International Relations
Reza Rahmati
Abstract
Sweden is the latest European democracy to engage with the extreme right, which regularly seeks to capture the elections and the ballot box. The change of Sweden's politics to the right has destroyed or at least distorted the image of this country as the spiritual home of the liberal left or social democracy ...
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Sweden is the latest European democracy to engage with the extreme right, which regularly seeks to capture the elections and the ballot box. The change of Sweden's politics to the right has destroyed or at least distorted the image of this country as the spiritual home of the liberal left or social democracy and People’s Home. Therefore, Sweden, compared to other European countries, does not experience a long-standing tradition of representing a far-right party in the parliament, and until recently it was described as a European exception without far-right parties in the parliament (Demker, 2012).Concerns about the increase in power of the right-wing parties have led to the creation of extremist approaches in Sweden (Rytgren, 2019: 439-455). Most of these concerns can be attributed to the influence of "Sweden Democrat". With the parliamentary progress and the rapid electoral growth of Sweden Democrat since 2010, the mainstream narrative and Swedish policies have changed both in the social forces and among the parties. The Sweden Democrat party, which until a decade ago was labeled as a political trend with negative characteristics (negative towards democracy) (and struggled with the efforts of other Swedish parties to be isolated), Now it is considered one of the most important and active forces in the sphere of Swedish politics. The Sweden Democrat now act as a group and party supporting the center-right government consisting of the Moderate conservative party (M), the Christian Democrat (K) and the Liberal party (L). Now the Sweden Democrat are the second party after the veteran Social Democrat and the largest party in the right bloc. In addition, this party, with the intelligence of its leaders, has shown itself as the party supporting the centrist government led by Ulf Kristersson. The conclusion of the Tido Agreement, which was established with the understanding of all the members of the coalition, is considered to a great extent to indicate the change of the political scene in Sweden in favor of the right-wing of this party.Anti-immigration, anti-Muslims, trying to socialization of refugees, dealing with environmental issues, the party's approach to crime, the party's attitude to economic issues, unemployment, etc. cause a different view of Swedish politics.However, despite the fact that the leaders of the party did not take power or ministerial positions and political positions, the performance of the party has highlighted another strategy other than seeking power. The question that arises is, what is the strategy of party behavior of the Sweden Democrat?By reviewing the general and fundamental ideological and methodological principles of the Sweden Democrat, this hypothesis is investigated that windows of opportunity like immigration, unemployment, crime, political and cooperative structure, and political humiliations caused by Social problems have gradually changed the behavior strategy of the Sweden Democrat and caused the consolidation and selection of the policy-seeking strategy by the party of Sweden Democrat.Conceptual framework; Party strategiesRegarding Kaare Strøm, in the division regarding party behavior, he distinguishes three categories: 1) power seeking; 2) policy seeking; 3) vote seeking. In this research, an attempt is made to pay attention to this conceptual tradition.1. Power seeking; Power seeking strategies of parties concentrate their control on political power concessions. It means private goods that belong exclusively to those who achieve political or government positions. Therefore, these privileges maximize the position of political power. Another point of power-seeking parties is that these parties are "mainly derived from governing coalitions in parliamentary democracies" (Leiserson 1968; Riker 1962). Strøm believes that "(coalition type) political parties only seek to increase the certainty point of winning"; because in his view, "this victory in coalition parliamentary democracies includes control over the executive branch or any other possible branch, and the power-seeking behavior follows these goals" (Strøm, 2010: 5).2. Policy-seeking; the second pattern of party behavior is policy-seeking behavior, which seeks to maximize influence on public policy. Riker shows that if the parties are "policy seeking", the goal is to take control of the executive body to make changes or apply the desired policies. Therefore, governments should include only enough parties to ensure majority support in parliament (Riker, 1962).The formation of minority coalition governments is placed in this format. In this strategy, the party decides to seek the greatest impact (role and influence) on the decision-making system, independent of political positions and holding executive power. This type of behavior can be seen especially in multi-party coalition systems. Especially in systems where the distance between the first party and other parties is greater and it is not possible to achieve a maximum of 50+1 votes and formation of government, and parties are forced to form alliances with other parties. In such a situation, the coalition parties, by creating the "give the power-take the decision" equation, avoid taking power in order to apply their policies and policies behind the scenes and as sources of decision-making. De Swaan expresses this pattern as follows: "Policy considerations form the most important part in the minds of activists ... In fact, the parliamentary game is about determining the main policy of the government" (De Swaan, 1973: 88).3. Vote Seeking; the third model is the vote seeking party model. In Downs’s primary effect on electoral competition, parties seek to maximize their electoral support to control government. In Downs' famous formulation, "parties set policies to win elections instead of winning elections to set policies" (Downs 1957: 28). Based on this insight, Downs strengthens his argument as follows: "Politicians... are motivated by the desire for power, prestige, and income... their primary goal is to be elected [in order to gain office public]. This means that each party seeks to receive more votes than any other party (Downs, 1957:30-1).Party family of the Sweden Democrat partyIn general, there is a consensus that the Sweden Democrat party is no longer a single-issue party. Their recent manifesto for the 2018 elections, in addition to immigration, covers a wide range of issues such as health care, housing, social cohesion, crime and crime, the labor market, research and education, culture and more (Sverigedemokraterna, 2018).Strategic turn of the Sweden Democratic Party1. Immigration and electoral jump of Sweden DemocratDespite the multicultural efforts of the Social Democratic Party of Sweden, it seems that the political and social structure of the Swedish society does not consider immigration as a resolved issue and a part of everyday Swedish social life. One of the reasons for the emergence of Sweden Democrat should be considered this issue. The vast literature produced by right-wing parties that Sweden faces great challenges from immigrants confirms this. For example, some Swedish analysts believe that "the wave of refugees and asylum seekers who entered the country in 2015 (mainly Afghans or Syrians) have had a destabilizing effect on Swedish society”. Linking the issue of immigration with organized crime has been done for this reason.This literature and more than that has led to the formation and definition of a new political structure in Sweden by right-wing parties. A look at the most recent basic program of the Sweden Democrat party in 2011, and the analysis of the content of the party's statements show a move