State Studies

Political Science

The Unsustainability of Progress and Development in Iran: An Analysis of the Nature and Causes of Unsustainability in Processes, Situation and Achievements"

Noor-allah Gheisari

Volume 11, Issue 41 , July 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.79367.1509

Abstract

Introduction Chronic Unsustainability has plagued progress and development in Iran. This article seeks to illuminate aspects of this problem through a historical-theoretical approach. The central research question is: "Despite decades of efforts, initiatives, and programs, why has Iran's progress and ... Read More Introduction Chronic Unsustainability has plagued progress and development in Iran. This article seeks to illuminate aspects of this problem through a historical-theoretical approach. The central research question is: "Despite decades of efforts, initiatives, and programs, why has Iran's progress and development failed to achieve desirable outcomes?" The main hypothesis posits that: "The failure of development efforts in Iran stems from a complex interplay of long-term synchronous and asynchronous factors making unsustainable factors in both domestic and international environments." Key internal factors include: Lack of consensus among strategic elites Centralized management and policymaking Weak participatory processes Key external destabilizing factors involve: Conflict between domestic discourse and global development paradigms Policies of dominant international institutions (e.g., the World Bank, IMF) Adversarial stances of regional and international organizations toward Iran's political system Literature Review Issues of progress and development in Iran have often been framed within discourses of underdevelopment and backwardness. Previous studies on instability have highlighted factors such as: Divergent views on sustainable development and instability in industrialized nations The instrumental use of development discourse to obscure social, class, and political inequalities within industrialized countries and their exploitative relations with less industrialized nations Iran's adoption of global development models (particularly those of the World Bank and IMF), which prioritize economic aspects over social dimensions A major shortcoming of these studies is their single-factor approach, overlooking systemic requirements for stabilizing development processes, implementing programs, and safeguarding achievements. Theoretical Framework The study conceptualizes Unsustainability in progress and development across three dimensions: Process Unsustainability (affecting developmental stages) Outcome Unsustainability (affecting achieved results) Situation Unsustainability (affecting the overall developmental state) These can manifest in: Short-, medium-, or long-term durations Semi-stable, fully Unsustainable, or fluctuating conditions Initially, Unsustainability primarily concerns the development process. However, as outcomes emerge, Unsustainability shifts to preserving achievements, and as the environment evolves, Unsustainability in situation becomes prominent. Unsustainability operates in both domestic and international environments. While the causes of Unsustainability vary, its domains remain consistent: Resources (knowledge, capital, goods, services) Research & Development (innovation, technology application) Leadership & Management (strategic guidance from conception to sustainable development) The critical challenge lies in the simultaneous occurrence of Unsustainability across all three dimensions (process, outcome, situation) in both domestic and international contexts. This creates a complex, compounded Unsustainability with diverse manifestations, each requiring tailored mitigation strategies. Research Approach & Method The study employs " Phrontic planning resarch", a methodology that aligns theoretical constructs with empirical realities. Findings indicate that due to the interaction of internal and external making unsustainable factors, Iran's development and progress suffers from chronic, cyclical unsustainability across all dimensions (process, outcome, situation). In today's globalized context, overcoming this crisis requires: Sustainable consensus (for at least three decades) among strategic elites on core national values and macro-strategic issues Coordinated, long-term efforts to define and realize an advanced society in alignment with Iran's global positioning Findings In the current era of globalization, the stability of progress and development is shaped by the entanglement of domestic and international factors. For Iran, key determinants include: Domestic Factors: Structure of policymaking and implementation Participatory mechanisms Dynamics among strategic elites External Factors: Iran's regional and international standing Alignment with global development discourses and paradigms Each factor exerts unique pressures, and their combined interaction generates the observed instability in Iran's developmental trajectory. Conclusion Ensuring sustained progress and safeguarding developmental achievements amid increasing domestic and international complexities remains Iran's fundamental challenge. Addressing this requires: Institutionalizing elite consensus on long-term strategic visions Adaptive engagement with global systems while maintaining developmental sovereignty This study underscores that resolving Iran's chronic development unsustainability demands a dual focus on internal governance reforms and strategic international positioning. (Note: This translation maintains academic rigor while improving readability for an international audience. Adjustments can be made for specific journal requirements.)

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An Analysis of Data Quality in E-Government and Its Impact on Data Governance in Iran

Faramarz Sahraei

Volume 11, Issue 41 , July 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.84072.1618

Abstract

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Public Policy

Optimal Policy Making in The Face of Crisis Epidemic Diseases: A Bridge from The Past to The Future

Seyed Mohammad Mehdi Baki Hashemi

Volume 11, Issue 41 , July 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.82613.1582

Abstract

Introduction The presence of the Covid-19 virus was first reported in December 2018 in Wuhan, China, and then it spread to other countries in the world. Iran also officially announced on February 30, 2018 that this virus has entered the country. Following this issue, a series of different policies were ... Read More Introduction The presence of the Covid-19 virus was first reported in December 2018 in Wuhan, China, and then it spread to other countries in the world. Iran also officially announced on February 30, 2018 that this virus has entered the country. Following this issue, a series of different policies were used to provide the ground to control and contain the disease. Due to the fact that the virus was unknown, the way governments dealt with it was different, but the problem that made Iran's conditions more difficult to deal with the virus was the widespread sanctions, especially in the field of raw materials, medicine and medical equipment. The epidemic of corona disease and its extraordinary spread caused wide challenges and problems in health, economic, social, security, etc. fields. Therefore, taking strategic and timely decisions to control the virus and its consequences became very important. But now that the world is in the post-coronavirus era, learning from the governance methods in dealing with and confronting governments with the corona virus in the past can provide great political lessons for the necessary preparation to deal with possible epidemics. Provide the lowest cost and the highest benefit in the future. Therefore, in order to learn from the bitter experience of the past and to create a bridge from the past, in order to make the future measures more transparent, in order to answer these questions: 1) What policies does the Iranian government have in view of the corona virus epidemic? What could be done to control the spread of the epidemic with relatively low economic cost and high public benefit? 2) What optimal policy should the Iranian government adopt in the event of an epidemic disease crisis? The research was designed and implemented. Therefore, the aim of the research is to gather the opinions of experts and experts regarding the most effective policy measures in facing the Corona epidemic in order to derive a transparent, coherent and effective policy to ensure the readiness of the country's governance system to deal with similar critical conditions in the future, so that the country is able to recover with the least damage. To be resilient and bear such emergency situations. By examining the research conducted in the field of the nature of the Corona problem as a malignant problem compared to the manageable problems and the development of its strategic principles, it was determined that this issue has a research gap in the scientific-research literature of the country, also in the field of Corona policy making and its foundations. Considering the novelty of this topic, there are many research shortcomings. Therefore, this research seeks to fill these research gaps. Materials and Methods The current research is among the applied researches in terms of its purpose and it was done with a qualitative approach. In the qualitative stage, thematic analysis method (or theme analysis) has been used to identify the categories of the research. In order to identify the policies and policies adopted during the Corona epidemic in Iran in order to identify and formulate optimal policies, while using the method of library studies and the use of scientific-research documents and documents, articles, reference books and domestic and foreign sources; Additional data of the research has been collected by field method and semi-structured interviews. Triangulation method was used to check research tools. The selection criteria of people have been having expertise, experience or published works in the field of the research subject and also having a management experience of more than 10 years, which formed the possible community for the researcher to refer to, who is trying to answer the following questions. 1) Considering the epidemic of corona disease, what policies could the Iranian government implement to control the spread of the epidemic with relatively low economic cost and high public benefit? 2) In the event of an epidemic crisis, what optimal policy should the Iranian government adopt? Finally, the participants with the "snowball sampling method" and carefully refer to the first circle available; were determined and interviewed until reaching the theoretical saturation point; It continued with 16 experts. Results and Discussion The results include 218 primary themes, 24 sub-themes and 6 main themes which include social contact reduction policies, social contact maintenance policies, public support policies and finally governance system policies. It was also found that according to the past experience and the economic and social conditions of Iran, the optimal policy to deal with and prepare for the future has two main stages: First, the stage of strike action with a short-term comprehensive shutdown of three to four weeks to A way that the number of patients at the community level is drastically reduced (according to the course of the disease) and a new and desired equilibrium point is reached with limited mortality. Second, the stage of gradual return to social and economic activities by controlling the reproduction number near one. Finally, research and executive proposals were presented. Conclusion The success of the policy depends on the minimization of social interactions in the first stage so that people reduce their interactions in closed spaces to near zero and necessary activities are carried out using personal protective equipment such as masks and gloves. Of course, the necessity of accompanying citizens is continuous communication, transparency in informing the real and complete statistics of patients and deaths, separated by different regions. Although it may seem that the peace of the society depends on making the situation less risky, the reality is that the success of the short-term strike policy depends on the full cooperation of the citizens, which also depends on their accurate knowledge of the risk of disease in different places and times. Different are tied. After passing the first stage, the policy makers can carefully rely on the information and knowledge that is determined daily by researchers and epidemiologists about the characteristics of the disease to monitor the number of reproduction and take prudent measures and control it. In the vicinity and under the number of people, they are engaged. And by determining different and diverse support packages for the vulnerable and at-risk groups, they will help to maintain social cohesion and mobilize the society to overcome the epidemic wave.

