that in every society, there is an established paradigm of power and three social class including “paradigmatic class, anti-paradigmatic class and non-paradigmatic class”. Each of these classes creates its own capitalism in every society in the form of paradigmatic capitalism, anti-paradigmatic capitalism, and non-paradigmatic capitalism. However, these three forms of capitalism do not have an equal opportunity to flourish and develop in any society. Only paradigmatic capitalism constantly grows and becomes the dominant form of capitalism in all societies. The root of this phenomenon lies in the concern with preserving and reproducing “the paradigmatic order”. Every paradigm of power seeks to maintain and reproduce the paradigmatic order—or its structure of accumulation, hegemony, identity, and legitimacy—within society and to resolve this concern, it has a “mechanism of structural attraction and structural repulsion”. Under the influence of this automatic mechanism, every paradigm of power (such as paradigm of power of the Islamic Republic in Iranian society) merely attracts and developes its “affiliated and paradigmatic elites”.Hence, in every society, only those capitalist forces have the feasibility of long-term accumulation and growth, which are considered as “paradigmatic class” and have a strong correspondence and consistency with the paradigmatic order. Accordingly, every paradigm of power recognizes only compatible capitalism as “rational capitalism” and so on, by utilizing the legal, political economy and social tools, it systematically restricts, undermines, and drives incompatible capitalist forces toward decay. As a result, the established paradigm of power in each society gradually constructs an “compulsory pattern of survival” and “linear memory of accumulation and growth” in the collective consciousness of all three types of paradigmatic, non-paradigmatic and anti-paradigmatic capitalism and in this way, it often persuades and compels these capitalist forces to enter the path of conservatism and exigent compatibility with paradigmatic order to ensure their survival and continued growth.Second Argument; The conservatism and exigent compatibility of all three types of capitalism with the paradigmatic order should be regarded as the “instinctive, existential and biological solution of capitalism” because this solution serves as the main instrument of all these types of capitalism (even paradigmatic capitalism) to resolve their equation of survival and growth in society. As a result, all capitalist forces, despite their essential differences, are perpetually trapped in the “iron cage of the paradigmatic order” and they do not have the possibility of exiting the paradigmatic order or long-term opposition to it. Thus, while the process of capitalism formation varies across societies, its evolution follows a uniform pattern in all societies: alignment and compatibility of capitalism with paradigmatic order. This phenomenon can be termed as the “naturalized law of fundamental accumulation of capital” in every society.Third Argument; Under the influence of this naturalized law, a “forced similarity of action” emerges among paradigmatic capitalism, anti-paradigmatic capitalism, and non-paradigmatic capitalism in every society. In their competition and struggle for greater accumulation, all three forms of capitalism strive to integrate themselves into the super-organism of the state or the established paradigm of power in society. This creates a distinctive phenomenon that can be termed “the spontaneous self-alienation of capitalism”. Thus, contrary to Marxian interpretation that emphasizes the self-alienation of the proletariat in the production process; the author emphasizes the self-alienation of capitalism in the process of accumulation and identifies five main types of alienation of capitalism in every society.This inevitable process causes the “transmutation and annexation” of capitalism in the state or the paradigm of power and results in a condition that can be termed as “dual natural ownership”. This refers to the common ownership of the capitalist and the state or the paradigm of power over the accumulated capital in every society. Consequently, the fundamental accumulation of capital in all societies by all capitalist forces, whether paradigmatic, anti-paradigmatic, and non-paradigmatic capitalism is subject to the tripod logic of “indispensable adaptation”, “transmutation-annexation” and “dual natural ownership”. This tripod logic leads to the “emergence of processed capitalism” in all societies.Fourth Argument; The established paradigm of power in every society has an instinctive, existential, and biological tendency towards this processed capitalism and is compatible with its paradigmatic order scince without the so-called type of capitalism, it is not possible for the paradigm of power to maintain and reproduce its structure of accumulation, hegemony, identity, and legitimacy in the society, and it becomes contradictory within itself. Based on this, the established paradigm of power in every society is compelled to recognize only capitalism compatible with its paradigmatic order as rational, thus fostering its growth and evolution.This processed capitalism is the primary instrument of the established paradigm of power in any society to regulate its relations with social forces. By creating and maintaining processed capitalism, each paradigm of power directly or indirectly controls the social organization of work, income, and consumption within society, and in this way, strives to keep the individuals within its paradigmatic order. Due to its critical role, processed capitalism holds diamond-like significance for the established paradigm of power in every society and for this reason, processed capitalism can be termed as “adamantine capitalism”. The diamond-like nature of processed capitalism stems from its dual characteristics: its indispensable value in maintaining and reproducing the paradigmatic order and its hard nature and nearly immutable structure, which remains resistant to change—even by the paradigm of power itself.ConclusionOn the basis of these four arguments, it can be claimed that the development of a particular form of capitalism in any society is neither accidental nor arbitrary. Its roots cannot be attributed solely to transformations in the mode of production (as in Karl Marx’s interpretation), transformations in religious ethics (as suggested by Max Weber), or transformations in politics and governance procedures (as posited by contemporary interpretations of political capitalism). Fundamentally, capitalism in every society functions as a living organism engaged in constant interaction and coexistence with another super-organism—that is, the state or the established paradigm of power. These two living social beings, in their pursuit of continuous self-fulfillment of survival and development, operate based on their triple instinctive, existential, and biological requirements. Consequently, the nature of relations between the state (or paradigm of power) and capitalism in every society takes on a trans-economic, trans-political, and trans-moral character.
