Political Sociology
Sajedeh Allameh
Abstract
IntroductionThis paper critically examines the conventional view of the state in Iranian social history, which commonly characterizes the state as an "oriental despotism"—a sovereign that is absolute, all-encompassing, and detached from society —thereby denying the existence of any independent ...
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IntroductionThis paper critically examines the conventional view of the state in Iranian social history, which commonly characterizes the state as an "oriental despotism"—a sovereign that is absolute, all-encompassing, and detached from society —thereby denying the existence of any independent social forces throughout Iran’s history. Contrary to this perspective, historical evidence and recent theoretical analyses offer a different picture of the state and society during the Qajar period in Iran: a fragmented and corporate power structure embedded within a complex social fabric composed of diverse groups — including tribal confederations among nomadic tribes, rural communities in villages, and “guild groups” in urban centers. Rather than relying solely on coercion to govern society, the Qajar state depended on an intricate and continuous process of negotiation and bargaining with these social groups. According to the dominant “oriental despotism” approach, however, it has often been assumed that independent guild organizations could not exist in Iranian cities because the state prevented their emergence and development. In light of this evidence and new theoretical analyses, the central question addressed here is: what was the nature of the relationship between the state and guild organizations in the bazaar in Iranian urban society during the nineteenth-century Qajar period?Theoretical FrameworkTo analyze this relationship, the paper adopts Joel S. Migdal's "state-in-society" framework. In contrast to classical state-centered approaches, this perspective does not regard the state as a unitary and omnipotent actor, but rather as an ensemble of institutions that continuously interact and struggle with social forces to shape the rules of social order. Accordingly, the boundaries between state and society are not fixed; instead, the dynamics of power and resistance determine the institutional position of social actors. To further clarify the concept of “relative independence” of guild organizations, the paper draws on Max Weber’s conceptual distinction between “autonomy” (subjection to external authority) and “self-governance” (the internal capacity to manage and regulate affairs). This distinction shows that guild independence is a spectrum that depends on the degree of subjection to state authority and the degree of control over internal matters.MethodologyThis research is a historical study that designed a case study focusing on guild organizations in the Tehran market between 1800 and 1906. Data collection draws upon primary sources including archival documents, newspapers, travel accounts, reports from foreign envoys, and memoirs of Qajar officials, along with credible secondary literature.ResultsThe findings are presented in two main parts:At the structural level, an analysis of the state's administrative arrangements for managing guild organizations and its financial dependence on them reveals a "power-balancing policy" based on the mutual needs of the state and the bazaar, including guilds. The Qajar state failed to establish a centralized administrative system. This failure meant that it could not consistently collect stable taxes nor effectively govern the bazaar by fully integrating its institutions into the bazaar. In this context, the state was compelled to rely on the cooperation of bazaar merchants and guilds to secure revenue and maintain urban order, resulting in a “power-balancing policy” based on mutual dependence.At the institutional level, the study shows that guild organizations possessed a form of "relative independence" in shaping and maintaining the rules that regulated socio-economic life in the bazaar. Analysis of elements such as the selection of guild heads, taxation, quality control, and pricing of goods, contracts, and labor conditions, master–apprentice relationships, dispute resolution (arbitration), social support, and financial-credit relations demonstrates that guilds exercised considerable self-governance in organizing work. Their subjection to the state was primarily defined through payment of guild taxes (bunyacha). In return for these taxes, the state not only allowed guilds to operate economically but also recognized their exclusive rights within their craft, effectively granting them a form of monopoly. Thus, guild groups in the bazaar experienced a kind of “relative independence” which, under state authority, allowed them a significant level of self-governance.DiscussionThe findings of this research challenge the one-sided portrayal of the "bazaar in bondage under absolute despotism" and instead illustrate a dynamic relationship between the state and the bazaar as a diverse and active urban institution where both sides were engaged in ongoing processes of negotiation, compromise, resistance, and the reproduction of socio-economic rules. Compared to major merchants who, due to their substantial financial capital, had political influence, retailers and artisans — despite their limited wealth — gained collective bargaining power through their organization. This arrangement enabled the everyday administration of the bazaar’s economic life, despite its formal subjection to the state, to be largely entrusted to enduring, informal, and reliable networks of guilds. Therefore, guild independence in Iran was neither absolute nor reducible to complete subjection; rather, it was a fluid spectrum that varied historically in response to the balance of social and economic forces.ConclusionIn conclusion, the Qajar state, unable to establish a centralized power structure to govern economic life, inevitably pursued a policy that maintained a balance of power with bazaar actors. As a result, the integration of state institutions into guild organizations in the bazaar remained limited. This, in turn, shaped an institutional setting for guilds characterized by relative independence that allowed them, under state subjection, to enjoy a noticeable degree of self-governance. A more nuanced understanding of state–society relations in pre-modern Iran thus requires moving beyond the image of a monolithic, omnipotent state and recognizing the diverse, negotiated forms of local governance. This perspective contributes to a better understanding of how local trust networks, market order, and intermediary institutions were historically formed.