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Public and International Law

A Reflection on the Decision of the International Criminal Court on the Territorial Jurisdiction of the State of Palestine

Abdollah Abedini; Zahra Sadat Sharegh

Volume 11, Issue 41 , July 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.70349.1337

Abstract

Introduction On 5 February 2021, the Pre-Trial Chamber of the International Criminal Court issued a decision on the Prosecution's request pursuant to Article 19 (3) for a ruling on the Court’s territorial jurisdiction in Palestine. Accordingly, the Chamber declared by a two-on-one majority that ... Read More Introduction On 5 February 2021, the Pre-Trial Chamber of the International Criminal Court issued a decision on the Prosecution's request pursuant to Article 19 (3) for a ruling on the Court’s territorial jurisdiction in Palestine. Accordingly, the Chamber declared by a two-on-one majority that Palestine, in the sense of a State party to the Statute of the Court, has the status of a Member State and hence the territorial jurisdiction to exercise through the court is available. This decision is very significant previously, in 2009, the Palestinian Minister of Justice had submitted a declaration of acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Court based on Article 12, paragraph 3, of the Statute of the International Criminal Court. But unfortunately According to the Argentine prosecutor, Mr. José Moreno-Ocampo, being a state as a prerequisite for joining the Rome Statute is a matter that is primarily the responsibility of the Secretary-General of the United Nations as the depositary of the Rome Statute. But since he considered examining this issue outside his jurisdiction, the matter remained virtually silent. In light of this precedent, the Palestinian government did not shy away from examining the issue of crimes committed in the occupied Palestinian territory and in January 2015 referred the matter to the Court once again in the same form as in January 2009. The new prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, Ms. Bensouda, had a different view on the matter. Based on the research she has conducted on the situation in Palestine, the Prosecutor of the Court believes that Palestine is a state, but to be sure of this, she has asked the Pre-Trial Chamber this question so that she can act with complete certainty regarding the subject matter she is investigating. first requested the Pre-Trial Chamber was requested to announce a decision on the territorial jurisdiction that the Court will have over the situation of Palestine, to pave the way for the situation of Palestine. Despite Palestine's concerns about the Court examining the issue of its statehood and the opinions of opponents, including several States, including Germany, Austria, Australia, and Brazil, submitted their opinions on this issue, it ended with the recognition of Palestine. The importance of the decision lies in the fact that since 2015, when Palestine first issued a declaration to exercise the jurisdiction of the Court in the occupied territories, based on Article 12 (3) of the Statute. One of the most important effects of this decision was the significant role of the President of the International Criminal Court in recognizing Palestine as a state. While Mr. Ocampo, while receiving the opinions of lawyers and various academic circles on the issue of whether or not Palestine is a state, ultimately considered this issue outside her jurisdiction, Ms. Bensouda, while conducting initial research to ascertain the possible future of the Palestinian situation, requested the Pre-Trial Chamber to issue a ruling in this regard. Materials and Methods It is a type of basic research that is descriptive-analytical and using library resources as well as using electronic resources including books, articles, dissertations, official conferences related to the subject in Persian and English languages and after raising the issue and clarifying the hypotheses, the data by the research questions in national and international judicial documents and procedures have been searched, collected, summarized and analyzed. Results and Discussion This article seeks to examine this important decision and address its important aspects, including what impact the decision has on the further recognition of Palestine as a state in the international community. The questions that we will address in the following are whether the Court, as a court with criminal expertise, is allowed to enter the field of statehood as a subject of general international law, and what criteria have been taken into account in the Court's approach to this issue. There has been much debate in academia and among jurists. The present article seeks to examine this important decision and addresses its significant aspects, among them, what is the effect of the aforementioned decision on the recognition of Palestine as a state in the international community. In this article, we will first describe the Pre-Trial Chamber’s decision and then analyze the various aspects of this ruling to explain the foundations of the Court’s position based on factors such as examining the comparative approach of the Court’s two prosecutors, the Court’s jurisdiction to deal with issues of general international law, and the practical effect of this ruling on establishing the statehood of Palestine. It seems that the Court’s finding in this case is another proof of the statehood of Palestine and paves the way for prosecuting crimes committed in occupied Palestine. Conclusion The Court's decision to admit Palestine to the Statute is very significant and precise. The admission of Palestine to the Court is important in two ways: on the one hand, Palestine's membership in the Court is an important step for this country to prove its standing among other states. On the other hand, the Court's action to admit Palestine has enhanced the institution's standing as an independent judicial institution in the international community. It remains to be seen what approach the Court will take in the remaining stages of the proceedings.