Public and International Law
Mohammadreza Vizhe
Abstract
IntroductionIn every society, there are norms that its members are obliged to follow. These norms include a wide range of religious, moral, social, and legal. All these norms have their special enforcement guarantee: religious norms, afterlife guarantees, moral norms, conscientious enforcement guarantees, ...
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IntroductionIn every society, there are norms that its members are obliged to follow. These norms include a wide range of religious, moral, social, and legal. All these norms have their special enforcement guarantee: religious norms, afterlife guarantees, moral norms, conscientious enforcement guarantees, social norms, and social isolation guarantees. in the meantime, the legal norm is a norm that the government must establish and apply to citizens. The legal norm should not be identified with the content, but with the form, so that from this point of view, it provides a formal criterion that regulates the mentioned matter. Among these, there are norms related to the public sphere and they are opposite to the norms of the private sphere. The field of study of this article is the "norm of the public domain" created by the government and applied in the mentioned domain. The guarantee of its implementation also belongs to that domain.Materials and MethodsThe important question that this article tries to answer by using the descriptive-analytical method is whether the norm of the public sphere is different from other legal norms. And what are the characteristics of this norm that distinguish it from other legal norms? What is the government's role in this? The legal norm is defined in the legal order and at the macro level in the legal system, and it is the legal system that gives validity to it, it is this "validity" that gives meaning to the legal norm. Validity of the legal norm is necessary but not sufficient, which means that it must be effective and efficient, and a difference must be made between this effect (micro level) and efficiency (macro level of the legal system). Legal order, as a set of norms, forms the center of the legal system, and along with it, processes and structures are also foreseen in this system. These processes and structures are distinguished by the validity of the functions: the processes and structures are facilitators for the functions of the private sphere and are only regulatory in the cases related to the public order, while these processes and structures are completely regulatory in the case of the functions of the public sphere, and facilitation, in this case, Subordinates do not make sense.Results and DiscussionThe norms of the public sphere are two groups: the first group, which is more important, are the standards that guarantee the rights and freedoms of citizens against the political power or the government, and the second group is the affairs related to the government in a general sense. A group of public sphere norms regulate the public sphere related to the government, and another group guarantees the legal situation of citizens in public and private spheres. In the public sphere, ensuring the legal situation of citizens becomes important when it is defined in front of the public power, which means that the public power can tamper with this legal situation with the pretext of public interests.At the same time, the norms of the public sphere are different from those of the private sphere in various ways, such as nature, form, practices, and guarantees of implementation. From the point of view of nature, the difference in the legal situation resulting from these norms, and the point of view of their application, the distinction between mandatory and interpretive or supplementary norms is important. In addition, the person, as the subject, affects the content of the norms of the private sphere and their direction, while the content of the norms of the public sphere is completely objective and the public interest directs it. On the other hand, the obligation and, as a result, the guarantee of the implementation of the norms of the public sphere are different from the norms of the private sphere in various aspects, and the government has an exclusive role in determining this obligation and guaranteeing its implementation. In this category, the government must pay full attention to the distinct logic of these two areas, and if this difference is ignored, the norms will be ineffective and inefficient.ConclusionThe government has an exclusive position in the two aspects of creating legal norms and applying the guarantees related to them. Judicial authorities are very important in verifying the violation of norms and confirming performance guarantees and their determination and amount, both in the private sphere and in the public sphere. Monitoring the application of norms is also generally related to the public sphere and has no meaning in the private sphere except in cases of violation of norms related to public interests.
The State
Mohammad javad Moosanezhad
Abstract
IntroductionThinking about the formation, contexts, and contexts of an authoritarian state has a deep history in political thought. However, the history of studies related to the connection and link between this model of political systems and psychology dates back to the twentieth century and after the ...