Political Sociology
Narges Souri
Abstract
IntroductionSince the Pahlavi era, the state assumed an interventionist role in the women’s movement, which had begun its organized activities during the Constitutional Revolution. Changes in the status of women during the reign of the first Pahlavi took place in three domains: reforms in divorce ...
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IntroductionSince the Pahlavi era, the state assumed an interventionist role in the women’s movement, which had begun its organized activities during the Constitutional Revolution. Changes in the status of women during the reign of the first Pahlavi took place in three domains: reforms in divorce and marriage laws, the expansion of education, and the unveiling (abolition of veiling). Nevertheless, the first Pahlavi state did not take steps toward granting women broader political and social rights. During the second Pahlavi period, in the time span between 1941 and 1953 (1320–1332), which in one sense can be regarded as a period of governmental instability, no effective measures were undertaken to change the status of women. In the period between 1953 and 1961 (1332–1340), with the establishment of the two political parties, the Melliun and Mardom, the necessity of addressing women’s social and political rights was raised; however, no serious action was taken regarding the granting of political rights.In 1962 (1341), with the rise to power of the government of Asadollah Alam and the introduction of the six principles of the White Revolution—one of which was the reform of the electoral law and the granting of suffrage to women—the state once again assumed responsibility for changing the social status of women. The state and the royal court claimed that they represented the women’s movement and were its voice. This revolution sought to define a new identity for women so as to be able to mobilize them, as half of the society’s social force, in alignment with its goals. What is of importance for the present study is the manner in which women are represented in the discourse of the White Revolution.Research ObjectiveThe objective of this study is to examine the manner of women’s representation and their superior and subaltern positions in the discourse of the White Revolution. The White Revolution claims to have rescued women from their subaltern condition. The present study seeks, through an analysis of the modes of women’s representation, to evaluate this claim by exploring how the subaltern and superior positions of women are constructed within the discourse of the White Revolution. For this purpose, Spivak’s theoretical logic in her well-known essay “Can the Subaltern Speak?” has been adopted as the basis of this evaluation. Accordingly, this study aims, within the framework of subaltern studies, to address the following questions: How are women represented in the discourse of the White Revolution? How are their superior and subaltern positions depicted? And has this discourse altered the power relations concerning women, or not?Research MethodIn this study, Norman Fairclough’s method of Critical Discourse Analysis has been employed to understand the representation of the subaltern woman in the discourse of the White Revolution and its relation to power relations and domination. The two books White Revolution and Towards a Great Civilization, as the manifestos of the White Revolution, constitute the basis for textual analysis. The analysis has been conducted at three levels:Textual practice: At this level, the text is analyzed in terms of its linguistic and formal features, and an attempt is made to derive its experiential, relational, and expressive values so as to provide clues for the researcher leading to the level of interpretation.Discursive practice: At this level, attention is given to the formal properties of the text to extract its underlying essence, that is, the dominant discourse of the text.Social practice: At this level, the relation between discourse and social structure is examined, and it is shown whether the discourse has transformed the social order and power relations or has contributed to their reproduction and stabilization.Research DataThe research data, in line with the three levels of Critical Discourse Analysis, are presented in three parts:Textual Practice: In this section, the linguistic features of the text are examined in relation to the three central research questions: the representation of women, and the construction of subaltern and dominant positions. Regarding the representation of women, it was shown that the text producer, in order to resolve the ideological knot of religious and cultural illegitimacy, makes women visible in two historical periods, namely Ancient Iran and Islam. In these two periods, women are represented as having social rights and, in some areas, equality with men, so that the rights granted to women in the White Revolution could be endowed with cultural and religious legitimacy. Concerning the representation of subaltern and dominant positions, it was shown that the text producer situates women’s subalternity in the post-Islamic period and identifies four forms of subalternity—cultural, social, political, and economic—designating this condition as “seclusion” and “social stigma.” In the discourse of the White Revolution, the horizon of dominance envisioned for women is their reaching the level of “progressive” Western women, meaning access to political freedom, social participation, economic activity, and civil rights equal to men. It must be noted that the text producer constructs women’s subaltern and dominant positions through continuous comparison with the transcendent “Other” of the White Revolution discourse—namely, the West—and this comparison has shaped the way women are represented.Discursive Practice: At this level, based on the linguistic features of the text, it was demonstrated which discourses the text producer summons and articulates together in order to resolve the ideological knot of religious and cultural illegitimacy. In the discourse of the White Revolution, three discourses—namely Iranian nationalism, Islamism, and modernism—are articulated together in such a way that the outcome of their recombination can be labeled as a new discourse, namely identity-oriented modernism. Since the text producer rearticulates different discourses, it can be argued that the discourse of identity-oriented modernism has, to some extent, altered the previous discursive order regarding women.Social Practice: At this level, the relation between discourse, social order, and power relations is examined, and it is shown that the discourse of identity-oriented modernism has influenced women’s social status in two ways:Relative de-subalternization and Identity-based subalternization.ConclusionThis study demonstrated that the subaltern woman in the discourse of the White Revolution is represented simultaneously as both subject and object: as an object in the post-Islamic history, manifested through female seclusion and deprivation of social rights, and as a subject in Ancient Iran, the Islamic period, and the modern era. The Shah, as the author of the manifesto of the Revolution, seeks, by making visible the subjectivity of women in the history of Ancient Iran and Islam and assimilating it with the status of women in the modern period, to construct an ideology that, by blending tradition and modernity, creates a new identity for women endowed with religious and cultural legitimacy. In this regard, he attempts to articulate three discourses—Iranian nationalism, Islamism, and modernism—into a new discourse that legitimizes the horizon of women’s dominance in the present moment, namely reaching the level of progressive Western women.This discourse, claiming to represent women, establishes a dual relationship with power relations: on the one hand, the discourse of identity-oriented modernism, by linking with the state’s ideological and executive apparatuses, was able in the years following the White Revolution to produce relative social mobility for women through changes in literacy rates, employment, political participation, and family law reforms. On the other hand, through identity-based subalternization, it reproduces pre-existing power relations within the patriarchal society. In this instance, within the epistemé of modernism, through abnormal othering, the subaltern condition of women is concealed under the label of social stigma, and consequently, as Spivak puts it, women’s voices are silenced. From this perspective, despite the visibility of women within the discourse of identity-oriented modernism, the mode of their representation can be termed silent visibilization.