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History

Relations Between Monarchy and Caliphate: The Critical Discourse Analysis of Tughril and Al-Qaim's Letters

Zekrollah Mohammadi; Setare Ghaffari Bijar

Volume 11, Issue 41 , July 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.71074.1355

Abstract

Introduction: Research problem and background The relations between the Caliph and Tughril continued continuously from the time of the establishment of the Seljuk state until Tughril's death. These relations fluctuated based on the factors and events that occurred. These relations had three turning ... Read More Introduction: Research problem and background The relations between the Caliph and Tughril continued continuously from the time of the establishment of the Seljuk state until Tughril's death. These relations fluctuated based on the factors and events that occurred. These relations had three turning points: first, the recognition of the Seljuk government by the Caliph, second, the conquest of Baghdad by Basasiri and the exile of al-Qaim, and third, the marriage of the Caliph's daughter to Tughril. In each of these events, numerous correspondences and negotiations took place between the Sultan and the Caliph. This correspondence contains valuable information that enhances our understanding of the relations between these two institutions. Three articles can be mentioned regarding the topic of this research. The first is an article titled "Relations between the Seljuks and the Abbasids (Malikshah and Al-Muqtadi)" written by Abul-Hasan Shahvari. In this article, the author depicts the relations between Malekshah, assisted by Nizam al-Mulk, and Caliph al-Muqtadi. He divides the relations into two periods: friendly and hostile, and emphasizes the role of Nizam al-Mulk in normalizing the Caliph's relations with Malekshah. The second article, titled “Relations between the Seljuks and the Abbasid Caliphate with Emphasis on the Era of Sultan Masoud” is written by Ana Dardi Karimi. The author describes and explains the relations between the Seljuks and the Abbasid Caliphate. Another article entitled “The Application of Mawardi’s Theory of Dominance in the Relationship between Caliphate and Monarchy at the Beginning of the Seljuk Rise to Power” is written by Ali Rezaian. This article attempts to examine the nature of the Seljuk rise to power against the Buyids using Mawardi’s theory of dominion. Research objectives This article seeks to analyze the relationship between Tughril and Caliph al-Qaim. The main criterion here will be the form of correspondence. Although the original text of the correspondence is not available except for one letter, the content of some of these letters or their translations are mentioned in the main sources of the Seljuk period. This research, relying on some principles rose in the critical discourse analysis method, aims to answer the question of how the ideology governing the two institutions of monarchy and caliphate was reflected in the letters? Research method One of the famous approaches in critical discourse analysis is Norman Fairclough's approach. Fairclough's method has three levels: description, interpretation and explanation. The level of description, in this level of the text, based on the appearance characteristics, they are described and analyzed. At the level of interpretation, it interprets the text based on what is stated at the level of description, taking into account the situation, concepts and strategies of language usage and intertextual factors. The third level is the explanation level. The explanation deals with the explanation and why of the production of such a text among the permitted facilities available in that language for the production of text in relation to sociological, historical, discourse, ideology, power, conventions and social cultural knowledge. Report of research findings Tughril's relations with Al-Qaim began with respect and he came with the help of the Caliph but in the end it led to enmity and conflict of ideologies. Khalifat'Allah against Sultan Zell'Allah. In all the three stages, we witnessed the confrontation between the two institutions of monarchy and caliphate. The caliphate was trying to regain the power that the Buyid dynasty had taken from them, hoping that the Seljuks were the revivalists of the Prophet's tradition. But the discourse of the Seljuks was against this issue. Sultan was under the influence of Iranian bureaucrats, they tried to preserve the tradition of Iranian emperors. This thought was consistent with the Turks' desire for power. Conclusion Since during this period the caliph did not benefit from independent financial and military resources and was defeated by the monarchy discourse. The caliphate realized that the Seljuks were no different from the Buyid dynasty and they should be satisfied with their spiritual power However, Tughril took an important step towards taking spiritual power from Abbasid Caliphate by asking to marry the daughter of al-Qaim and establishing a kinship bond. The Seljuk Sultans' respect for the caliphs was very limited. As a result, this respect was never allowed to be included in political issues.

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Politics and International Relations

The paradox of utopia and dystopia in North Korea

mohammad karampouriy; Hossein Athari

Volume 11, Issue 41 , July 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.70459.1344

Abstract

Introduction Totalitarian regimes have a utopian approach, and their leaders justify their ideology and decisions in terms of achieving a better situation. The opposite of utopia is dystopia, where the political system has failed to achieve its goals. In this respect, North Korea is one of the most ... Read More Introduction Totalitarian regimes have a utopian approach, and their leaders justify their ideology and decisions in terms of achieving a better situation. The opposite of utopia is dystopia, where the political system has failed to achieve its goals. In this respect, North Korea is one of the most totalitarian societies of the modern era. The regime is one of the most repressive in the world. Accordingly, many political scientists and international relations analysts believe that the North Korean political system is a totalitarian system that has adopted a utopian approach to maximum control over all aspects of society. Research Objectives This research attempts to show how North Korea has reached a dystpia by analysing the dimensions of North Korea's political, economic and military development, as well as economic data and graphs, and what approaches and coordinates have shaped the direction of North Korea's political system in domestic and foreign policy, and what their positions are from the perspective of utopia and dystopia. Research Method In descriptive-analytical research, which is the approach of this research, the researcher, in addition to illustrating what is, describes and explains the reasons for how and why the situation of the problem is and its dimensions. In order to explain and justify the reasons, the researcher needs solid argumentative support. This support is based on a literature review and theoretical discussion of the research and the formulation of existing general propositions and theorems, such as laws and theories about it. Research Highlights The North Korean regime, which follows four ideologies, Suryong (leader), Juche (all-round self-sufficiency), Songun (military priority) and Songbun (hereditary caste system), to achieve a utopian state. The facts show that they give a wrong interpretation of the utopian state. While the characteristics and principles of utopia are opposite to the characteristics of a totalitarian political system, the totalitarian system takes as its starting point a dilapidated city, which the political system mistakenly gives a utopian interpretation to this totalitarian state; Therefore, the analysis of economic data and statistics and the analysis of political indicators show that this system has a single party with a single leadership, the existence of official ideologies, the party's control over technology and mass media, the party's control over the army, the existence of a system of fear, repression and police control, the party's control over the planned economy and maximum control over all aspects of society, along with widespread poverty and human challenges. A large part of the population is confronted with the illegitimacy of the state and the political system. The existence of the Songbun system of hereditary discrimination, the failure of the Juche ideology and the priority given to the military policy of the Songbun over the economic needs of the society indicate that it has exhibited the functions of a totalitarian state, and in the field of foreign policy it has faced comprehensive international sanctions for its aggressive nuclear policy in defiance of the international community, suffered severe economic decline and global isolation, and is in ruins both internally and externally. Conclusion Conclusion North Korea is facing an inescapable paradox: because of the adoption of the Soryong ideology, it cannot carry out political reforms followed by the introduction of information and communication technology into the system; because the effect of centrifugal forces is increasing until it leads to the overthrow of the system; and because of the Songbun discrimination system, it does not have the capacity and ability to develop politically and economically. The Juche idea has also failed at home and abroad, and the country's leaders have admitted this failure. In addition to the self-sufficiency of Juche, the Songun ideology has also faced a wave of severe international sanctions in terms of military and nuclear capabilities. The increase in military expenditure and the aggressive military policy of Songun, together with the dangerous nuclear tests, have not only brought about a decline in economic development and economic reforms, but have also brought about comprehensive international sanctions and global isolation of the country, indicating that the country is in a state of dystopia. The lifting of sanctions and the country's access to international markets require nuclear negotiations and an agreement with the negotiating countries, namely the United States. In these negotiations, nuclear disarmament actually requires the abandonment of the ideology of Songun and Juche; therefore, Kim Jong-un's nuclear negotiations with the United States and the world powers have reached an impasse and a strange paradox.