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IntroductionThinking about the formation, contexts, and contexts of an authoritarian state has a deep history in political thought. However, the history of studies related to the connection and link between this model of political systems and psychology dates back to the twentieth century and after the formation of non-democratic governments in Western Europe. Among the people who tried to explain the phenomenon of an authoritarian state using psychology was Manes Sperber, who was strongly influenced by Adler's teachings on individual psychology in his psychological studies and research and used his central concepts in the political psychology of an authoritarian state. Sperber, who was initially an ardent supporter of the Stalinist state, turned away from it after the terrible events and assassinations of the Stalinist state in the 1930s and wrote several works on the subject of how an authoritarian state is formed in countries.Research objective and MethodsThe aim of this article is to understand the dimensions of the political psychology of an authoritarian state according to Sperber's views and perspectives. The main question of this article is how and on what basis do autocratic states form in the thought of Manes Sperber, and what psychological characteristics do the autocratic leader and the society hosting this type of state have?Results and Discussion To answer this question, Sperber's famous book entitled "The Psychological Investigation of Autocratism" was examined and analyzed. According to the data, Manes Sperber went through two main stages in his life. In the first stage of his life, considering the developments in European societies and his spirit of seeking justice, he had a positive and favorable view of socialism and the Soviet Union. At this stage, he was busy producing content, literature, and statements on this subject. However, from the mid-1930s, he fundamentally changed his thinking and approach and became a critic of the Soviet Union and Stalin's policies. Sperber's perspective and analysis was a new scientific field called "political psychology." This scientific branch was a new and interdisciplinary field of social science that aimed to analyze the political behaviors of leaders, political figures, groups, and individuals, and ultimately led to providing a picture of understanding and comprehending the political behaviors of leaders and the masses. The findings show that in Sperber's political psychology, autocratic states can only be realized and actualized under two basic events and preconditions - one is the existence of an individual with the conditions for autocratic rule and the other is the existence of a mass and disintegrated society. Manes Sperber analyzed the authoritarian state using Adler's individual psychology approach.According to Adler's theory, people who are defective, whether physical or mental, suffer from an inferiority complex, and this feeling of inferiority causes them to seek compensation in the future, and as a result, the second sense, which is superiority, comes into play. These people are the ones who, in Sperber's political psychology, have the background and preparation for dictatorship and can be autocratic leaders. However, as Manes Sperber says, the existence of these people in society does not in itself lead to the formation of an autocratic government. It is possible that many of these people are present in different societies, but they only act from power under conditions where the economic, social, and political conditions give them such an opportunity and the basis for its acceptance by the people is prepared. Therefore, not all people in society can or do not have the conditions to reach the position of autocratic leadership. Another requirement for the formation of an autocratic government in Sperber's thought is a mass and fragmented society. A society in which people have no dependence or solidarity with each other and has become an atomized society in a way.ConclusionAccording to Sperber's thought, they are large groups of selfish people whose selfishness is picked up by the autocratic person and arouses their emotions. These people are the same people who, according to Adler's individual psychology, have a feeling of inferiority due to various disabilities and have a sense of hatred for life. In the feeling of hatred for this life, the desire to destroy and annihilate the people who played a role in creating this kind of life is formed. The people of this society are looking for compensation for their past; to compensate for the past, they are looking for a good and dreamy future; but according to Sperber's analysis, they cannot compensate for their past alone and practically no one is able to change them alone. Such people know that they are not able to change their fate and compensate for their past lives alone and if there is to be a change, this change requires special and different people. This particular person is the autocratic leader.
Political Sociology
Fatameh Mirabasi
Abstract
IntroductionRegarding the role and importance of administrative organizations on the development and progress of societies, the survey and analysis of bureaucracy in Iran, considering the nature and double structure of power in Islamic Republic from perspective of Political Sociology during the years ...