Political Thought
Mostafa Ensafi
Abstract
IntroductionModern state theories, largely influenced by the theoretical formulation of Carl Schmitt and Max Weber, have given the state a theological and transcendental dimension, in such a way that the state, like a Hobbesian sovereign, stands above and beyond society and organizes society from an ...
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IntroductionModern state theories, largely influenced by the theoretical formulation of Carl Schmitt and Max Weber, have given the state a theological and transcendental dimension, in such a way that the state, like a Hobbesian sovereign, stands above and beyond society and organizes society from an external position. But these theories, whether left or right wing, have a fundamental problem: where does the source of legitimacy, which is a necessary condition for all states, come from if state power is external? In other words, if the source of state power is outside of society, the problem of a legitimacy crisis causes us to constantly witness the collapse of states and the emergence of revolutions. However, transformative events such as revolutions are exceptional and rare phenomena throughout the modern era, and in most cases, we are faced with maintaining the status quo, which requires the obedience of the subjects.Materials and MethodsPierre Bourdieu's Genetic structuralism, relying on a powerful conceptual toolkit that uses concepts such as field, habitus, capital, reproduction, doxa, and symbolic violence, has abundant analytical power and explanatory capacity for analyzing social and political phenomena such as the state. In Bourdieu's view, the state is not a superstructure or metadiscourse that informs from the outside, but rather it gives color and form to all social phenomena from the inside. The state teaches individuals by producing habitus, perceptual categories, shared thinking, and social capabilities through the educational process that begins in the family and school. On the other hand, the state, in parallel with cognitive structures and habitus, provides a kind of balance between the subjectivity of the individual and his collective life by constructing social fields that are objective institutions. Therefore, the individual has no access to any belief other than what the state produces. Bourdieu shows with formative structuralism that the process of producing the modern state is the same process of producing the modern subject through state-building and the creation of bureaucracy. The state is an active and constructive member of the social world.Results and DiscussionBourdieu's theory of the state was a response to Max Weber's theory of the state and the idea of defining the state based on legitimate force, a legitimacy that Weber identified only at the conceptual level and was unable to explain theoretically. However, Bourdieu, while benefiting from the rich tradition of state studies before him, tried to show where the element of legitimacy came from and how the state emerged in this way and not in any other way in the modern world. Bourdieu's intellectual struggle around the element of legitimacy linked him to a tradition of political theology that, in common categories we call immanent political theology. With the help of the Lutheran concept (hidden God), Bourdieu attempts to delve into the deepest depths of the modern state and ultimately finds in that dark abyss that has always been invisible even to the most profound theorists, an element that guarantees the monstrous power of the modern state, and that is nothing other than symbolic power that serves as a superstructure for the symbolic violence that emerges from the accepted doxa of society.ConclusionAccording to Bourdieu, the idea of the state is present in the deepest layers of our thoughts, and in order to break away from this way of thinking, it is necessary to fight against the norms that are engraved in our minds, norms that from the moment of birth in the family and then in school and through socialization, until the end of our lives, tie our existential elements together based on (the idea of the state). According to Bourdieu, one type of the idea of the state, which is of course also addressed in other theories, is the aspect of bureaucratic power that flows in various objective institutions from hospitals and schools to barracks and universities. However, the other dimension of the state that Bourdieu pays more attention to is the subjective element of the state, the same element that has its home in the brain and nerves and the patterns of understanding and thought of individuals. Bourdieu believes that the modern state works and persists according to an intrinsic mechanism through which subjects themselves eagerly and unconsciously reproduce the process of obedience to seek blessings from the hidden god within the state.
The State
Jamal Mokhtari
Abstract
IntroductionThis research investigates the persistent structural role of the Chinese government in the construction of national identity, particularly amidst significant historical, ideological, and economic transformations. The study addresses the challenge of maintaining a cohesive collective identity, ...