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Political Thought

Establishment, glory and decline of mechanical governmentality

Rouhollah Eslami; Somayeh Maleki

Volume 11, Issue 41 , July 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.67430.1245

Abstract

Governance is the same as governance and means the techniques and strategies that take place on the population in a geographical area. The logic of governance has gone through three periods of metaphysics, mechanics and quantum. Political thought from Machiavelli to Marx belongs to the period of mechanical ... Read More

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International Relations

Economic Sanctions and their Challenges for the Energy Security of Producers: Case Study of Iran

Ehsan Jafarifar; Ali Bagheri Dolat Abadi

Volume 11, Issue 41 , July 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.70674.1347

Abstract

Iran's economy relies on energy exports, and because of this financial dependence, it is vulnerable to pressures from oil and gas export sanctions. That is why energy security considers one of the most important issues in Iran's political economy.And many believe that Iran's economy will be revived with ... Read More Iran's economy relies on energy exports, and because of this financial dependence, it is vulnerable to pressures from oil and gas export sanctions. That is why energy security considers one of the most important issues in Iran's political economy.And many believe that Iran's economy will be revived with the lifting of sanctions, however, this research will deal with the issue of Iran's energy security after the sanctions from another perspective. The present study uses the explanatory-analytical method and data collection based on the library method to seek to answer the question what are the most important threats to Iran's energy security? The hypothesis of the article is that Iran's energy security faces serious threats in four categories of production, distribution, sales, and market and customer protection. Findings show that even with the end of sanctions, Iran faces challenges in its energy exports such as falling prices and global demand, disconnection from regional energy networks, unbalanced use of common fields with neighbors, lack of technology, and reduced investment in energy. Therefore, the lifting of sanctions will be a prelude to addressing some of these challenges, such as the reduction of foreign investment and the lack of up-to-date technology, and is not a cure for all of Iran's restrictions and problems. So; it is necessary for Iran to be more active in the energy diplomacy in the world.A look at the concept of energy security and the threats surrounding it showed that while the existence of huge energy reserves is considered an advantage for Iran, the mere existence of reserves will not strengthen Iran's position in the energy markets; Rather, the other dimension of energy security, which is the ability to produce, transfer and sell energy resources to customers, is of great importance. The concept of energy security states that no country can permanently protect itself against market influences, but all countries are affected by fluctuations in production, supply, price and availability. Apart from production, the issue of energy transfer and joining energy networks is discussed, although the geopolitical position of Iran shows the advantage of energy transfer, both in terms of land and sea, but it must be said that these geopolitical advantages have been used less. On the other hand, Iran's most important challenges in the field of energy are attracting and maintaining the market, extreme fluctuations in the prices of various energy products, and differences between major energy suppliers due to political problems. The research findings for this sector showed that simply expanding relations with Asian powers such as China does not guarantee Iran's energy security; Because China's foreign policy has shown that it is very pragmatic and is not willing to confront the West because of Iran. So; It can be said that Iran's energy position is a function of the policy of countries that try to act realistically in the international environment and seek to secure their national interests. Saudi Arabia is one of the countries that have taken this path and in recent years, affected by the sanctions, they have taken over the share of Iranian oil from the market. This behavior of Saudi Arabia has also lured other Arab players in the region to unilaterally take more than their share from common gas and oil resources in the conditions of Iran's economic and technological weakness. The continuation of this trend in the long term can cause irreparable damage to Iran's energy economyBased on this, it is suggested that Iran take the following measures to ensure energy security.*Activating energy diplomacy to join Iran to regional and international energy networks* Special attention to the development of common fields instead of non-common fields*Special attention to the discussion of current technologies and strengthening of knowledge base*Concluding long-term contracts with energy importing countries* Expansion of regional cooperation in the form of energy institutions and organizations

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The Roots of the Arab Spring and the Domino Effect of Collapsing Arab Regimes; the Determining Role of Short-Run Factors and Political Management

Volume 3, Issue 11 , December 2017, , Pages 1-26

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2017.8102

Abstract

Between 2010 and 2013, during what was called the Arab Spring, the Arab world witnessed a wave of popular uprisings that led to the overthrow of four governments (in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen), serious difficulties for three states (in Bahrain, Jordan and to some extent, Saudi Arabia), and a civil ... Read More

State and Environment: From the Non-State to the Participatory Approaches

Volume 2, Issue 8 , March 2017, , Pages 59-80

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2017.7198

Abstract

n the case of the relationship between government and environmental obligations there are different views in public law theory. At least three approaches can be mentioned in the context of general task to which principle 50 of constitution refers. The first approach is based on the centrality of the ... Read More

Gender Policy in Contemporary Iran: The Role of State in Changing the Status and Rights of Women (1891–2013)

Volume 7, Issue 27 , December 2021, , Pages 59-87

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2021.43143.710

Abstract

Gender policy in contemporary Iran has experienced many fluctuations, but it has generally brought about significant changes in the status of women. The question of this article is focused on political factors, especially the role of state, in these changes. Using a historical–comparative method, ... Read More

Military Diplomacy: A New Strategy for States in Pursuit the Foreign Policy Goals

Volume 6, Issue 23 , December 2020, , Pages 219-256

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2020.39753.653

Abstract

For a long time, the only solution to ending disputes between countries was war on the battlefield and military option. In the midst of these wars, the most important military strategies were born and often used in other battles. But over time, states have found that warfare is a very costly activity, ... Read More

Securitization of the Corona Virus and Adopting State Restrictive Measures in the Fight against the viral Pandemic (Case Study of the United Kingdom, Germany, and Australia)

Volume 6, Issue 22 , September 2020, , Pages 107-140

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2021.56706.1023

Abstract

Various governments around the world have put tough restrictive measures on the agenda to combat the outbreak of the Covid-19 virus. Actions that are unbearable for people under normal circumstances. These restrictive measures and extraordinary means have so far been accepted by the public (despite popular ... Read More

Welfare State, and the Binary of Social Democracy/Liberal Democracy

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 21 May 2020

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2020.11253

Abstract

In recent modernity era, especially between big war and the annihilation of communism, the most important political division in democratic countries has been the duality of Right/Left. Often the two biggest rival parties, apart from their different names, have been representing two tendencies, the social ... Read More

The Dialectical Dilemma of the Iranian Intellectual: Statism or Anti-statism

Seyed Majid Hosseini; Vahid Asadzadeh

Articles in Press, Corrected Proof, Available Online from 20 February 2020

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2020.10924

Abstract

In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development ... Read More

The Relationship between Political Structure and Political Development in the First Pahlavi Period Based on Bernard Crick's Model

Morteza Manshadi; Sara Akbari

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 21 May 2020

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2020.11257

Abstract

Political development, in the sense of expanding partnerships and ideological competition in the political arena, at least at the elite level, requires institutions, organizations and developments in the structure of traditional society. In the first Pahlavi period the programs for the modernization ... Read More