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IntroductionRegarding the role and importance of administrative organizations on the development and progress of societies, the survey and analysis of bureaucracy in Iran, considering the nature and double structure of power in Islamic Republic from perspective of Political Sociology during the years 1979-2021 is important.Although bureaucracy after the Islamic Revolution in 1979 has the features of bureaucratic structure in it, under the influence of cultural, political milieu has still some traditional traits and untrue characteristics of previous period. It can be said: despite administrative machinery has extended and its function and quality of personnel and necessary educations are more developed than before, but due to ideological nature of state alongside oil economy and negative effect and deterrent political factors their efficiency has decreased to the detriment of general bureaucratic standards. In fact, the "lack of efficient bureaucracy" in administrative structures is due to the rule of personal and political considerations, rent-seeking, tendency to extra-legal behaviors and using legal mechanisms, financial instability and disorder, which leads to The blind holes in decision-making, planning, and the independence of the bureaucratic system have become politics and have provided the basis for the spread of corruption and specific bureaucratic crises of the, each of which raises crises inside thereof. The existence of these crises shows inability of bureaucratic system in performing the agency role and creating balance between the state revenue and social classes on the one hand and its action as one of the factors of conflict between state and nation, and on the other hand show the delay of political and social development which necessitates the ground for fundamental reforms in not only administrative structure but also in the way and amount of supervisory institutions' action.Hence, the present paper to answer how the nature and twofold structure of power in the IRI era lead to vulnerability of bureaucratic system and crisis generation? Two central target which supplement each other are: first, ideological nature of state; second: the rentier nature is surveyed, recognizing the bureaucratic system to remove crises suggestions could be offered.Materials and Methods This research is aimed at understanding the nature and causes bureaucratic crises in Iran in the eye of political sociology, which by standardizing the theory of Weber's ideal bureaucracy and by descriptive-analytical method deals with examining all effective grounds in improving quality or creating bureaucratic crises in the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran.Results and DiscussionsOil is no per se the cause of the inefficiency of any state. It is the way of spending oil that can have harmful effects. Oil income can lead to economic growth when it is spent on investment and infrastructure development. But if it is spent on current and unnecessary expenses, in addition to the expansion of demand, it has many harmful effects, including chronic inflation. Of course, a lot of losses from inefficiencies and incorrect measures are covered by oil revenues. In this way, oil revenues temporarily alleviate the problem of systematic inefficiency and pave the way for the ideological totalitarian state. Although, during the era of the Islamic Republic, the modern bureaucracy grew increasingly. However, due to oil revenues and systematic and all-round manipulation of the state, the space for rent and systematic corruption became conducive. A closed oligarchy at the top of the administrative hierarchy created a difficult coexistence with the basic propensities and requirements of an industrial and growing society. Instead of being the arbiter and supervisor of the interactions between the private sector and the market, the officials themselves became powerful economic actors and, accordingly, important political actors, which resulted in nothing but economic and social chaos.However, twofold nature of "ideological/rentier" state gradually leads to "structural distortion/functional bureaucratic"," declination of bureaucratic elite quality", "predominance of spirit and morale of prebendalism", "growth of bureaucratic bourgeoisie" and finally emerging a kind of " brittle bureaucracy" acting in Iran's society as an obstacle between the state and society. This situation of bureaucracy as an obstacle intensifies the crisis of elite power legality, since bureaucracy not only has lost its spirit of development seeking but also has turned into an obstacle against development. The final resultant of this situation, despite the agency crises or agency oriented and the structural and functional crises in bureaucracy system shows inability of this system in performing the role of intermediary and establishing compromise and balance between state and social classes' interests on the one hand and its action as one of factors in conflict between state and nation, delay of political and social development that meanwhile decentralizing the structure of administrative political power, entails creating fundamental reform by offering efficient and healthy instances for bureaucratic system according to administrative laws, of course, expertized.ConclusionAlthough the structure of bureaucratic system in Iran concerning hierarchy of power and division of labor to some extent is similar to Weber, regarding following the rules and laws, specialization meritorious rearing and non-personal relations establishing ideal bureaucracy entail necessary principles and requirements. Organizational members are far from Weber's rational model most of which in today's Iran circumstances concerning twofold nature rentier/ideological and emerging a closed oligarchy aren’t available. Hence to emerge Weber's bureaucracy in Iran, it is imperative, in addition to key elements that contribute to evaluate the bureaucratic function, a supporting system is established for governmental officials through internalizing "employment based on merits" through competitive surveys and recognizing the sources of talents and inviting talented people in the organization. This matter entails decentralizing the level of state organizations. This matter leads to facilitate and speed up in decision making, responsibility of each executive organization to another executive organization; increasing sound competition between executive managers, and meanwhile decreasing dominance of manners and spirit of prebendalism raises the level of quality in bureaucratic elite and increases development in all levels and by approaching state to nation causes to increase transparency and responsibility in the administrative and political system and prevents emerging bureaucratic crises and forming brittle bureaucracy.
Public Policy
Madjid Vahid; Christian Velud
Abstract
Some concepts fall victim to their success. Such is the case with the idea of governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran. A vigilant observer notes that this concept is commonly used by politicians and certain elites without any serious consideration being given to its scientific meaning. On the other ...