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IntroductionThis research investigates the persistent structural role of the Chinese government in the construction of national identity, particularly amidst significant historical, ideological, and economic transformations. The study addresses the challenge of maintaining a cohesive collective identity, a task often spearheaded by the state, especially during transitions such as the shift from Confucian tradition to Socialism with Chinese characteristics. The core objective is to analyze how the state has continuously defined the collective “us” through various strategies. This includes examining the ideological instrumentalization of Confucianism and the state’s active role in crafting a selective historical narrative to foster a sense of shared destiny and legitimacy. Furthermore, the research explores how contemporary concepts like the “Chinese Dream” are employed to bolster national pride and unite diverse populations under a unified cultural and civil identity. The overarching aim is to understand the intricate mechanisms through which the state shapes and perpetuates national identity in contemporary China.across a long historical trajectory, from imperial Confucianism through the founding of the PRC, Maoist era, reform and opening up, to the present day under Xi Jinping. It emphasizes the structural continuity of the state’s function in defining national identity, even as ideological content evolved from Confucianism to Marxism and then to Socialism with Chinese Characteristics. The study differentiates between the philosophical essence of Confucianism and its state-sanctioned, reinterpreted application for nation-building. It highlights how elements like meritocracy and state ethics, reinterpreted from Confucianism, have been integrated into contemporary official discourse to address limitations in classical Marxism.Research ObjectivesThis research aims to investigate the continuity of the state’s role in the construction of national identity in China. It seeks to analyze how, despite significant ideological shifts from Confucianism to Marxism and then to “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics,” the state has consistently maintained its central function in defining and reproducing national identity. The study intends to highlight the structural persistence of state-led identity projects across different historical periods, differentiating between the state’s enduring role and the evolving ideological content it employs. Ultimately, the research endeavors to provide a nuanced understanding of the state’s persistent influence on national identity in China throughout its modern history.Materials and MethodsThis research employs a qualitative, historical analysis methodology. It primarily relies on secondary sources, including academic books, journal articles, and official Chinese government documents, to trace the evolution of state-led national identity construction. The study adopts a diachronic approach, examining shifts and continuities in state policies and ideological discourse from the late imperial period to the present day. By analyzing primary and secondary historical materials, the research aims to identify patterns and persistent strategies employed by the Chinese state in shaping national identity across different political and ideological regimes.Results and Discussion The research findings indicate a significant and persistent role of the state in constructing China’s national identity, transcending ideological shifts. Despite transformations from Confucianism to Marxism and “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics,” the state has consistently utilized education, media, and cultural institutions to promote a unified national narrative. While the content of this narrative has evolved, the structural mechanisms of state-led identity formation have remained remarkably stable. The study highlights how the Chinese government actively manages historical discourse and promotes a particular version of national heritage to foster social cohesion and political legitimacy.ConclusionThe study highlights the persistent and significant role of the state in constructing China’s national identity, a process that has transcended ideological shifts. Despite transitions from Confucianism to Marxism and then to “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics,” the government has consistently utilized educational, media, and cultural institutions to foster a unified national narrative. While the content of this narrative has evolved, the state-led structural mechanisms for identity formation have remained remarkably stable. This demonstrates the Chinese state’s active management of historical discourse, promoting a specific version of national heritage to bolster social cohesion and political legitimacy.
Iranian Studies
Hamid Ahmadi; Abbas Ashrafi
Abstract
IntroductionIn the contemporary era, Iran society has not had stable and continuous conditions in terms of stability between the government and the society, and after the establishment of a government with new conditions, after a short period of time, various factors, including social dissatisfaction ...
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IntroductionIn the contemporary era, Iran society has not had stable and continuous conditions in terms of stability between the government and the society, and after the establishment of a government with new conditions, after a short period of time, various factors, including social dissatisfaction and potential and power in the society, it has changed the situation.Regarding the new government formed in 1979 and in the last four decades in Iran, not much research has been done to examine the conditions of the society and government and the path of social revolutions as well as how the government responds to social demands. Therefore, research in this field seems necessary. In the current research, considering this necessity, the conditions of the society and the government in Iran in the last four decades are examined. For this purpose, the revolution 0f 1979 has been taken as a point of time and the factors of unity in the early years of the revolution have been discussed. Then, according to the divergence between the government and the society in the following periods, the factors of divergence have been investigated.Material and methods During the time period in question, one of these two elements has moved towards conservatism and stability, preferring the existing conditions, while the other, on the contrary, has been interested in dynamism and entering the new world. This basis of transformation and stagnation will be analyzed and examined in the framework of the dialectic theory of understanding: dialectic is a process based on which the phenomenon always has transformation and dynamics. There is a condition in the current phenomenon that changes over time, and this change can include awareness. In one place, the processes continue to change and evolve and in another place, they go to stop and stand still.Results and discussionIn the present study, the research method is based on the retrospective post-event approach (E-Post facto) in which the cause and affect are investigated after the occurrence. In other words, we understand its causes and variables from the effect.The purpose of this research is to investigate the convergence and divergence of government and society in Iran in the last four decades. To achieve this purpose, the conditions of the government and society and the effective variables in the evolution of the society and the government during the considered time process have been discussed. The government and society in Iran have had two periods since 1979 until now: The period of unity and the period of conflict. The most important factor in this context is time, and during the time process, it is from the beginning