The Legal Personality of State in the Sassanid Era

Parham Mehraram; Mohammad Seyed Fatemi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 20 February 2020

Abstract

< p >There has been valuable research on the socio-political structure of the Sassanid era. Most have described Sassanid society as an example of feudal or authoritarian Eastern societies. But the historical evidence is not entirely consistent with these two theories. It seems that the existence of a ... Read More

The Constitutionalist States: Study of New Division of Constitution and the Concept of Dual Freedoms

Masoud Raei Dahaghi; Alireza Asadpour Tehrani

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 22 May 2019

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2017.10034

Abstract

Due to the developments in social relations in modern societies, and in particular the importance of restrictions on the political power of governments, the rule of people and the protection of individual rights and public freedoms as the foundations of constitutionalism and constitutional rule, it seems ... Read More

re-creation Political trust in today's Iran

mostafa ghorbani

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 13 October 2024

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2024.74485.1428

Abstract

Affected by the decrease in political trust as an evident fact in recent years, Iran is fa cing many problems in the field of political governance. despite this, although the issue of political trust has been taken into consideration in sociological research in Iran, so far no comprehensive research ... Read More Affected by the decrease in political trust as an evident fact in recent years, Iran is fa cing many problems in the field of political governance. despite this, although the issue of political trust has been taken into consideration in sociological research in Iran, so far no comprehensive research has been conducted on ways to restore or recreate political trust in Iran. therefore, in the cur rent research, with the perspective of political sociology, an attempt is made to analyze the ways of re-creating this important issue in today's Iran, referring to the state of political trust in today's Iran. therefore, the purpose of this research is to analyze how to recreate political trust in in today's Iran with the approach of political sociology, in order to present the necessary solutions to man age the challenge of reducing the level of political trust, as a very important challenge and at the same time affecting the quality of governance and the future of Iran's developments, while representing this macro issue. therefore, the current research has the nature of research policy. in this research To achieve this goal, by combining the cultural approach with the acute focus of Jean Baudrillard's hyper reality and the institutional approach in the form of systemic theory as a theoretical framework, as well as using the meta-analysis method with the approach, these results obtained that political trust in today's Iran is a variable whose level depends on the efficiency of the political system in providing valid answers to the demands of the citizens as well as their preferences and subjective perceptions. the latter case is especially affected by the acuteness of the hyper reality formed by the media's pretensions. In today's Iran, Political trust is declining due to the weakness in both mentioned fields. Based on this situation, in order to recreate the political trust in today's Iran, in order to strengthen the five capabilities of the political system in order to respond authentically to the demands of the citizens, the state should define a balancing nature for itself in the administration of the society and not be a part of the political conflict between the elites and political currents. become In this case, the state can make maximum use of the multiple capacities of the society. it is certain that paying attention to this matter is necessary to strengthen the efficiency of the government. In addition, strengthening efficiency, especially in the field of distributive justice and related to the basic needs of citizens, along with revising some governance methods or turning to some new procedures in the administration of the country, such as giving the field to the border characters, making governance more visible, strengthening intermediary institutions, strengthening Communicative rationality, employing public symbols to represent the whole society not just a specific section or sections, regulating the competition of political elites, accuracy in promises by officials, providing the first narrative of the country's events and strengthening the authority of the official media, in order to take media tools from the hands of foreigners, Strengthening the capacities of internal reform, accelerating the circulation of elites, the rule of law and etc can be effective in recreating political trust in today's Iran. The important point is that most of the solutions in this field have a functional nature rather than a media nature; Because the hyper reality that has been formed today in connection with Iran and its ruling political system, finds its driving force from the unfavorable objective realities existing in the Iranian society. Therefore, it is with the practical unraveling and resolution of the mentioned facts that the current reality is overturned.Finally, it is suggested that other researchers study other dimensions and angles of this issue, such as the futures studies of the state of political trust in Iran, the impact of socio-cultural changes on the state of political trust in today's Iran, the impact of the state of the country's foreign relations on the level of political trust, and also the impact of political elite conflicts on To analyze the level of political trust in today's Iran and etc.Keywords: Political Trust, System Theory, Hyper Reality, Meta-analysis, Efficiency, Equilibrium Nature of Government, Communicative Rationality.

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The place of ethics in the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes

Behzad Yazdani; Hossein Ali Nozari

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 09 March 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.73323.1408

Abstract

AbstractThe purpose of this article is to examine the place of ethics in the system of political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes, the English political philosopher of the 17th century. Although, according to political thought researchers, he has been considered the first great modern political philosopher; ... Read More AbstractThe purpose of this article is to examine the place of ethics in the system of political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes, the English political philosopher of the 17th century. Although, according to political thought researchers, he has been considered the first great modern political philosopher; However, the prominence of his original and influential political philosophy has not been able to hide his moral philosophy from the eyes of today's prominent researchers. Hobbes, who is the author of the theory of political ruler with absolute power, how can he have a moral theory? Undoubtedly, Hobbes's concern was order, peace and security, and therefore, by combining moral philosophy (natural laws) and political philosophy (civil laws) and presenting an ethical view of human self-preservation, he creates a system consisting of dos and don'ts based on description. Human nature to form a peaceful government based on the theory of social contract. The origin of his moral philosophy is the theory of natural law, which includes the theory of natural rights.Natural law and natural rights are the two foundations on which Hobbes based his theory of ethics and politics, respectively. Hobbes's moral philosophy is the fundamental starting point from which his political philosophy developed. He claims in Leviathan that he has provided the only correct and true moral philosophy.Hobbes' thoughts in the field of moral philosophy have received less attention from thinkers, the main reason for which is the ambiguity in his moral philosophy. In this sense, in Hobbes's moral philosophy, on the one hand, there are defenses of a type of personal relativism, and on the other hand, there are defenses of the divine command theory; In one place, Hobbes defends the theory of the general principle of principled egoism, and in another place, he defends pious ethics. As a result of the paradoxical content of Hobbes's moral philosophy, there has been a difference of opinion among experts in the field of moral philosophy.On the other hand, many research texts and articles in research and specialized magazines have dealt with the political aspect and political theory of Thomas Hobbes in their analysis, and due to the influence of Hobbes's thoughts on the politics of Western countries and the exclusive and authoritarian interpretations of the thoughts of this influential thinker. It is important to examine the difference between his moral theory and the political sphere of his thoughts and to emphasize that he has a moral theory. In this way, until today, no comprehensive research has been done on Hobbes's thoughts on the place of ethics in his political philosophy, The approach and reciprocity of prominent political and moral philosophers is doubled with the beginning and rereading of Hobbes' thoughts. The political, economic and social situation of the 20th and 21st century justifies the return to Hobbes, at least in the sense that he tries to find a cure and solution for the political and social crises of his time. In addition to everything that can be said about his philosophical system and the coherence of his philosophical foundation, the most important of them is his methodological value in establishing the deep relationship between science, politics and ethics with the basis of realism. Hobbes's most important criticism of his predecessors was their idealism (idealistic approach) in the field of politics and ethics.The path taken by Hobbes and his contemporaries has been a gateway to return to man and his place in the world; Because before this, human being in the face of church-centered eschatology and idealistic virtue (meaningless and vague attempt to create a utopia that never existed in the history of color from Plato's effort in the Republic to Osho at the end of the 20th century) which, according to Hobbes, is a dream and a dream. It has not been more, it has been sacrificed. Hobbes showed how despite the relativism resulting from skepticism in the fields of culture (politics, ethics, society and spirituality), it is possible to establish natural laws in political society, natural rights (human freedom) and the insatiable desire of man to gain power and His self-control has been curbed and with an agreement based on the social contract and giving up some of his freedoms, peace and tranquility can be brought under the shadow of total authority.He showed that political legitimacy can be obtained from the selection and selection of people to have satisfaction resulting from the modernization and well-being of humans in the society and the order resulting from political security. A very important point is that justice and rationality are two wings of political and social peace and tranquility; Although the basis of human decisions is based on emotions, feelings and sensual inactions.His pessimistic view of human nature is based on the informative point that if man is left alone and there are no political and moral arrangements, the acquisition of power, fame and honor will undoubtedly lead to endless war, and in the meantime, he tries , to create a mental plan and a logical scenario in which the human being has fallen into a pre-political and social situation where the risk of violent death, poverty, poverty, unhappiness and short life will be the immediate result and no one will be safe.