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Some concepts fall victim to their success. Such is the case with the idea of governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran. A vigilant observer notes that this concept is commonly used by politicians and certain elites without any serious consideration being given to its scientific meaning. On the other hand, it is notable that a significant number of institutes (Think Tanks) and even departments attached to universities are emerging with the same mindset. The most striking example of this is the hasty and unconsulted creation of the Faculty of Governance at the University of Tehran, at the instigation of its presidency.The aim of this article is therefore to clarify the concept of governance and show that it is more than just a concept; it is a paradigm paving the way for a new way of looking at the conduct of State and public policies and actions, intertwined with the nation's diplomatic strategies. To this end, we have examined the definition of the concept and its evolution in political and scientific fields, particularly in France, based on literature that is essentially French but also American. We have drawn on the masterworks of such illustrious authors as Jacques Chevallier, Michel Crozier, Jean-Claude Thoenig, Pierre Lascoumes, Patrick Le Galès, Yves Mény, Patrick Hassenteufel, and Theodore J. Lowi.This approach proved beneficial insofar as it enabled us to shed light on the typology of public policies, on the evolution of State actions from the 19th century to the present day, and on analyses from the center of organizational sociology in order to show the familiarity between constituent policies, consultative policies, modest policies, and the notion of governance. Additionally, we explored how these governance frameworks influence and are influenced by Iran's diplomatic engagements on the international stage.For a more detailed analysis, we employed both qualitative and quantitative analytical methods. Document reviews, case analysis, expert interviews, and analysis of existing data were among the methods used for gathering and analyzing information.Our study revealed that governance can take three distinct directions: corporate governance, good governance, and global governance. These types of governance are jointly visible and at work in the conduct of public affairs in modern countries and in their diplomatic initiatives. Their absence is not difficult to demonstrate in a country like Iran. This typology of governance shows just how far the reality of governance is from the practice of policy-making and diplomacy in Iran. The logic of Iran's R.I. means that policy is conducted vertically, demonstrating that the rulers' approach is merely a top-down one. In fact, policies are drawn up at the top of the State, and then transferred to the administrative apparatus, with the requirement that orders be carried out and that citizens be excluded from almost the entire process.The usefulness of this working method, which can be described as comparative, is obvious to us. It shows how the imported State, in this case the State of the I.R. of Iran, following its access to the monopoly of power, can show itself capable of hijacking modern concepts to use them on its own territory for its own ends, and more strangely how elites, academics in part, accompany the State in this direction and justify its actions.In our view, this misappropriation will have problematic effects. In the first place, it makes dialogue between the country's elites and academics and those outside the country difficult, if not impossible, as it requires them to explain the content of the concept beforehand, and its use with two distinct and contradictory meanings. In the past, the use of other concepts in this way has been a source of ambiguity and confusion. The best examples are the concepts of constitution and civil society. With regard to the latter, we recall that the former President of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Mohammad Khatami, came to power insisting on the need to respect civil society. Once in power, he pointed out that the typical example of civil society in his mind was the one that existed at the time of the Prophet of Islam in the 7th century of the Christian era.Secondly, it blocks the virtues of change in a concept that lies at the heart of a new paradigm in the social sciences and the sciences of government. We are convinced that the governance paradigm, understood in its original meaning, is apt to invite heavy-handed, arrogant States to open up to greater modesty and accountability towards their citizens and to give more space to civil society, which will inevitably lead to the construction of a more efficient and, by extension, more legitimate State, with a more nuanced and effective approach to diplomacy.
Political Science
Ali Sabbaghian; Sepideh Fallahi
Abstract
BackgroundThe Covid-19 pandemic has led to a global crisis and countries have adopted a set of policies to deal with this crisis. The government's policy responses have created deep effects in various fields. World-wide welfare states were also affected by this crisis due to their responsibilities towards ...
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BackgroundThe Covid-19 pandemic has led to a global crisis and countries have adopted a set of policies to deal with this crisis. The government's policy responses have created deep effects in various fields. World-wide welfare states were also affected by this crisis due to their responsibilities towards citizens. Nordic welfare states were also affected by this crisis as the most extensive and generous type of welfare state. Sweden, as one of the prominent examples of the Nordic welfare state, was also affected by this crisis. Study QuestionThe Swedish model of the welfare state, as one of the subsets of the Nordic welfare state, has features such as equality, a commitment to full employment, and the provision of universal welfare benefits. Considering these characteristics, the question is raised, what effect has the COVID-19 pandemic crisis had on the prominent functions of the welfare state in Sweden as one of the Nordic welfare state models?Study GoalTo critically examine and analyze the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the core functions of the Swedish welfare state, with particular attention to employment, labor market policies, welfare costs, and equality, to assess its effectiveness and provide insights for future research on welfare states. The aim is to identify strengths and weaknesses in the Swedish model, particularly focusing on inequality among immigrants, and contribute to understanding how welfare states respond to global crises. Rationale of the studyThis issue can be investigated because the Swedish welfare state from its establishment until today, despite the crises it went through in the 1970s and early 1990s and the adjustments made in this type of welfare state, is often recognized as an ideal example of the welfare state. This research seeks to investigate how crises such as the pandemic or a global disease have affected the functions of this type of welfare state, which has a relatively long history of providing full employment, social care, and equality. in this way, the performance of the Swedish welfare state can be measured as one of the outstanding examples of the welfare state in its core functions during the crisis, and this can open the way for future research regarding the future of the welfare state in general, the strengths and weaknesses of welfare states and especially the Swedish welfare state.Materials and Methods To answer the research question, according to the central features of the Swedish welfare state and the Nordic model of the welfare state, the research hypothesis states that the COVID-19 pandemic and the crises caused by this pandemic have led to an increase in measures to support the labor market, an increase in welfare costs, and