of the new turning point that it is possible to analyze and explain the initial entanglement of the government and society in relation to the conditions, and based on the time process and the formation of developments during this over time and based on the accumulation of social issues and demands and the government failure to resolve them, the situation between the society and the government tended to divergeThe main question is, what was the relationship between the view of Iranian government and society after the revolution, regarding domestic and foreign policy, and how has this view changed. The answer to this question after examining the state of society and the government in the last four decades, is that in the early period of the revolution, which we call the period of unity, based on factors such as the revolution itself, as well as the war and the existence of rent resources, between the political system and the society. There has been unity and convergence; But along the way, gradually, a divergence between these two was formed and finally a conflict has emerged. This contradiction has been proven by referring to valid survey statistics and the example of these statistics can be referred to base on people’s opinion about trust in political elites conducted by the Iranian student’s opinion survey center 2005.ConclusionIn this survey, the overall level of trust in the officials’ is 21%, which is an important indicator in the difference between the society and government. On the other hand, based on the time process and issues formed after this consultation, the situation has intensified the divergence process. One of the important factors and signs in the dynamics of society can be considered its support for freedom, as well as the media, which are the main support of freedom. Therefore, the indicator of supporting the freedom of the media in the prevailing culture and conditions of a society can be considered as a sign of the dynamism and transformation of that society. According to the survey research of the opinion polling center, in 2005, students agreed with four items based on freedom and minimal government interference in media, with a high percentage of them agreeing with this itemTherefore, the most important factors and determinants that moved the situation between the society and the government towards divergence are the international system, social awareness and internal and external policies, which have been examined in detail.
Political Sociology
Saba Mehrabi; Aliashraf Nazari
Abstract
Introduction The psychological approach to studying political phenomena has been prevalent after World War Two, and Charles Merriam and Harold Lasswell were the pioneers. As a result of the disasters of the Holocaust and war, theorists provoked to evaluate the human psyche precisely. The essay tried ...
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Introduction The psychological approach to studying political phenomena has been prevalent after World War Two, and Charles Merriam and Harold Lasswell were the pioneers. As a result of the disasters of the Holocaust and war, theorists provoked to evaluate the human psyche precisely. The essay tried to examine the phenomenon of populism through this unique theoretical perspective because the mainstream theories of political sociology, including Hanna Arendt’ and William Kornhauser’s theories have not convincingly analyzed populist movements.Literature ReviewAlthough Kornhauser argued that mass movement never happened in pluralistic societies due to civil society and democratic institutions, the USA as the most pluralistic society has experienced the populist movement in the Trump period. He carried out the research by the quantitative method, which was based on objectiveness. So, he did not consider the latent emotions in mass movements. Additionally, Hanna Arendt could not supply a convincing explanation of the phenomenon because she concentrated on consensus and overlooked the desire for domination in human societies. Nonetheless, the pivotal point of Mouffe and Laclau’s theory was the antagonism between people and corrupt elites. For instance, the aggression of Germans toward politicians who had signed the Treaty of Versailles indicated antagonism. Trump also talked about Obama and Hillary Clinton as the corrupt elites. Mouffe believed Arendt overlooked the political, which has been intrinsic nature between pure people and corrupt elites and contemplated this issue as the drawback of liberalism. However, the essay tried to criticize two mentioned theories of political sociology due to their analytical impasse.The Purpose of ResearchThe purpose was to gain an in-depth comprehension of the new social movements using the socio-political psychological approach because the approach had the advantage of examining the psychological human drives and desires in mass movements, which have had a profound role in populist movements. In contrast, the exact deficiency of the socio-political approach has been the ignorance of psychological desires. The significance and necessity of this research were being informed the unknown psychological roots of populist movements in order to prevent another movement like Nazism and surviving societies from holocausts and wars.MethodologyThe present research was conducted by the qualitative method and discourse analysis based on Chantal Mouffe and Laclau’s theory. Mouffe and Laclau could examine the crucial role of human emotions in politics. In other words, they have paid attention to “passion” and “identity” as the two psychological concepts, which have never been raised before that. So, they considered the political arena based on emotions instead of rationality. Therefore, they have raised a comprehensive attitude toward social movements. While Carl Schmitt supposed antagonism in the international arena between Germany and other countries, Mouffe and Laclau saw it in society. The main question was what psychological stimuli caused to support the populist and how can populism be examined through the psychological approach? The hypothesis was the stimuli, involving the feeling of inferiority, envy, and need for dignity, to be ignored, marginalization and xenophobia have been the main psychological stimuli in the emergence of populism.ResultsThe essay has analysed the content of Hitler and Trump’s speeches using the discourse method, including floating signifiers which have articulated around the central signifier based on power. Furthermore, otherness, antagonistic relationships and empty signifiers have been examined. The psychological stimuli as the floating signifiers articulated around people as the central signifier. When Hitler talked about constructing a new society signified achieving lost national dignity. The feeling of shame, economic inflation, lack of international opportunities and lack of colonial territories signified suffering of inferiority. Moreover, xenophobia signified Jewry and Marxists as otherness in Nazi discourse. Mexico, immigrants, and emerging economic powers such as Japan and China were otherness in Trump's discourse. Also, the empty signifiers were an ideal leader and economic-political situations. When Trump said “We need a leader who makes America great again” signified the empty signifier, which was absent in the status quo. In a nutshell, the Matrix showed the components of populism discourse, involving signifiers, signified and otherness in detail.ConclusionGerman society felt inferior when they compared themselves with other European countries that were developed and had colonial territories. They also envied Jewish people in terms of their economic status. Xenophobia has been another motivation in mass movements, and American society had fear of unemployment facing immigrants. Trump and Hitler have responded to these social emotions psychologically and achieved power, and the essay tried to unravel their discourses.