towards a completely cultural nationalism (Elgenius, 2017: 353-358). Emphasis on elements of "national identity", emphasis on "definition of the nation based on Swedish identity, language and culture" are among these examples. The party now explicitly states that those born in other parts of the world can become Swedish, or at least "integrate into the Swedish nation". "In order for people born abroad to become members of the Swedish nation, they must speak Swedish fluently, see themselves as Swedish, live according to Swedish culture, and feel more loyal to Sweden than any other nation" (Sverigedemokraterna, 2011: 15).Paying attention to the ballot box changed the harsh and racist approach of the party in the late 1990s. The more the party moves away from its racist approach, the more it approaches the anti-Islamic approach (Rahmati, 2023: 57-79).2. Economic Rapture in Sweden and the electoral rise of the Sweden DemocratSweden, which in a long period of more than half a century with the universal welfare state and economic equality, high social advantages, social costs, social equality, correct redistribution system, high productivity, public trust and high social capital, human development, economic transparency, Social security and... had been branded (Rahmati, 2021: 195-235), in a period of witnessing the privatization of hospitals, schools, kindergartens, organizations for the elderly, care homes for disabled or disabled people. This issue has caused the idea of "the most equal country in the world" and the "universal welfare state" to change in the cognitive and mental perspective of Swedish citizens. An issue that has led to a significant increase in the level of social and economic inequality in this country, and finally, the feeling of inequality has caused a break in the main idea of "the people's home".At the same time when this break was created, the most important political force to take advantage of this situation was the political force that rhetorically opposed the Social Democratic Party's inability to protect the "people's home". Therefore, the Sweden Democrat considered the Social Democratic Party as the main factor in creating a vast atmosphere of economic insecurity and believed that the leaders of the Social Democrat have reached a dead end in responding to Sweden's problems and that a new political force is needed. Therefore, the Sweden Democrat were the most successful political force. Therefore, "every job loss caused by the economic crisis was converted into half a vote for the Sweden Democrat". The loss of jobs was also done rapidly in the years after 2010.3. Crime in the ballot box of the Sweden Democratic PartyThe Sweden Democrat party, by mixing issues similar to immigration and violent gangs and issuance of armed crimes, has been able to gain significant votes. The Sweden Democrat party has recently faced heavy media coverage regarding the increase in murders by gangs, and the inability of the Social Democrat party to control violent and criminal gangs, many of which are represented both in immigrant communities and in It introduces marginalized communities, etc., has been able to present the inability of social Democrat as the main cause of crime in public and create a political earthquake in Sweden. The statements published in the media which show the efforts of the Sweden Democrat to attribute the issue of crime to the both two factors of the inefficiency of the Social Democratic party and the issue of immigration show that the Sweden Democrat party has changed the issue of increasing crime to The title is used as a window of opportunity for the strategy of party behavior.Moreover, the party has strengthened its voter base by increasing its obsession with crime, unemployment, and the economic crisis on the one hand and linking these with anti-immigrants (Asbrink, 2022). In this regard, the formation of debates and discussions in the social environment of Sweden regarding the increase of surveillance and security measures, similar to the increase of surveillance cameras and the employment of security guards, has been one of the measures.4. Every disappointment, a loyalty to the Sweden DemocratPart of the origin of the vote of the Sweden Democrat party was rooted in political humiliation. People who have been attracted to the Sweden Democrat for various reasons have felt political inferiority during the last 20 years and have always seen themselves under suspicion or feeling stigmatized: this party, in addition to becoming a capacity for It has attracted the vulnerable, due to the creation of a romantic atmosphere of social rejection by those who for any reason did not invite their dependents to the party or fired them from their jobs, it also caused more loyalty. In other words, a large part of the vote base of Sweden Democrat is among the socially, economically and politically excluded.The 2022 elections and the methodological turn of the Sweden Democrat party towards a policy-seeking strategyBased on the developments after the 2022 elections, the general strategy of the Sweden Democrat party can be defined as "give power, take resources". Here, power means ministerial positions and resources means policy making. To put it better, the Democratic Party did its best to put the general and fundamental ideological principles of the party in the form of the Tido Agreement. In October 2022, four Swedish right-wing parties (Conservatives, Christian Democrat, Liberals, and Sweden Democrat) formed a government whose most important principles are anti-immigration, fighting crime and organized crime, right-wing economic approaches, high energy prices, the war in Ukraine (Nilsson, 2022: 622-634).Towards a power-seeking strategy?The change of direction to the power-seeking strategy depends on several elements and factors, however, one of the most important factors in determining the current strategic situation of this party is the efficiency of the vote-seeking strategy and the consequences of the policy-seeking strategy. Therefore, it is not unlikely that the successive successes of the Sweden Democrat party will lead this party to the transition to the strategy of seeking power and obtaining ministerial positions. However, the fact that this party was in the opposition and did not take political responsibility helped it to increase its share of votes in three consecutive elections. The question is, will this story continue now that it can answer the government's policies as one of the supporting parties? (Jungar, 2022: 4) It seems that during the three decades of this party's life, this party has been successful in the quality of implementing its strategies.ConclusionFinally, the analysis of the political behavior of the Sweden Democrat party and the social conditions of the Swedish society indicates that it should be expected that the Sweden Democrat party will gradually enter the third period of its party behavior strategy, i.e. the period of power-seeking party behavior; Although it faces major obstacles to enter this period, one of the obstacles is the members of the coalition government, especially the Swedish liberals. Another obstacle is losing the position of the opposition; By being in the position of the opposition, the Sweden Democrat party can better follow the two strategies of vote and policy-seeking, but by being in the position of seeking power, it loses its most important position and strategy; It means influencing the sources of political power. At the same time, this party has strong facilitators and incentives, including members of this party and members separated from other Swedish parties who want this party to take power, on the one hand, and Swedish contexts, including nationalist tendencies.
Behnam Medi; Mohsen Borhani
Abstract
In the present research, we tried to study the first axis of Michel Foucault’s thought that is knowledge on the basis of the two areas of discursive and non-discursive practices as the components of knowledge, their relation, the manner of their articulation and at last the birth of sense. This ...