an increase in inequality in the Swedish welfare state. The case study method is used to explain the hypothesis, and the theoretical framework used is the theory of Esping-Andersen about the typology of welfare states. Gøsta Esping-Andersen’s theory on welfare states, outlined in his influential book The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, classifies modern welfare states into three categories: liberal, conservative/corporatist, and social democratic. Social democratic regimes promote universal welfare services aimed at achieving high standards of equality, often through extensive social services and policies that support full employment. Sweden is categorized under the social democratic welfare state regime according to Gøsta Esping-Andersen’s typology. This type of welfare state is characterized by universalistic systems that promote equality of high standards, rather than minimal needs. It aims to decommodify welfare services and socializes the costs of caring for children, the elderly, and the helpless.Findings and ConclusionThe research findings show that the Nordic governments generally did not make fundamental changes in welfare state spending and services in response to the pandemic due to their generous welfare state tradition. They mainly started to strengthen pre-existing policies. However, although the actions of the Swedish welfare state in response to the pandemic, in the two areas of employment and labor market policies and welfare costs and services, are generally consistent with the basic functions of the Swedish model of the welfare state, in the area of commitment to equality, this pandemic has increased inequality. In the labor market, unemployment has increased mainly among low-skilled and immigrant groups, and death rates have been revealed to be higher among immigrant groups. Therefore, it can be concluded that the Covid-19 pandemic crisis, by increasing the support measures of the welfare state in the field of the labor market and increasing the costs and welfare services, strengthened the characteristics of the commitment to full employment and the provision of universal benefits of the Swedish social democratic welfare state. Still, in the field of equality, inequality in Sweden especially has spread among certain groups such as immigrants. This topic can be the basis of future research regarding the immigrant crisis in Sweden and its impact on the welfare state in this country.
The State
Gholamreza Hadad; Ali Aleali
Abstract
IntroductionThere are different views in different schools of political economy about size of the government and its effects on efficiency of policies and on productivity in markets. Government downsizing as a way to increasing economic efficiency, effectiveness of public management and participation ...
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IntroductionThere are different views in different schools of political economy about size of the government and its effects on efficiency of policies and on productivity in markets. Government downsizing as a way to increasing economic efficiency, effectiveness of public management and participation of the private sector has been considered by some researchers and politicians since the 80s. The most important problem in the approach of government downsizing is the ineffectiveness of the government's intervention in the economy. so, government intervention in markets by creating monopoly for state companies and actors reduces the level of competition and innovation among private enterprises. The necessity of government downsizing was demonstrated by the economic recession in the 70s and the debt crisis among developing countries. In order to organize their economy, these countries started to receive help from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund and put the policies of reducing state ownership on the agenda. So, the root of problems was assessed in the large presence of the government in this field.The downsizing of the government in Iran has also brought a diverse range of researchers' opinions. Iranian researchers have used different methods to organize their research when faced with the concept of government downsizing in Iran. This has caused a wide range of researches with different approach, methodology, sampling, data combination and different results. The aforementioned diversity in practice makes it difficult to have a precise and systematic knowledge of different opinions about government downsizing in order to use them in new researches or their application to the (practical) policy field. This necessitates the use of new research methods for the systematic classification of previous research and providing a new synthesis. Meta-synthesis is one of the appropriate methods to achieve this goal. In the meta-synthesis method, by systematically studying and reviewing the researches related to a topic, the researcher provides a detailed perspective of the researches in question and provides a new synthesis of them. According to these points, this article is trying to use the Meta-synthesis method in the field of studies related to the downsizing of the government in Iran.The main goal of this article is to evaluate the opinions of Iranian researchers regarding government downsizing solutions in Iran and their systematic classification using the meta-synthesis method in order to provide a new synthesis of previous studies. In this way, the main question is as follows; What is the synthesis of opinions of Iranian researchers regarding the goals, solutions and obstacles in the process of government downsizing in Iran?Materials and MethodsIn this article, the opinions of Iranian researchers regarding the goals, solutions, and obstacles of government downsizing in Iran have been evaluated and a systematic classification of them has been made using the meta-synthesis method in order to provide a new synthesis of previous studies. The meta-synthesis carried out in this study consisted of 33 studies. This number of researches has been selected from more than 100 researches based on the indicators of the scientific validity, the validity of the publisher, the scientific and research history of the author and the citations to it.Results and DiscussionThe results of this synthesis show that according to Iranian researchers, the goals of government downsizing in Iran include reducing government economic activities, increasing efficiency and competition in market. Regarding downsizing solutions, privatization, modern public management, and good governance are also considered by Iranian researchers. According to Iranian researchers, the obstacles of government downsizing include rentierism, Iranian political culture, the lack of prerequisites for the implementation of the government downsizing policy, and the emergence of class conflict following the implementation of the government downsizing policy. Finally, the synthesis of the article was presented by examining the public-private partnership model (PPP) as a new solution for government downsizing and as an alternative to the Previous solutions. ConclusionUsing the experience and knowledge of the private sector in Iran's economy, whether in the form of downsizing or in general, according to the special conditions of access to natural rent, has a different situation compared to the experience of the early models of the process of government downsizing, that is, England and the United States. The synthesis made in this article suggests the use of the public-private partnership model. In this way, a balance is created between the use of knowledge, expertise and, more precisely, the market-based performance of the private sector with the responsibility and accountability of the government institutions. The result is that both the possibility of reducing the economic burden of the government institutions and the natural rent belonging to all members of the society in the form of public property will not be converted into private property.