Iranian Studies
Vahid Sinaee; Yones Irandegani
Abstract
IntroductionThe main goal of this article is to know the forms of interaction between State-Ethnicities under different structure of power in the traditional, constitutional and Pahlavi eras. The issue of ethnic participation in government affairs has been an important topic in different historical periods ...
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IntroductionThe main goal of this article is to know the forms of interaction between State-Ethnicities under different structure of power in the traditional, constitutional and Pahlavi eras. The issue of ethnic participation in government affairs has been an important topic in different historical periods of Iran. Paying attention to the background and socio-political atmosphere in the important issue of how Ethnicities behave politically with the State shows Ethnic that throughout Iranian history, as rational actors, have defined their type of relationship and interaction with the State by assessing the conditions and structures of political opportunity. The type of relationship between Ethnicities and the State is not an inherent thing but rather a result of the environmental perceptions of Ethnicities resulting from the power structure or the State ' dealings and policies with ethnic demands. In the present study, by considering issues of this kind, the forms of interaction between the State and Ethnicities in the traditional, constitutional, and Pahlavi periods are examined. These forms of relationship extend from cooperation and competition to conflict. Materials and Methods The method of this research is qualitative of the historical explanatory type. In the historical explanatory method, by acknowledging the fact that social research requires historical data, by collecting historical data on the relations between the state and the Ethnicities in Iran and configuring and connecting this data in a continuous process, propositions and concepts are extracted and deduced from them to explain and interpret the mutual relations between the state and the Ethnicities in the time periods considered in the research. Results and Discussion In traditional Iran, there was no centralized power, but in those diverse powers in the field of governance balanced each other in a specific logic and order. As a result of the situation of these diverse powers, adjustments were always made in a balanced relationship that prevented one power from becoming dominating the other. From the contnuity of this process, the relationship between the State and the Ethnicities in the framework of the exchange of land and resources for the mobilization of power in the form of army collection and taxation, a kind of dispersion of power was stabilized and reproduced in Iran.The logical foundations of the power structure of the Meluk al - Tawaifi that is, the exchange of power resources between the central State and the local power cores The formalization of this mechanism with the approval of the law of state and provincial associations as a product of the constitutional revolution, it provides the possibility of accepting the request for participation Ethnicities in the construction of power, and according to the political opportunity structure, the contribution of " cooperation " in the relationship between the State and Ethnicities has been more prominent than the forms of "competition" and especially " conflict".During the Pahlavi era, with priority given to ethnic, security and centralist policies to the demands of the Ethnicities in the political, cultural and economic fields affected by the foundations of power structure in the Pahlavi absolutist State, there was less possibility to accept the demand for the participation of the Ethnicities in the structure power, and consequently the contribution of "conflict" in the relationship between the State and Ethnicities has been more prominent than the forms of "competition" and especially "cooperation". Conclusion Review and comparing the indicators of ethnic mobilityies in the constitutional and Pahlavi periods shows that during the constitutional period, ethnic mobilities were of the type of local-traditional autonomy in the Structure of the power of the Meluk al – Tawaifi. In other words, the ethnic mobilities in the Mamâlek-e Mahruse were not of the type of modern ethnic identity and value and territorial legitimization. While during the Pahlavi era, ethnic mobilities were accompanied by violence and in the form of divergent autonomies. In creating this situation, on the one hand, attention must be paid to the role and impact of identity values on the political behavior of individuals and social groups. on the other hand, notice should be paid to the authoritarian and centralized structure of the Pahlavi State which left no opportunity for proposing and pursuing ethnic demand in the political system.Due to the modern archaism discourse of the ethnic policy of the ideological Pahlavi State and as a result, the political opportunity structure of the Pahlavi era, in sum, had a closed nature.The consequence of the closed and ideological intersubjective space of the Pahlavi non-democratic political opportunity structure in the understanding and imaginations of ethnic elites was a kind of constructed pessimism that led to the formation of ethnic movements seeking autonomy and separatism and having a value and identity nature. On the one hand, the ideological ethnic policy of the modern Pahlavi State, which was rooted in archaic nationalism and targeted the identity and cultural foundation of the Ethnicities, on the other hand, the Ethnicities dissatisfaction with unequal treatment and the failure to fulfill their desires , which are related to preserving their valuable identity, played a fundamental role in shaping and advancing ethnic strategies In the form of nationalism and ethnic movement in pursuing their demands from the State and consequently the type of relationship between the State and the Ethnicities. The more the State pays attention to the values and identity of the community in defining nationalism, the more loyalties of groups will shift from local to general and national, and vice versa. After stating these premises, it can be concluded that from the modern Pahlavi State onwards, the nature of the state's ethnic policy from the political and cultural dimension to the economic dimension, has had the greatest and most effective role in the specific type of strategy of the ethnic movements in pursuing their demands from The State and, as a result, the type of relationship between the State and Ethnicities.