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From Acceptance to Resistance: Examining Iranian Society’s Strategies in Response to Political dichotomy between the State and Society

mahmoudreza rahbarqazi; zahra sadeghinaghdali

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 07 April 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.81415.1554

Abstract

The central aims of this study encompass the identification and analysis of the elements that affect the emergence and escalation of political dichotomy between the state and society in Iran, the investigation of societal strategies employed in reaction to this phenomenon, the assessment of its social ... Read More The central aims of this study encompass the identification and analysis of the elements that affect the emergence and escalation of political dichotomy between the state and society in Iran, the investigation of societal strategies employed in reaction to this phenomenon, the assessment of its social and political ramifications, and the provision of recommendations to address and alleviate its detrimental impacts. This research employs a qualitative methodology, grounded in the Strauss and Corbin framework, which entails conducting comprehensive and semi-structured interviews.The data for this study were obtained through in-depth and semi-structured interviews that were carried out with 24 experts, comprising mostly academic scholars with doctoral degrees. These interviews aimed to gather from them their experiences, perspectives, and methods regarding political bifurcation. For further data validation, relevant reports and documents dealing with political bifurcation were also used.Qualitative content analysis was carried out on the data. First, open coding was done in order to identify key concepts. Then, using focused coding, these key concepts were systematically compared and analyzed to discover the connections between them. Finally, selective coding was used in order to identify the central code and to detect meaningful patterns. This methodology allowed for a deep and comprehensive analysis of the origins, approaches, and implications of political dichotomy, which improved our understanding of the elements that contribute to this phenomenon.Validity and reliability of the data were critical components of this study. In addition to credibility, precision was ensured through the internal validation strategies of cross-checking and recoding. Furthermore, the preliminary analytical findings were continuously checked and confirmed through the involvement of experts and stakeholders, thus assuring the data reliability and accuracy of the analysis.The study suggests that "structural and cultural divides" come into being as the leading code, stemming from the complex interaction of causal, contextual, and intervening variables, which have deepened the political rift in Iran. The causal variables include social and economic inequality as well as ideological conflicts, which serve as the critical structure for this gap. These challenges arise out of unequal power relations and the uneven distribution of resources, resulting in a great deal of dissatisfaction among various groups in society. Situational factors that increase this division relate to the political and social culture within society, which, through institutions like the family and the education system, passes on conflicting political ideologies. This culture, instead of bridging the gaps, strengthens and reinforces them. Finally, intervening factors such as media and social networks further fuel political polarization by creating echo chambers and spreading misinformation. Moreover, ineffective political decisions and changes in legislation have often inflamed these tensions rather than reduced them, thus contributing to the crystallization of this divide.The theoretical framework developed in this study reveals that the political cleavage existing in society has caused the development of two basic strategies among the people: acceptance and resistance. Acceptance, as one of the responses to the political rift between the state and society in Iran, reflects a part of the population's willingness to adapt to the existing conditions and accept the hegemonic order. This strategy is generally adopted by groups that lack the motivation either to change the status quo or, because of conservatism, inability to access power, or uncertainty about what might result from change, opt for the maintenance of the status quo. Acceptance can either be passive, without open protest or resistance, or active, through attempts to use the existing conditions for the betterment of oneself or one's group. In this approach, both individuals and collectives strive to adjust to the prevailing conditions while maximizing the opportunities available in the system to assert their place. While acceptance may provide temporary relief from social tensions and bring about political stability, it can also work to reinforce inequalities and further entrench political polarization, as the social and economic disparities continue to exist and can even exacerbate.On the other hand, resistance is an alternative strategy characterized by the actions of part of society to challenge the status quo and bridge the gap between the state and society. This type of resistance may be carried out in different ways: public protest, oppositional political activities, acts of civil disobedience, and so on. People who apply this strategy usually are not satisfied with current conditions and would like to make significant changes in political, social, or economic structures. The notion of resistance often arises from perceptions of injustice, inequality, and discrimination within political and social ideologies. In contrast to acceptance, which tends to consolidate the prevailing order, resistance seeks to challenge and change the system for the betterment of disadvantaged and disenfranchised people. However, resistance can increase tensions and sharpen political polarization, particularly when it hits the wall or otherwise fails to gain support across the board. Ultimately, resistance lies at the very core of the formation of political and social dynamics and can serve as a catalyst for broader changes.The theoretical framework demonstrates that such a political dichotomy between society and the state is a complex and multifarious phenomenon with huge implications for Iran's social, political, and economic frameworks. An exploration of these implications reveals that such political dichotomy has deepened social and political cleavages, practically bifurcating society into two often hostile and rival camps. These divisions have fueled a rise in polarization and growing social and political unrest, which, in turn, further amplifies the sense of inequality and discrimination among some quarters. From such an environment, political and economic instability has emerged as the most likely outcome. Severe market volatility, lower investment, capital flight, and continued political unrest are just some of the results of this bifurcation and the failure to achieve national cohesion. Furthermore, rising public discontent is another major consequence, as clearly seen in widespread protests, growing feelings of injustice, and increased pessimism about the future. These complaints have fostered an atmosphere of increased violence and social unrest, driving society into street confrontations, political instability, and cyber attacks on social media platforms.Concomitant with these developments, a major issue that has emerged is the marked decline in trust in government institutions. Citizens have gradually lost confidence in democratic processes and state institutions; hence, there is a growing sense of powerlessness and political apathy. This precarious situation has posed a direct threat to national cohesion, evidenced by the weakening of social bonds, deepening ethnic and religious divides, and a decrease in participation in national affairs. Lastly, political polarization has also contributed much to the aggravation of emigration and brain drain. Part of the intellectual and cultural elite of the country, disillusioned by the local situation and dissatisfied with the prevalent conditions, are leaving the country, which may further weaken Iran's human capital and undermine its development potential. This only goes to prove that the political divide between state and society tends to jeopardize stability and progress in a society, which eventually leads to further crises due to increased divides and growing unrest among the citizens of such society.