Political Sociology
Mazaher Goodarzifar; Faez Dinparast
Abstract
IntroductionThe subject of this research is the judiciary's performance in the regeneration of political trust in Iran. The requirement for trust is that a person can make a positive prediction of the behavior and performance of institutions in the future. Citizens' political trust is dependent on getting ...
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IntroductionThe subject of this research is the judiciary's performance in the regeneration of political trust in Iran. The requirement for trust is that a person can make a positive prediction of the behavior and performance of institutions in the future. Citizens' political trust is dependent on getting the desired results from the government. If people feel that their problems will be solved in the future due to the performance of political institutions, their trust in the government will be preserved and regenerated. Some studies conducted in the last decade confirm that political trust amongst Iranian people has relatively decreased. The social capital measurement of the country, which was carried out in 2014 at the request of the National Center for Social Monitoring of the Ministry of Interior, reported people's evaluation of the future, which shows that only 24.2% of the target population believe that conditions will improve in the future, and 43.8% believe that their conditions will worsen.In the regeneration of trust, especially political trust, there are two society-oriented or institution-oriented approaches: The first group are researchers who consider the regeneration of trust in the existence of some social and historical foundations of a country. Based on their research, they believe that the more people take part in some associations such as parents – teachers, or sports associations in a society, the greater trust will be developed from social and political standpoints. Based on their criticism, the second group suggests that the society-oriented approach imagines the role of the government in the regeneration of trust. They believe that the existence of such inclusive, fair, and impartial institutions as the police, courts, and health care contribute to the regeneration of trust from political and social perspectives, establishing the authority of the governmentThe standpoint of this research is close to the approach of the role of official institutions in the regeneration of political trust. In this research, we are trying to investigate the impact of institutions that exercise the authority of the government on political trust. Therefore, regarding the role of the judiciary as a judicial institution in the regeneration of political trust, to the best of our knowledge, we have found that there is a scientific gap in the research conducted in Iran. Thus, this article aims to evaluate the performance of an important and influential institution, namely the judiciary in building trust in government between Iranian citizens. According to what was raised, this article wants to investigate and answer this question; What is the role of the judiciary in political trust reduction in Iran?MethodologyTo collect data in this article, in addition to studying documents, the field method was used. In the field method, in-depth interviews were conducted with 10 senior lawyers of the judiciary to make the data reach theoretical saturation. In this research, the data analysis method is theme analysis at first, and the second step is process tracking. For the theme analysis, in the first stage, 216 basic themes were identified with the help of the initial encoding of the interviews' text. Then, in the next stage, these themes were reanalyzed with the help of axial encoding to identify 13 basic concepts such as "weakness of judges' knowledge", "Weak knowledge of lawyers", "Limited access to legal advice", "Lack of meritocracy among judges", "Guaranteed vote based on corruption in the judiciary", "Lack of transparency in the judiciary", "Feeling of corruption in the judiciary by people", "violations in the body of the judiciary at the level of employees and experts", "numerous and interpretable laws", "long handling of court cases and delays in proceedings", "lack of appeals due to the costs of proceedings", "threat to the independence of lawyers by the judiciary" and "influencing the court and limiting the independence of judges" in this research. Finally, and in the final analysis of the initial concepts, the following 5 categories were obtained, which are respectively "the presence of weakness in the expert staff", "the presence of corruption", "limitation of independence in the judiciary" and "structural weakness in the judiciary". These categories show that there is a disruption in access to a quick and fair judgment. In the subsequent stage, with the help of the process tracking method, the results obtained from thematic analysis about the effect of the quality of judgment on political trust were examined.Discussion and ResultsThis research stands on the side that believes in a complex world and society, the existing order in the establishment of relationships between organizations and even people has a great need for a third party, which shows itself in the form of the government. When governments are supposed to play the role of a third party as a mediator, a virtue should be defined for them. A virtue that seeks to ensure the collective good, or in other words, is inclusive. Therefore, the important feature of a qualified government, being able to play the role of a third party (between people and organizations) to provide the collective good well, is to be impersonal. with this approach, there are a special type of political institutions that generate trust, governmental institutions that generate political, legal, and social equality and are based on the principles of fairness, honesty, and impartiality. Thus, to research the reasons behind political trust reduction in a society, one should look for signs of unfairness, dishonesty, or favoritism in political institutions. If the judicial system in a country is supposed to cause a decrease in political trust, it should make itself far away from the characteristics of inclusiveness. Two important indicators of inclusiveness in the judicial system are quick and fair access to this institution. The results of our investigations showed that the corruption and limitation of independence in the judiciary as well as some structural problems have disrupted access to quick and fair judgment in judicial courts, which has made the conditions that can contribute to making judicial institutions far away from the circle of inclusiveness. The more this distance is, the more effect on political trust reduction is conducted by the judiciary. Tracking the process stemming from the results obtained from thematic analysis in this research confirms that this disruption in quick and fair access has caused the performance of the judiciary to decrease political trust in Iran.