Political Thought
Bahram Akhavan kazemi; Javad Dadmehr
Abstract
IntroductionPolitical theology refers to the role of theological concepts in the production and organization of the political, and is grounded in the assumption that the fundamental concepts of politics and sovereignty are secularized forms of theological concepts—an argument articulated most explicitly ...
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IntroductionPolitical theology refers to the role of theological concepts in the production and organization of the political, and is grounded in the assumption that the fundamental concepts of politics and sovereignty are secularized forms of theological concepts—an argument articulated most explicitly in Carl Schmitt’s theory of political theology. From this perspective, the political is structured around the friend/enemy distinction and a fundamental antagonism that renders neutrality impossible and legitimizes the necessity of sovereign authority for the preservation of political order. In ancient Iran, Zoroastrian discourse embodies a form of political theology that structures the political based on the permanent opposition between good and evil—an opposition that functions not only at the cosmological level but also as the organizing principle of social and political order. This foundational antagonism is articulated through central signifiers such as Ahura Mazda, Asha, and the ideal king, and gives rise to a model of a maximal and authoritative state. With the official establishment of Zoroastrianism during the Sasanian period, the linkage between religion and state was consolidated through the formula of “one god–one king,” whereby the dominant discourse reproduced a specific form of sovereignty and political order as the normal condition of political life.Materials and MethodsThe present study aims to identify the elements of Zoroastrian discourse using the discourse analysis method proposed by Lacla and Moufe and to compare political theology, the Political and government in Zoroastrian discourse, with the theory of Carl Schmitt. The answer to this question requires a clear definition of political matters. Based on Schmidt's theory, political matter is the gear wheel of history, the assumption of the concept of the government and based on the principle of friend/enemy distinction. Based on the findings of political-theology research in ancient Iran, in addition to being the source of developing political concepts and elements of Zoroastrian discourse such as Ahuramazda, the cosmic order of Ashe, the doctrine of good and evil, the ideal king, function and the holy land, Zoroastrian discourse, similar to Schmitt's approach, has a certain orientation to political matter, which is based on the principle of the permanent antagonism of good and evi. The prescriptive model of government that emerges from the interaction of theology and the political in Zoroastrianism is a monarchical order centered on a widely recognized ruler endowed with extensive authority. This model closely parallels Carl Schmitt’s theory of government, particularly in its emphasis on sovereignty and decisive power. An orientation grounded in differentiation necessarily entails the rejection and marginalization of rival discursive elements, while simultaneously foregrounding its own symbols and signifiers, since political identity is constituted through processes of differentiation and otherness. Accordingly, drawing on Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse analysis, it can be shown that Zoroastrian discourse gives meaning to both the political and the form of the state through the articulation of the good/evil antagonism and the stabilization of central signifiers. While this configuration bears a conceptual affinity with Carl Schmitt’s theory, the permanence of conflict leads to a distinct understanding of sovereignty and the state of exceptionResults and DiscussionThe results of this study demonstrate that political theology, the political, and the form of the state are structurally and meaningfully interconnected within Zoroastrian discourse. Zoroastrian theology primarily operates as a form of political theology that defines the contours of the political, upon which the ideal model of the state is constructed. In this sense, Zoroastrian political theology provides the overarching conceptual framework for understanding both the world and politics. The political in Zoroastrian discourse is grounded in the principle of the perpetual struggle between good and evil, closely resembling Carl Schmitt’s friend–enemy distinction. This enduring conflict functions as the driving force of history, rendering all neutrality impossible until the advent of the Saoshyant. Given that the political is constituted through organized enmity, the state assumes a maximal and comprehensive character, revealing a significant convergence between Zoroastrian political theology and Schmitt’s conception of a strong and inclusive state.ConclusionThe concept of the Katechon in Carl Schmitt’s theory concerns the position of the ruler; it refers to a sovereign figure capable of establishing order, ensuring security, and suppressing opposition. In Zoroastrian discourse, the optimal form of government accords with the cosmic or divine order (Asha), and the paradigmatic realization of such a government is monarchy. Within this framework, monarchy possesses a sacred character, and the king is endowed with Farrah Yazidi (divine glory). Accordingly, the king bearing Farrah functions analogously to the Katechon in Schmitt’s theory.In Schmitt’s political theology, the exception pertains to critical and extraordinary situations, and the agent who makes the final decision in such circumstances is the true sovereign. By contrast, in Zoroastrian political theology, decision making authority is not confined to moments of crisis but extends across both exceptional and ordinary conditions of rule. Although ministers, priests, and advisers participate in governance, the final authority ultimately rests with the king. The king endowed with Farrah Yazidi is charged with establishing social order and defending Iran against the threat of the non Iranian other.Similar to Schmitt’s framework, the state that emerges from Zoroastrian discourse is a maximal and comprehensive state. However, an important divergence exists: the presence of fixed divine laws established by Ahura Mazda functions as a structural constraint on royal power. This limitation stands in contrast to Schmitt’s notion of the exception, wherein the sovereign possesses the authority to suspend or abolish the legal order. Thus, while Zoroastrian kingship embodies strong sovereignty, it remains normatively bound to a divine legal and moral framework.The state produced by this discourse is rooted, on the one hand, in political theology and, on the other, in a specific conception of the political, insofar as the principle of enmity propels history forward and constitutes the foundation of the political realm. Endorsing such a form of government entails the legitimation of authoritarian features, including the demand for absolute obedience from subjects and the categorization of rebellion or revolution as an inherently evil act.Although Manichaean and Mazdakite discourses also affirmed monarchy in principle, they were violently suppressed because they challenged the political and social configuration articulated by the dominant Zoroastrian discourse. The political condition sanctioned by Zoroastrianism persists until the advent of the Saoshyant and the final separation of the forces of good and evil. Consequently, history within this discourse is understood to possess a divinely ordained end, and until that eschatological moment is reached, a ruler endowed with the aforementioned characteristics occupies the apex of the political hierarchy.The emphasis on the antagonistic dimension of politics, together with the divine orientation of the political, constitutes the most fundamental principle of Zoroastrian political theology—a principle that has been continuously reformulated and reproduced, in various forms, from antiquity to the present.