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In the present research, we tried to study the first axis of Michel Foucault’s thought that is knowledge on the basis of the two areas of discursive and non-discursive practices as the components of knowledge, their relation, the manner of their articulation and at last the birth of sense. This research tries to show that how the articulation of the two essentially heterogeneous areas forms knowledge and makes it paradoxical and creates a gap that cannot be filled. On this basis, sense as the way of appearing of bodies is the result of this articulation. This articulation does not require any commonality or conformity between the two areas but what Foucault calls “strategic coincidence”. Therefore knowledge is formed and sense is born only in the case that the two areas realize a particular power relation or a power relation is realized in them. But in this regards we shouldn’t ignore the role of state. State as the final form of power relations as what Foucault calls stratification has huge influences on the forming of knowledge and the birth of sense. From the angle of Iran’s society Foucault’s methodology can help us Iranians as those who are still involved with the problem of tradition and modernity analyze our situation and show that on the basis of which logic some parts of tradition’s discursivities are still kept and articulated of the bodies and some other parts are ignored, paid no attention or denied.
Faez Dinparasti Saleh
Abstract
The purpose of this article is studying the trend of changes in government size in Iran and analyze it from the perspective of government efficiency in the light of theoretical literature and to examine empirical comparisons with leading economic countries. The article intends to describe the situation ...
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The purpose of this article is studying the trend of changes in government size in Iran and analyze it from the perspective of government efficiency in the light of theoretical literature and to examine empirical comparisons with leading economic countries. The article intends to describe the situation of government size in Iran, to answer the question how the size of government in Iran and its developments can be analyzed? By presenting and comparing government size data in Iran with OECD member countries, high-income countries, high-income middle-income countries and low-income middle-income countries, the article shows that first, the size of public government in Iran has decreased and in contrast to production and supply Direct private goods by the government have been on an upward trend, and secondly, the size of public government, which means exercising sovereign duties and providing public goods in Iran, has become smaller compared to the groups in question. The results of the article show that the size of government in Iran has gone through a trend contrary to the findings of recent studies of political economy to reduce the production of private goods and strengthen the regulatory performance of government and the supply of public goods. The trend of government size changes in Iran in the period under review is consistent with the theoretical requirements of the supply-oriented approach, according to which the change in government size is more a function of government requirements than a demand of citizens.
Safie Sadat Hashemi; Abolghasem Arabiun
Abstract
Inter-organizational cooperation is a process in which independent actors interact through formal and informal negotiations and jointly establish the rules and structures governing their relationships and the ways in which they decide and implement common issues. For this purpose, a set of different ...
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Inter-organizational cooperation is a process in which independent actors interact through formal and informal negotiations and jointly establish the rules and structures governing their relationships and the ways in which they decide and implement common issues. For this purpose, a set of different principles, rules, norms and tools are used to guide communication between different organizations to solve various problems. In some studies, which are often experimental; Inter-organizational collaboration has been described as a way of dealing with complex concepts - such as rapidly changing policy areas or the issue of coordination among a large number of actors. Applying different principles, techniques, structures and norms can enhance and facilitate collaboration between different organizations. Various researchers with different theoretical and empirical studies have tried to combine the optimal and appropriate combination of these principles, structures and tools in a way that formulates and prescribes a comprehensive framework for inter-organizational cooperation in solving policy issues. This study, by examining the existing theoretical and experimental literature, seeks to examine and analyze the factors affecting inter-organizational cooperation. The results show that five macro variables of governance, organizational-administrative, personal characteristics, trust and environment affect inter-organizational cooperation. Each of these variables also has separate variables.
Hamid Ahmadi; Borhan Salimi
Abstract
The US model of secularism policies include disestablishment of religion and guaranteeing religious freedom through adding related articles in the constitution and the first amendment, the lack of religious education in public schools, the freedom of religious private education, the lack of funding for ...
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The US model of secularism policies include disestablishment of religion and guaranteeing religious freedom through adding related articles in the constitution and the first amendment, the lack of religious education in public schools, the freedom of religious private education, the lack of funding for religious private schools, the neutrality of the state towards the followers of different religions, and non-opposition to the presence and expression of religious symbols in the public domain. The realization of some of these policies has been the result of a historical process. The current study not only examines the rise and fall in US secularism from 1776 to 1980, but also addresses the impact of plurality and religious rivalry, rational calculations and liberal tendencies of US political leaders on constructing strengthening the secularism. The Protestant Semi-establishment through the Second Great Awakening and its hegemony in the public sphere were among serious challenges to the process of consolidating the US secularism in the nineteenth century. But with the increase in the population of Catholic and Jewish minorities, religious rivalries among them and the activities of secular organizations and movements, the increasing political and institutional influence of Evangelical Protestants and religious conservatives diminished, and the way forward was to expand the process of secularization in the twentieth century.
Gholam Reza Haddad
Abstract
The Islamic Republic of Iran cannot be classified in the classical models of regimes in political economy, and understanding the internal and external logic of its behavior in conventional theoretical frameworks faces difficulties. This research seeks to present a conceptual model in understanding the ...
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The Islamic Republic of Iran cannot be classified in the classical models of regimes in political economy, and understanding the internal and external logic of its behavior in conventional theoretical frameworks faces difficulties. This research seeks to present a conceptual model in understanding the nature of political order and behavioral drivers in the Islamic Republic of Iran under the theories of political economy. Uncertainty in the fundamental relations between the institutions of the state, market and civil society has organized the political economy order of the Islamic Republic in a way that, while being incompatible with all kinds of classical liberal, socialist, fascist and communist orders, elements of each of these orders has in it. This uncertainty is rooted in the simultaneous presence of two conflicting philosophical bases regarding the nature and functions of the state, which are conceptualized in organic and instrumental approaches, and these two conflicting philosophical bases, in the simultaneous existence of parallel and hierarchical structures of conflicting social roles have been determined. In addition, the rentier nature of the state in Iran, as a mediating variable, has weakened the possibility of adjustment and reform in this political economy system. In this research, an appropriate conceptual model for understanding this order of political economy has been conceptualized in " Rentier pseudo-capitalist state".