Iranian Studies
Mohammad Jalili; Naser Jamalzadeh
Abstract
Development is one of the most important topics of the governance system.One of the main tools that can be used in understanding the growth of a country and in measuring the policy making process is the qualitative examination of indicators aimed at national development.Cultural development, as one of ...
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Development is one of the most important topics of the governance system.One of the main tools that can be used in understanding the growth of a country and in measuring the policy making process is the qualitative examination of indicators aimed at national development.Cultural development, as one of the three main aspects of territorial development, has always been considered as a necessary and necessary prerequisite for the political and economic development of countries. Our goal of this research is to achieve a brief evaluation of the decisions taken in the contemporary cultural development with the process of exploring the recent political systems.Therefore, we have considered Iran's history for two consecutive periods and have chosen Pahlavi II and the Islamic Republic as our study.After five indicators: "strategy and procedure"; cooperation and awareness; Industry and art; Creation, Belief, Propaganda, and Media" were investigated in the test of two regimes;We found out that although there is a substantial difference between J.A. and the ruling Pahlavi regime in terms of political ideas, but except for the component: "Literature and Architecture", J.A. has a growing or at least equal approach to the measures taken in cultural development in other sectors. The second side has shown.Culture, as the breathing space of a society, is an artefact of a set of elements that shape the mental inductions and behavioral characteristics of the people of a land over many years. The cultural body of any country is the output of temporal-spatial developments governing the men and women of that ecosystem at the intersection of climatic hazards, material blessings, human relations and values and norms established in moral conflicts. From the middle of the Qajar period, Iran witnessed the emergence of cultural and behavioral changes in the inner layers of its identity, by being immersed in the relations of the modern sphere. From the very beginning, the encounter with new technologies and street attractions of Farang people stole the hearts of intellectuals and quickly convinced them that for the prosperity of Iran, they should give in to the cultural transformation of the country. Rather, they should enjoy the dream of more facilities, services and amenities, law and order, and better awareness. This event intensified from the political and economic side after the 1999 coup. From 1306, Reza Khan began to create a judicial system, country divisions and new administrative rules. "Establishing a university and sending students abroad, attracting European advisors in the administration of internal affairs, creating an army and trained military forces, expanding highways, equipping several central cities with the intention of multiplying urbanization and limiting rural and nomadic life" were among them.Such unilateral actions gradually changed the national culture and customary norms. With the requirement to wear a uniform from 1307 and the introduction of the mandatory hijab from 1314 following the limitation of religious propaganda and the economic weakening of religious institutions, the expression of spirituality decreased. After that, with the developmentist literature of Parsons, under the pretext of "expanding the scientific approach, fighting superstitions, meritocracy, specialization, centralization, expediency, elite selection and the creation of a systematic bureaucracy", the cultural development of Iran is synonymous with emptying the national identity and becoming more and more similar to The life of Europeans started. Therefore, denouncing religion and mocking the tradition was recognized as a sign of apostasy. With the spread of the translated works of the intellectuals and the partial implementation of the orders of the British, French and Russian graduates; Fascination with laicity, secularism and relativism became the religion of Islam and exposed the indigenous culture to suicide and eclecticism between traditional and modern aspects.The process of cultural development, passing through two decades of Pahlavi's first efforts under the influence of Turkey's dependent development model, begins with the establishment of Mohammad Reza. The cultural development of Pahlavi II started in the forties and its preparations were planned after the August 28 coup. On the other hand, with the occurrence of the Islamic Revolution, the basic policies of the country underwent transformation and the schema of cultural identity and view of progress changed. Mass media and cultural propaganda and international impositions intensified and made Iran enter another space. The investigation of the country's cultural policies in two consecutive periods was investigated in this article in order to find out what line the cultural development process of contemporary Iran has taken. On the other hand, considering the indicators of development in Western classical formats is not in our nature; Because it cannot provide a model that fits Iranian cultural and ecological signs. But it is necessary to take into consideration the commonalities by extracting the indicators of cultural development in the West and combining them efficiently with the Iranian development model, so that through their rational selection, a comparative approach can be obtained to measure the country's cultural situation; Therefore, in the present study, the efforts of the researchers are focused on exploring the cultural development process of the country during the periods of stability of Pahlavi II and the Islamic Republic. This statement should be organized in a way that can expose the cultural policies of the country to a critical description and a brief but scientific comparison through a precise tool.