The State
Majid Abbasi; Tirdad Taghipoor Javi
Abstract
US military forces invaded Iraq on March 20, 2003. Following this attack, the rule of the Baath Party was ended. The Americans wanted to present the new Iraq as a role model for the countries of the West Asian region. But the events after the occupation progressed in such a way that not only this model ...
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US military forces invaded Iraq on March 20, 2003. Following this attack, the rule of the Baath Party was ended. The Americans wanted to present the new Iraq as a role model for the countries of the West Asian region. But the events after the occupation progressed in such a way that not only this model was not realized, but in some cases the government ruling Iraq was referred to as a fragile government. Therefore, the main goal of this research is to study the influencing factors in creating a fragile state in Iraq. In this regard, it has been tried to answer this main question by using the components of political stability and sustainable security: "What factors have caused the political and security destabilization of Iraq since the occupation until 2023?" The findings of the research indicate that the presence of terrorist groups, political instability, the existence of separatist tendencies, the inability to exercise sovereignty in the entire territory, the reduction of the nation's trust in the government, the spread of corruption among government officials or their relatives, the inability of statesmen to Providing basic needs, especially security, internal and external migration of people, weak governance and management, lack of proper response to the entry of neighbors into Iraqi territory and the presence of some terrorist groups (such as Komleh and Democratic Party) in Iraqi territorial areas with the aim of insecurity or division The neighbors and the central government's inability to control and drive them out have caused us to face a fragile government in post-Saddam Iraq.Government, as one of the most central concepts in the field of social sciences and especially political sciences, has been faced with various developmental and evolutionary periods. This problem itself has opened the chapter of theorizing about the types of government. In general, the phenomenon of the state is one of the oldest and oldest man-made institutions, and many ideas have been raised about what and how it is. Although the ideas about this institution from the ancient period to the Westphalian period, which led to the emergence of a new and extraordinary type of it, have led to the emergence of numerous ideas and thoughts around it, which can be from Plato to Hobbes, Machiavel And others followed it. The emergence of the concept of fragile state (and its derivatives) as a new type of state among other current types of state has attracted new discussions; including what it is, how this type of government is formed, and the consequences of the emergence of this government. Most of the studies in this field have discussed the nature and nature of this type of government, and in some cases that have looked at its consequences, they have mainly focused on its internal consequences, and some have also discussed its regional consequences.Especially after September 11, 2001, the concept of fragile states has become one of the important concepts of international politics. This phenomenon is one of the characteristics of some countries in the Middle East. Fragile states have components such as foreign military intervention, harsh and harsh power transfer, legitimacy crisis, environmental problems, inefficiency of the judicial and economic system, and the spread of terrorism. With the fall of Saddam Hussein and the change of government in Iraq, the process of bargaining to shape the new Iraq has been the most important issue after 2003. After more than two decades of internal and external conflicts, this process has led Iraq to the point where it is now in the list of fragile states. Political instability, the failure to meet the demands of various currents and factions, the inability of the new government to form democratic institutions, the inability to provide public services and the inability to protect the people from internal and external threats, are among the characteristics of a fragile government. are considered Iraq. The fragility of the government in Iraq has caused regional and international interference, the formation of religious extremist currents, the intensification of ethnic and religious conflicts, terrorist acts and environmental crises, all of which are different forms of security. has threatened a human being in this country and nearby neighbors.After the events of 2003, the Iraqi government was placed in the group of fragile governments and during these years, it has always been evaluated at an unfavorable level of stability. Based on this, this research tries to open a new chapter in how and the consequences of the fragile state as a result of the politics of the great powers. Therefore, the main question of the research is that what factors and components have caused the political and security destabilization of Iraq? And in order to respond to that, the components of political stability and sustainable security in the Iraqi society have been investigated.