Public Policy
Yasser Roostaei Hosein Abadi
Abstract
The theory and practice of policy making in today's world has found a very vital role because the legitimacy of governments which is measured by the ability to solve public problems through public policy. If the government lacks the ability to solve public problems, no other element can legitimize its ...
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The theory and practice of policy making in today's world has found a very vital role because the legitimacy of governments which is measured by the ability to solve public problems through public policy. If the government lacks the ability to solve public problems, no other element can legitimize its continued rule. From perspective of public policy making discipline, there is no achievement for any public policy unless policy makers and citizens have active and intense participation in the policy making process as well as policy implementation. Because in a public policy making relationship, one side as a policy maker is obliged to solve the problem of the other side. This relationship, as one of the most influential relationships on people's life quality, needs to be carefully regulated and guaranteed. The law, as a normative discipline is supposed to regulate relations between these two agents. In the initial conception of representative democracy, as a legal and political frame work of governing society, people were completely removed from political and policy-making processes by electing representatives and were only subject to the decisions of their representatives. In other words, in classic version of representative democracy, almost all of political power is in the representative bodies’ hands. It is possible that minority and pressure groups try to present their issues as public problems by influencing such institutions. In democratic age there is a political and legal tendency to maximizing the role of citizens in policy making process in order to prevent any legitimation's crisis which may be raised from representative democracy shortcomings. The mentioned weakness can be considered as systematic and deep corruption in a decision-making system. In order to fix this weakness, the basic step is to redistribute powers and jurisdictions between different actors of the process of policy making, because studies on current democracies demonstrate that, the first step in policy making process, i.e., recognizing the public problem, is the most important, critical and crucial one. In other words, if the people do not have any role or influence in the first step of public policy making, the whole process will be at a very serious risk. This paper, using descriptive and analytic approach, criticized legal framework of recognizing the public problem in Iran. In Iran, due to the great legal authority and authority of the legislative body, such mechanisms have not been foreseen for the people and even other institutions. Even a powerful institution like the presidency cannot resist the decisions of the legislative body. So, it seems democracy in Iran is still very similar to the classical type of representative democracy and needs to be revised and accompanied by recent developments in the knowledge of politics and law. By distinguishing between representative-centered and citizen-centered approach to policy making, the author, proposed a shift from former approach to latter, in interpretation of legal documents specially Iran's constitutional law. The shift will lead to participatory democracy and multi-level policy making. This new approach, by emphasizing the role of people as diagnosers of public problems, reduces the risk of semi-public problems being included in government programs and policies. The proposed approach says no problem is a public problem unless it affects the ordinary life of reasonable number of citizens. Before reaching to this stage, the government should not allocate any budget to solve it. The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran has provided the possibility of interpretation in favor of the proposed approach in many parts considering the decisive role of the people, including in Article No.: 59. Creating mechanisms to realize such a role for the people is one of the necessities of Iran's current decision-making system. By considering the countries experiences such as Italy and USA, suggestions such as veto rights for the people regarding the issues raised in the policy-making institutions, and the right to raise the issue for them to be discussed in the same institutions can be proposed as necessary mechanisms. In these countries, at the request of the people and upon reaching a certain number, the legislative assembly will be required to remove an issue (a semipublic-problem) from the agenda, or put an issue on its agenda.
The State
Mazaher Ziaei
Abstract
Background and ContextNumerous studies have indicated that the state instability existence in past of countries has not only delayed their development but also influenced their current level of development. The study of political instability in the Eurasian region during the agricultural era (3000 BC ...
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Background and ContextNumerous studies have indicated that the state instability existence in past of countries has not only delayed their development but also influenced their current level of development. The study of political instability in the Eurasian region during the agricultural era (3000 BC to 1600 AD) encompasses a significant portion of the history and the contemporary world geography. It can serve as a basis for examining political instability in the history of Iran. Many scholars have considered the proximity to the Central Asian nomadic societies as one of the factors contributing to instability in Eurasian countries. Some of them argue that the history of these tribes' interactions with neighboring regions forms the core of Eurasian history. There are also a limited number of quantitative studies that have encompassed various aspects of these tribes impacts on neighboring communities. There have been numerous studies on the effects of these tribes on Iran as well, but none of them have covered this temporal and geographical scope.Objective of the ResearchThe main objective of this research is to investigate political instability in Eurasia, particularly in Iran, during the agricultural era. It focuses on the Central Asian nomadic influence tribes on the creation of political instability in Eurasia. The research utilizes this framework of interactions and gathered information to periodize political instability in the history of Iran.Research MethodologyIn this study, political instability is perceived as a low average lifespan of states and a high coefficient of variations (standard deviation-to-mean ratio). The study considers Continental Eurasia (including Europe and Asia, excluding their islands) as the studied region and the agricultural era 3000 BC to 1600 AD as the studied period. To assess the timing and extent of Central Asian tribes' influence on political instability in Eurasian states, a total of 432 Eurasian states in the study period were identified. Subsequently, the time and extent of Central Asian tribes' impact on political instability were examined by applying three categorizations to these states: 1) Regional categorization based on the importance of the region each government could have for Central Asian tribes, dividing into Central Asia, unimportant region, less important region, and highly important region. 2) Since the period of significant influence of these tribes on Eurasian developments occurred between 500 BC and 1600 AD, states that existed before 500 BC were classified as belonging to the first period, while others belonged to the second period. 3) By combining the previous two categorizations, the states were grouped into four categories: (I)Central Asian states, (II)unattractive states, (III)low unattractive states, and (IV) highly unattractive states.Descriptive analysis, Two-sample Kolmogorov–Smirnov test (KS2), and categorical regression were used for data analysis and inference.FindingsThe findings regarding regional categorization show the significant differences in the lifespan of states among regions. The average lifespan of states in unimportant regions is more than 3.5 times that of highly important regions, and the coefficient of variation for highly important regions is higher than for other regions. Regression results confirm the model and regression coefficients validity, indicating that this four-group categorization explains 29% of the variations among states.Statistical analysis demonstrates a significant difference in the mean lifespan of states between these two periods. Specifically, the average lifespan of states in the first period in the Region Two, a significant region, is nearly eight times higher than the states in second period of that region. Additionally, the lifespan of states, particularly in Iran, has decreased during the agricultural era.These analyses also reveal significant differences in the average lifespan of states within the categorized groups, with coefficient determination of 0.429. The mentioned item indicates that this model accounts for a significant portion of the variations in the lifespan of the examined states.Moreover, Iran's status in terms of the number, average lifespan, and coefficient of variation of states is examined within different groupings, and the KS2 test confirms that Iran's belonging to specific groups and the irconcordance lack of other groups, except for its concordance with Central Asia.Several supplementary studies on Chinese history, the timing of the beginning and end of the agricultural era, and the period of Central Asian tribes' influence provide further support for the stability of the results.ConclusionThe statistical analysis results show an inverse relationship between the average states lifespan and the level of threat from Central Asia in various categories of states. Evidently, the agricultural-era states' political instability was significantly affected by the invasions of Central Asian tribes. The four-group categorization explains approximately 43% of the variation in states’ lifespans. Notably, this level of explanation is achieved with only four categorical variables.Regarding Iran, the findings indicate that the political instability of Iranian agricultural-era states was also influenced by interactions with Central Asian tribes. The periodization of Iranian history can be established as mentioned bellow:(up to 600), (600 to 1000), (1000 to 1250), and (1250 onwards), with distinct events in the second period onwards attributed to Central Asian tribes, such as the emergence of the Seljuks and the Mongol invasions. The results demonstrate that political instability in Iran was higher than the average for other regions, with an average government lifespan of 90 years during the fourth period, which lasted for approximately 550 years, slightly exceeding the average lifespan of a human today.