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The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouye counties

Abdolrasoul Kavehfard; Hojjatollah Ayyoubi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 14 April 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2023.74717.1436

Abstract

Extended abstractTitle: The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouyeh countiesAbdolrasoul Kaveh Fard, Ph.D. Student in Political Science/Political Sociology/Faculty of Lows, Theology & Political Science, Science and Research ... Read More Extended abstractTitle: The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouyeh countiesAbdolrasoul Kaveh Fard, Ph.D. Student in Political Science/Political Sociology/Faculty of Lows, Theology & Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranHojjatallah Ayyoubi Associate Professor, Faculty of World Studies, Tehran UniversityMojtaba MaghsoudiAssociate Professor, Faculty of Political Science, Islamic Azad University. Central Tehran Branch. Tehran, Iran.Introduction: Since development in developing societies, especially in Iran, depends a lot on the approaches, policies and plans of the government, knowing the special tasks, capabilities and capacities of agents and representatives of the government in the regions is also of fundamental importance in this field. Therefore, the topic of this article, which is derived from a scientific research, among various possible factors, is to study the role of governors in the political development of cities, which is examined from the perspective of political sociology.The purpose of the research: The general purpose of this research is to investigate the role and influence of governorates on the political development of cities.Method: In terms of purpose, this research is applied and among quantitative researches, the data has been collected by survey method. In the research process, a questionnaire was distributed electronically among all the employees of the governorates of "Dashtestan", "Genaveh" and "Asalouyeh" cities (including governors up to assistants in the number of 100 people) in the territory of Bushehr province. Therefore, the sample size was determined to be 100 people using the full enumeration method. Cronbach's alpha method was used to measure the reliability of the measuring instrument, and the questionnaire was confirmed with a reliability coefficient of 0.907. To analyze the data, one-sample t/t tests, analysis of variance and variance-oriented structural equation modeling approach and related software (PLS) were used.Report of findings: The findings of the research show that the highest average in the political development index is related to the "Governorship of Asalouyeh" and the lowest average is related to "Governorship of Genaveh". In the sub-indexes of political development, the governorates of all three cities have had a positive performance. "Activity of news-analytical media" in Dashtestan city has the highest average (3.85), and the lowest average related to the sub-index "political participation" (3.32), in Genaveh city, the sub-index of "activity of political parties and organizations" has the highest average (4.00) and the lowest average related to the sub-index of "political participation" (2.74); and in Asalouyeh city, the sub-index of "efficiency and effectiveness of the government" was the highest average (4.10) and the lowest average was related to the sub-index of "political participation" (3.65). Therefore, overall, in the political development index, the performance of Asalouyeh governorate has been better than other governoratesTo evaluate the political development index, 13 questions were asked, which were evaluated using the single-sample T/T test. The analysis of the collected data shows that the average of all the items of the political development index, except for the item of "governor's performance in the participation of the people in the elections of the Assembly of Experts" are above average, and thus there is a good satisfaction in the political development index. The value of the alpha error or the significance level of the T/T test for all items except for the item of "Governor's performance in the participation of the people in the elections of the Assembly of Experts" is equal to 0.000, since this error rate is less than the acceptable error rate for the test, i.e. is less than 0.05, as a result, it can be argued that the difference between the observation satisfaction level for these measures and the average level of satisfaction is significant at the 95% confidence level. The general results of the political development index express favorable conditions and a positive view of the governorates of the studied cities from the point of view of the statistical community of this research. Following up on the political affairs of the cities is one of the important tasks of the governorates, and in this field, the studied governorates have achieved relative success.Conclusion: on the functions, specialties and capabilities of governors as agents and high representatives of the government (and sovereignty) at the city level and their role in political development, clearly shows that governors, considering their duties and powers, as well as their role The leadership that they have, within the framework of their institutional structure, has helped to facilitate various indicators of political development in the regions and regions, and they play a prominent and prominent role in promoting the indicators of political development in the cities. Because the philosophy of establishing local governments in regions and districts also comes from the need to facilitate development at the regional level and as a result of national development. But in this process, some factors such as the presence of inefficient people at the head of the governorate as governor and the subsequent appointment of inefficient deputies and managers of executive bodies and government organizations at the city level, the sometimes security attitude of the governors to the administration of local affairs and especially the political activities of political currents at the level in the region, very weak financial resources, cumbersome laws and regulations, weak and insufficient human resources within the structure of the governorates and the lack of transparency in decision-making have caused their potential capacities and capabilities to perform effectively and carry out developmental tasks in the political dimension.The results of this research with the conclusion of "Shiari and Farhangi(2018)" research that the role of the government and its policies in the process of political development and the formation of civil society is prominent and significant, as well as the research of "Abiyar et al.(2018)" on this basis that Local governments play an important role in accelerating the process of political development, it is completely consistent.

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Chinese Harmony and International Order in the 21st century

Fariborz Arghavani Pirsalami; Sajjad karimian

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 03 May 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.79725.1517