Sara Keshkar; Arefeh Ghanbari Firoozabadi
Abstract
The purpose of this research was to study the managerial performance of world sports organizations in the corona virus crisis and exploit superior experiences for the future similar situations. For this, a comparative study method was used. This research sought to answer the question of how the sport ...
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The purpose of this research was to study the managerial performance of world sports organizations in the corona virus crisis and exploit superior experiences for the future similar situations. For this, a comparative study method was used. This research sought to answer the question of how the sport organizations acted during the pandemic in Iran and other countries. The study population was public and private sports organizations of the top 20 countries in the field of sports industry in addition to Iran (N = 21) whose performance during the pandemic era was published in the world media. For this purpose, all relevant news and reports published in the world news agencies were analyzed. All collected data were categorized, and interpreted using George Brady's four-step model. The results showed that the performance of sports organizations was divided into two general parts: a) activities related to sports and b) activities related to social responsibility of organizations. The findings showed that there were similarities and differences between countries in the performance of their sports organizations. Meanwhile, Iranian sports organizations did not perform well in most aspects of support activities compared to other countries, so in the future, the managers of these organizations need to use the world experience in crisis management and develop flexible and responsive planning to deal with future crises. In this regard, managers need to put the possibility of training their staff to deal with future crises on their agenda.
Amir Massoud Shahram Nia; Kheirollah Kheiriasl
Abstract
Studies on the ineffectiveness of political parties in Iran, mainly analyze the historical, cultural, social and economic factors. Usually, little institutional studies are carried out in this field and the party politics is completely neglected. In this article, we examine, from an institutional point ...
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Studies on the ineffectiveness of political parties in Iran, mainly analyze the historical, cultural, social and economic factors. Usually, little institutional studies are carried out in this field and the party politics is completely neglected. In this article, we examine, from an institutional point of view, the political party politics of the political system and its impact on the ineffectiveness of political parties in Iran. Political systems adopt their own party politics with different approaches and, on this basis, can make different effects on the life of political parties in countries. Therefore, in this article, the approach of party politics of Islamic Republic of Iran is compared with that of Federal Republic of Germany. The basic question here is, what is the difference in political party politics in Iran compared to party politics in Germany and how do these differences affect the life of political parties in Iran? According to this article, the approach adopted in Iran's political party politics is a controlling and restrictive approach, and this has made it difficult for the political parties to form, grow, and effectively operate and it causes them to be ineffective. At the end of the article, there are some suggestions in favor of good political party politics in Iran. We believe that the approach of political party politics in Iran should be modified in a way that support parties.
Mahdi Moradi Berelian; Ali Akbar Gorgi Azandariani
Abstract
This article aims to present a narrative of the modern state that has five essential elements without which there would be no modern conception of state. The abstract personality of the state, sovereignty, modern subjectivity, and the creation of a dedicated citizen, the expansion and manifestation of ...
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This article aims to present a narrative of the modern state that has five essential elements without which there would be no modern conception of state. The abstract personality of the state, sovereignty, modern subjectivity, and the creation of a dedicated citizen, the expansion and manifestation of sovereignty volition within the law are the foundations of the modern state. At the same time, this study examines earlier identities for a specific purpose in order to prove that despite the various challenges to these identities, they can still be sustained in the modern state. The text also seeks to point out in a disconcerting way in the current scientific discourse that some of the features listed for the modern state in these discourses are in fact due to the error of unification of the concepts of state and government. From the library sources and the application of a descriptive and analytical approach, the following questions are answered: (1) What are the features of the modern state conception? (2) Can government and state be regarded as identical phenomena? What are the outcomes of this synergy between the two for modern state concept (3) Despite challenges such as the formation of the European Union, human rights, postmodernism and globalization can still claim the viability and durability of modern state identities, and in particular the gem characteristic of sovereignty?
Political Sociology
Mohammad Hossein Panahi; Farshad Jamali
Abstract
The view that education should be in accordance with the ideals and goals of the ruling political system is always considered one of the governments and the cultural and social policy makers of the societies main concerns. This is important that in the form of change management, which has always been ...
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The view that education should be in accordance with the ideals and goals of the ruling political system is always considered one of the governments and the cultural and social policy makers of the societies main concerns. This is important that in the form of change management, which has always been considered by the executive managers of the governments. In the investigations related to the government in Iranian society, paying attention to the field of education and creating changes and transformations in it and adapting it to the goals of the Islamic Revolution has always created a challenge between the public sphere and the policy-making sphere in such a way that the issue of change and transformation in Education has become a tragic tragedy. One of the most extensive disputes in recent years between the field of education and the government in the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran is the preparation, approval and implementation of "the fundamental transformation document in education". This important document has been prepared and approved by the highest executive authorities of the government as an upstream document for change and development in the education system.The government in the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran was hoping for such a change and development that the document on the fundamental transformation of education in line with the vision document of 1404 and the comprehensive scientific map of the country and the approvals of the Expediency Council, in the session No.Unfortunately, the implementation process of this document continued facing serious challenges in such a way that after ten years of its approval, it has not been successful in the implementation phase. Therefore, the important point related to the current research is the discussion of social policies that governments apply to change the behavior of large sections of people. In this regard, the purpose of this research was to investigate the process of approving and implementing the document of fundamental transformation in education by adopting the critical approach government in society of the "Joel Migdal". Because from Migdal's point of view and in contrast to Weber's view of this social existence, the government is not a coordinated and coherent entity, but rather a conflicting entity that sometimes works against itself, but this process is not the same for all governments, because governments have the same ability are not. In accordance with Migdal, strong governments are governments that have the necessary abilities to influence, regulate social relations, extract resources and distribute or allocate resources for social transformation through design, policy and program implementation, on the other hand, weak governments are those that are willing or They do not have the ability for making such social changes.The mentioned approach, while providing empirical evidence and conducting field research, deals with the process of making government decisions and their implementation with a different perspective than the Weberian perspective. Therefore, contrary to the state-oriented views that place an important role on the government in the process of transformation of the third world and transitioning countries, she does not consider the government to be the only main player in the political field. In other words, Migdal believes in the dispersion, division and fragmentation of power in networked societies and does not consider the power of the government to be Leviathan-type and maximal.This research was conducted with a qualitative approach and semi-structured interview method in order to collect data and also by using thematic analysis technique to analyze the interviews. A total of 15 interviews were conducted at high levels of policy making and implementation, which led us to the necessary theoretical saturation. The interviewees presented their opinions on topics such as their general attitude towards the fundamental transformation document, the strengths and weaknesses of the document, the obstacles to the implementation of the document, the different types of resistance formed during its implementation, and the role of the education expert body in this regard. The findings of this research show that, as Migdal's theory predicts, the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran is not a unified organization that can easily implement its approved laws. Rather, there are many competitions and disagreements both inside (the taste preferences of the executive authorities, inconsistency between institutions, etc.) and outside it due to the structure of the network society (influence of social political groups and currents, etc.), which hinders the executive It becomes the document of the fundamental transformation of education and similar documents and laws.This review also shows the conflicting interactions of various official and unofficial centers in charge of guiding the people; Centers that try to pull the behavioral and normative pattern of the society in a certain direction, that too in a government structure called formal education and in the form of the Ministry of Education.Of course, such a perception, if it is the statesmen true belief, leads to the simplification of reality and causes statesmen to make unenforceable promises or adopt unenforceable policies without considering the existing facts. Or they don't consider the necessary requirements to implement their policies, the consequences of which are many implementation failures and depriving people of their trust in the government and its ability to solve society's problems. The executive proposal of this plan is for the government to make optimal use of the existing ability in the organized public sphere in order to find problems and provide solutions, especially in the field of education; Failure to include this importance (not considering public demands and demands) in the formulation and implementation of transformational and structural plans will not only lead to the implementation stage; But in the end, it will cause society's disappointment in political institutions and reduce the society's political trust.
Abdolmajid Seifi; Naser Pourhassan
Abstract
Since the failed coup in June 2016, a series of developments have begun in Turkey that are not comparable to the post-coup era of the past decades. The purpose of this article is to analyze the nature of the government in Turkey after the coup. The main question is what is the nature of the Turkish government ...
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Since the failed coup in June 2016, a series of developments have begun in Turkey that are not comparable to the post-coup era of the past decades. The purpose of this article is to analyze the nature of the government in Turkey after the coup. The main question is what is the nature of the Turkish government after the abortive coup of June 2016? The paper also hypothesizes that the developments and set of changes that Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his party (Justice and Development) have initiated in recent years, accelerated since the 2016 coup so that the nature of government in Turkey would be changed from fragile democracy into “anocracy". In this government, while some democratic institutions are in power, the symptoms of authoritarianism and the transition to anocratic government is increasing. The findings of the article show that changing 18 articles from the Turkish constitution, transforming parliamentary system into presidential, enhancing the power of the President and weakening the supervisory organizations, severe weakening of the judicial system, intense violation of human rights, particularly tough violence against Gulenists and Kurds and the widespread suppression and liquidation of government opponents at the level of the military and civilians, are the hallmarks of the emergence of anocratic government in Turkey after the 2016 coup. The data collected for the paper hypothesis were processed in a descriptive-analytical method.
Mahboubeh Karim Doost Balalami; Hadi Noori
Abstract
The present study focuses on the issue of "What is the framework for the construction and nature of the native governments of the Iranian plateau in terms of power and the influence of its social foundations on the power structure and what is its relationship with Mesopotamian governments?" The aim is ...
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The present study focuses on the issue of "What is the framework for the construction and nature of the native governments of the Iranian plateau in terms of power and the influence of its social foundations on the power structure and what is its relationship with Mesopotamian governments?" The aim is to describe the structure of political power and its relationship to social groups in pre-Aryan and Mesopotamian civilizations. The framework of analysis is based on two types of unilateral (vertical) power structure and bilateral (horizontal) power structure. The research method is a comparative type that compares macro social units to discover differences and similarities between communities, and first and second hand documentary methods have been used to collect data. The results show that all the indigenous civilizations of the Iranian plateau had a horizontal political structure, and it is only in Jiroft that the possibility of a centralized state can be stated. In the Mesopotamian realm, the Akkadian and Assyrian civilizations had a vertical political structure, and the Sumerian and Babylonian civilizations had a horizontal structure in the first period, which changed the nature of the vertical structure in the second period. The result of the research is that we can talk about the existence of two different political traditions in the two civilizations of the Iranian plateau and Mesopotamia, the first of which was based on the division of power and the second based on the concentration of power.