Abstract

One of the most important attentions to international affairs as well as the category of power and order is giving importance to ideas, values and concepts. The importance of ideas, values and concepts in formulating and presenting the best options for order creation in the international arena is always ... Read More One of the most important attentions to international affairs as well as the category of power and order is giving importance to ideas, values and concepts. The importance of ideas, values and concepts in formulating and presenting the best options for order creation in the international arena is always considered. In this context, values, concepts and intellectual ideals act as raw materials for building the international order. With Deng Xiaopeng coming to power and adopting a different foreign policy, China's economic growth dazzled the eyes. As a result of economic growth, China's military growth accelerated. In recent years, these two fields have attracted so much attention of international relations researchers that the third field, namely Chinese culture, is on the sidelines of international attention and is paid less attention to it. Considering the increasing power of this country and also being among the great international powers, the importance of the ideas, thoughts and ideals of this country in building order is taken into consideration.According to what was said, what are China's ideals and ideals for the desired order of this country? Paying attention to ancient history and thought in this country is one of the basic requirements to answer this question. When China's long and deep history turns its pages, one of the most important and basic ideas of Chinese human life is the category of "harmony". This issue is so broad and deep that it is not far from reality if I say that the central signifier of social discourse in China is the concept of "harmony". Accordingly, the main research question is what is the nature of Chinese international order under the concept of coordination? In other words, how does the concept of coordination shape the Chinese international order? This article, relying on the descriptive-analytical method and using intellectual propositions in the context of Chinese history, asserts that the Chinese order does not seek uniformity and pursues a balance achieved through recognizing differences. Therefore, the Chinese international order reflects this meaning in the international system.Chinese worldview is a unique and exceptional worldview among the attitudes of different people in today's world. Apart from the five thousand years of historical continuity of China, in the philosophical perspective of this country, there is no existence of a creator that is outside of world creation. This feature makes this worldview completely naturalistic, self-sufficient and self-generating. Accordingly, good and evil do not exist in the mental geometry of Chinese people, and instead there is balance and harmony in contrast to disharmony. Balance has been the guiding light of man and Chinese society throughout the history of this society, and this harmony has emerged as the central sign of various thoughts in China. One of the most important of these ideas is Confucius and Taoism, which is several thousand years old.According to Confucius, the main goal of government is to create harmony, and the last step in achieving this goal is to achieve harmony at the global level. The three basic principles of moral force, empathic understanding and harmony with differences were recognized as the foundations of creating harmony in the international arena. Taoism, like Confucius, pays special attention to the concept of harmony and order. However, Taoism has a different view on the category of harmony and interprets it as cosmic. In this view, the category of order has a place to organize order in the cosmic system. The important and common Taoist principles are isolation, simplicity and harmony with nature.The emphasis of Chinese culture is on fostering harmony not only between different people, but also between people and the fundamental world. The four basic characteristics of harmony are balance in the whole, harmony in difference, order in complexity, and unity in diversity. It was on this basis that certain viewpoints were created to explain and describe the category of harmony in Chinese philosophy, which had a special application in the field of domestic and foreign politics, and therefore are highly contextual and historical. Based on this, the representation of the concept of harmony and social balance in the political sphere of China can be seen in the creation of political constructions such as the Son of Heaven, a strong family system and orderly social hierarchies. These structures, which have always declined and risen for many years, are not the only representations of the concept of harmony emanating from Confucian and Taoist thoughts in China's domestic political sphere. The history of China's political history makes it clear that China has been characterized by the growth and expansion of the hierarchical structure and the formation of the Confucian bureaucracy and, as a result, a powerful political system. In general, the ontology of Chinese man and all aspects of his social and individual life cannot be imagined outside of the concept of under the sky. Accordingly, the inclusion of the concept of harmony includes all areas of Chinese human life.In the Chinese intellectual geometry and the concept of harmony arising from mutual recognition and deepening it is not to meet needs but to create harmony and prevent distance from a balanced world. Based on this, it can be said that order based on demand from the concept of hegemony and geometry in Chinese thought is fundamentally different from Western order in terms of ontology and epistemology, and its nature and essence does not seek to create uniformity and equalization; Rather, it seeks to recognize diversity and at the same time build a world based on mutual understanding. Based on this, it can be concluded that from the point of view of the geometry of Chinese thought and harmony, the role of China is benign. In this way, according to the aforementioned, this country seeks to create a balance at the world level with an emphasis on harmony.Based on the Chinese point of view, order should be based on the deep expansion of China's relations with all countries of the world. In such a way that the final result of these relations should lead to the improvement of the level of world peace and prosperity. Another characteristic of this type of international relations is that it leads to the production of power relations for each side of these relations. The most important examples of promoting coordination and balance in China's international order in the fields of institutions, security and international economy are the Belt and Road Initiative, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Asian Development and Infrastructure Bank. In terms of rules and regulations and the degree of China's presence and authority in them, each of them reflects the category of international coordination and the resulting order in the international arena.

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Modeling of the Speeches of Presidents in the UNGA (1980-2024)

Sajjad Sadeghi

Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 21 March 2025

https://doi.org/10.22054/tssq.2025.84425.1628

Abstract

IntroductionIt is customary for the heads of state or delegates of states to deliver speeches at the beginning of each regular general annual assembly on the most important current international events that are of urgent concern to their national interests, and to present their government's perspective ... Read More IntroductionIt is customary for the heads of state or delegates of states to deliver speeches at the beginning of each regular general annual assembly on the most important current international events that are of urgent concern to their national interests, and to present their government's perspective on these international events, as well as to propose solutions to resolve crises and achieve sustainable regional and global peace and security. Therefore, examining the speeches of the heads of state of each country at the UNGA can first reveal the foundations of their view of the international order and system, then the most important international events from the perspective of their foreign policy, and finally their possible actions to overcome crises in the form of global partnership in the form of declared policy. From 1980, when then-Prime Minister Mohammad Ali Rajaee attended this meeting and announced the Islamic Republic of Iran's positions on the international world, until the 79th General Assembly in 2024, Iranian presidents have attended the UNGA a total of 24 times and have used this opportunity to present the "Foreign Policy Doctrine of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI)". Especially after the escalation of tensions centered on the nuclear issue, Iranian presidents have continuously used this position to convey the messages of the IRI's general policies to the public. The ultimate goal of this research is to understand the 45-year trend of the IRI's foreign policy and ultimately create a model for future research on Iranian foreign policy behavior.Literature ReviewIn a review of Persian works that analyze the speeches of the presidents of the IRI at the UN, few works were found. These works examine these speeches at the UN from two perspectives: "discourse analysis from a linguistic perspective" and "content analysis from the perspective of international relations concepts." These works have a diverse theoretical basis. It should be noted that there are also studies in international relations that, as part of their research on foreign policy, address aspects of presidents' speeches at the UN, and these studies have no affinity with the present research work. If we examine these research works based on their focus on presidents, Hassan Rouhani's speeches have been studied more by researchers. Overall, based on the studies, none of these research works are similar to this study in terms of scope and final approach, and none of them sought to formulate a final foreign policy based on the policies declared by the presidents.MethodologyContent analysis seeks to identify hidden linguistic meanings in a text, and from this perspective, it is possible to examine the texts of presidents' speeches at the UN using a type of content analysis method. If it focuses on a "qualitative" approach, it can ultimately create conceptual models and maps by logically combining axes, indicators, and specialized metaphorical concepts, and from a macro perspective, focusing on counting the items found in the text, it can qualitatively formulate specialized metaphors. For this reason, the research method "patterning based on inductive content analysis" was identified as a suitable method for this research and was used.Results and DiscussionBased on the research findings, we found that common features are visible in the foreign policy doctrine of the administrations of the IRI, including:There is a negative and pessimistic view of the great powers.The main approach towards international organizations is that they are ineffective and in need of fundamental reform and transformation (especially the UN and the Security Council).In the international system, a continuous confrontation between the two main currents, "protectors and supporters of the status quo" and "change-seeking actors," has been recognized by the administrations of the IRI, which in the last two decades is gradually shaping a new order of the "Neo Cold War".In the international system, they see evidence of the emergence of a new international order that is in serious conflict with the current international system, and since they have a strong desire for change, they try to define themselves as "change-seekers" in this new international order.They consider the current international system to be a system of unjust domination.The final and combined result of these three propositions indicates that the main and continuous doctrine of the foreign policy of the IRI is the "doctrine of change seeking in the current international system."ConclusionBased on the findings of this research, fundamental principle shaping the foreign policy table is the concept and trend of "revolutionism or change seeking against the status quo," which can be defined in the dimension of foreign relations and the international system with the approach of "revolutionism in opposition to the current international system." For this reason, the complete convergence in foreign policy of administrations over the past 45 years, despite differences in political taste in domestic issues, is clearly visible. The final point is that if we consider the approach of "change seeking based on the negation of the system of domination" which has been transformed into "change seeking against the current international system" in the foreign policy doctrine as the basis for the performance of the foreign policy of the IRI, then as a future studies, these two propositions will be correct: "The foreign policy of the IRI will support any international actor, any bilateral or multilateral coalition or alliance, or any trend and process that can take steps towards the change of the current international order," and in contrast, "The foreign policy of the IRI will avoid and confront any trend, process, actor or coalition in the international system that seeks to strengthen the status quo."

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