Ali Sarzaiem
Abstract
Iran's economy has not experienced high growth rate during past decades despite huge revenue from oil export. This shows ineffectiveness of resource allocation in Iran economy. The cause of such a resource mis-allocation has been disputed by different theories. In this paper, a political economy approach ...
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Iran's economy has not experienced high growth rate during past decades despite huge revenue from oil export. This shows ineffectiveness of resource allocation in Iran economy. The cause of such a resource mis-allocation has been disputed by different theories. In this paper, a political economy approach is used to explain such an inefficiency and it will be shown that it provides a better and more comprehensive approach in compare to the rival explanations. The core idea of the paper is that institutional arrangement in the pollical system evolved after Iran revolution from one hand and the quality of institutions on the other hand leads to high social discount rate which dominates short-termism to long-termism. From institutional point of view, high quality institution helps to relax some political economy constraints and provide incentives for economic agents to follow long-term benefits rather than short term one. In the absence of high-quality institutions, supporters of the status-quo allocation prevail the forces who support reallocation to achieve optimal allocation. As a result, transition from current negative equilibrium to superior one is blocked. In another word, economic reform requires high-quality institutions which support reallocation of available resources. Otherwise, different political economy constraints prevent to prioritize superior allocation to inferior one.
Farzin Rahimi Zonouz; Shahrouz Shariati
Abstract
China's government has started the process of economic liberalization since the late 1970s with its own unique pattern. In less than half a century, China economy has gained significant growth. The liberalization also has gradually eliminated poverty in China significantly and has improved the quality ...
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China's government has started the process of economic liberalization since the late 1970s with its own unique pattern. In less than half a century, China economy has gained significant growth. The liberalization also has gradually eliminated poverty in China significantly and has improved the quality of Chinese citizens' lives. This paper examines the impact of policies based on economic liberalization model in the Chinese government and seeks to study the relationship between economic liberalization and national security in China through a policy-driven research process. This article, examines some of the most influential economic, political, military, and environmental indicators of the Chinese government over the past few decades. From this point of view, as this article shows for the past half century, with the exception of the "environmental and climatic security", China Government has been able to improve and stabilize other Chinese national security indicators. The paper also emphasizes that the Chinese model can be replicated by less developed countries.
Mehdi Faraji; Behzad Ghasemi
Abstract
After the formation of critical discourses against the current situation in the Qajar period, most of them attacked the authoritarian regime and called for the transition from tyranny to the rule of law. Eventually, the constitution became the main critic's claim, and the constitutional order was issued. ...
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After the formation of critical discourses against the current situation in the Qajar period, most of them attacked the authoritarian regime and called for the transition from tyranny to the rule of law. Eventually, the constitution became the main critic's claim, and the constitutional order was issued. However, at the stage of drafting the constitutional amendment, constitutionalism was considered by shariatians to be contrary to sharia and thus faced a major challenge.The Habl-ol- matin, which had been promoting constitutionalism since many years ago, with secular explanations, after the challenge, changed its position and promoted constitutionality based on the idea of separating sharia from the custom.The basic question of the article is that Habl-ol- matin explained the idea on the basis of what basis and purpose?The findings of the research on the basis of the descriptive-explanatory method show that after the constitution was considered to be contrary to sharia, this publication regulates its secular explanation of constitutionalism on the basis of the jurisprudential permission of the Scholars of Najaf on the necessity of the separation of the sharia from the custom at the time of the absent, and as a way of linking the thinking of the modern state and sharia.
Political Sociology
Seyedeh Leila Sadati; Shoja Ahmadvand
Abstract
The topic of Iranians' self-concept in relation to their government and nation has a profound connection to the study of identity, collective identity, and specifically national identity. All of these concepts are believed to shape an individual's perceptions and behavior. This specific topic, which ...
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The topic of Iranians' self-concept in relation to their government and nation has a profound connection to the study of identity, collective identity, and specifically national identity. All of these concepts are believed to shape an individual's perceptions and behavior. This specific topic, which encompasses more than just traditional expressions of nationalism, such as pride in shared ancestral, historical, and geographic ties, borders, language, culture, and other recognized components of national identity, serves as the focus of this research. The sense of belonging to a national identity is believed to have positive effects including enhancing social cohesion, ethical behavior, patriotism, hope, and trust. "Ibrahim Bey's Travelogue," a critically acclaimed work, is one of the most significant texts that captures the complexities of modern states and societies, particularly leading up to the Constitutional Revolution. It is a travelogue with intricate narrative elements that attempt to paint a detailed and insightful picture of the social and political circumstances of that era. At the same time, it also carefully compares Iranian and Western societies, highlighting the different ways in which they have evolved.The aim of this article is to analyze the most important themes in the Ibrahim Bey's Travelogue and their contribution to the formation of the utopian/dystopian image if Iranian self-concept. This research was conducted through a thematic analysis, involving the extraction of codes, categories, and themes from the first volume of the Ibrahim Bey's Travelogue, which is particularly significant from a political and social standpoint. For this purpose, a deductive approach was taken, based on the main issues which is Iranian Self-concept. Through this method that is a commonly used form of qualitative research often used in psychology and social sciences, a systematic and structured approach to analyzing and organizing data based on themes that emerge from the data is provided.After familiarizing with the data, which is the first step of thematic analysis, initial codes were generated from the main text. These initial codes then were divided into different categories based on the story line, the content of the book itself and the main issues of the research: Iranian Self-concept. In the third step, searching for themes was done after coding the data by finding patterns or themes that emerge from the data. These main themes were as below:Goals of change 2. Tools of change 3. Superior other 4. Inferior other 5. Character of the nationalist (Ibrahim Bey) 6. Depiction of the dystopia (the government and nation) 7. Depiction of the utopia (government and nation) 8. Past golden age of Iran 9. Factors leading to the existing unfortunate situation and 10. Definition of the law.The ultimate objective is to uncover a pattern of themes related to the Iranian state and nation that shape our current understanding of these concepts.The key finding emerges that the concept of "West" serves as the superior "other" in shaping the Iranian self-concept through the framework of cultural cringe and colonial mentality as a concept describing the feeling of inferiority and embarrassment that some individuals in colonized countries feel towards their own culture. According to this concept, individuals in these countries tend to perceive Western culture as superior and admire it, often at the expense of their own culture. This leads to a sense of self-hatred, which can negatively impact an individual's self-esteem and identity. Cultural cringe is often associated with colonial mentality, which describes the psychological effects of colonization on colonized peoples. Cultural cringe also has a significant role in the field of postcolonial studies. Postcolonial studies is an interdisciplinary field which examines the legacies of colonialism and the ways in which colonized societies have struggled to define and assert their own identities. Cultural cringe is just one of the many ways in which colonial power and domination can impact colonized societies. It is important to understand that cultural cringe is not a universal experience, and that it is specific to particular colonized nations and cultures. Despite the negative portrayal of the West, anything that is associated with the superior other is seen as admirable and desirable, while characteristics related to the insider culture are perceived as negative and inferior. As a result, the Iranian state and nation are solely understood through the lens of adapting from this superior other, leading to the dismissal and rejection of insider experiences.This article suggests that the roots of today's cultural cringe can be traced back to the colonial mentality framework as expressed through the texts of that period. In particular, a romanticized relationship with the West played a central role in shaping Iranian identity. Therefore, it is crucial to critically analyze the past and understand the role of colonial narratives in shaping our current perspectives. While we may have come a long way since those early years, we cannot ignore the ongoing effects of colonial mentality and cultural cringe, which still impact our understanding of Iranian society today. The only way to effectively dismantle these problematic discourses is to create an inclusive and open space that recognizes the diversity of perspectives and experiences, which will enable us to develop a more nuanced understanding of Iranian identity and societal issues.
Mahboube Hemmati; Morteza Alavian
Abstract
The view that education should be in accordance with the ideals and goals of Prebendal state as one of examples of corrupt states is a type of state that in which power elites and government agents demand rights in excess of their rights at the level of the political system. Basically, prebendal state ...
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The view that education should be in accordance with the ideals and goals of Prebendal state as one of examples of corrupt states is a type of state that in which power elites and government agents demand rights in excess of their rights at the level of the political system. Basically, prebendal state is the product of some factors such as elites’ mental perceptions and the trust and authority-citizenship culture at the cultural level, legitimacy and ideology at the political level, and rentierism and the big state at the economic level. The present article focuses on this main question that what are the consequences of prebendal state in IRAN during the second Pahlavi era? The hypothesis of the article seeks the consequences of such a state at two levels, individual and systemic consequences. The theoretical framework of the article is inspired by Max Weber's views and Richard Joseph's prebendal state theory. In the analytical model of the article, the prebendal state is as an independent variable and its consequences at the individual and systemic levels are considered as dependent variables. Methodically, the type of research is qualitative and the approach of the article is descriptive –analytical and the research method is based on library –documentary analysis. The findings of the article indicate that the prebendal state will lead to to alienation at the individual level and at the systemic level it will lead to the emergence of five types of crises such as legitimacy, efficiency, identity, accumulation and hegemony.The emergence and gaining of power in Iran during the second Pahlavi era had two lasting and effective consequences at the individual and systemic levels. At the individual and social level, it can be considered as the most important consequence of alienation, distancing and the emergence of a gap between the people and the elites of the country and finally the separation of the people from the Pahlavi system. The white revolution and agrarian reforms at the level of villages and industrialization, urbanization, modernization at the level of cities along with the weakening of the traditional middle class, administrative modernization, etc. have been the basis for such an outcome.At the system level, the establishment and expansion of the prebendal state in the country and the penetration of all power structures and the unaccountable access to huge oil resources and preventing it from being directed towards development-oriented investment and production provide the basis for the emergence of all kinds of crises in the country. brought including legitimacy crisis, identity crisis, hegemony crisis, accumulation crisis and efficiency crisis which intensified and eventually led to the fall of the Pahlavi regime system.In this article, the consequences of the prebendal state in the second Pahlavi era are analyzed in detail in two separate sections. In the first part, agrarian reforms and physical-identity displacement of villagers are examined as the first step of personal and social alienation. A process that physically led to the expansion of marginalization in big cities, and in terms of identity, it created a disintegration and an identity gap between rural immigrant villagers and urban dwellers. In the continuation of the policy of development, modernization and industrialization of the second Pahlavi regime, its effects and consequences on the alienation of urban people and the destruction of traditional classes in the cities are discovered and explained. In the second part, the consequences of gaining power and expansion of the prebendal state in the country and exclusive access to huge oil resources and preventing it from flowing towards development-oriented investment are examined in order to identify the causes of various crises in the country, crises that lead to the downfall of the regime. Pahlavi ended.The aim of this article is the examination of the consequences, results and effects of the prevalence of prebendalism in the second Pahlavi period, which crystallized on two individual levels - social and systemic - the political system. We have shown how the prebendal policies of land reforms and urban and industrial modernization of the Pahlavi system at the individual-social level led to alienation, distancing and the emergence of a deep gap between the people and the elites of the country and ultimately the separation of the people from the Pahlavi system. Also, based on numerous documents and sources, it was explained that the white revolution and agrarian reforms at the village level and industrialization, urbanization and modernization in the cities along with the weakening of the traditional middle class, a deep rupture between the rural and urban classes with the second Pahlavi regime and the prebendal elites. The ruler created it, which eventually led to the uprising of the rural dwellers along with the city dwellers against the system and the rulers of the second Pahlavi era.At the level of the political system and system, the establishment and expansion of the prebendal state in the country and the penetration of all the power structures and the unaccountable access to huge oil resources and preventing it from being directed towards development-oriented investment and production will cause all kinds of crises. provided in the country. Among them, the legitimacy crisis, identity crisis, hegemony crisis, accumulation crisis and efficiency crisis which intensified during this period and ultimately led to the fall of the Pahlavi regime and the destruction of prebendalism in Iran. By marginalizing civil parties and groups and sidelining independent politicians, the prebendal system caused the lack of meritocracy and the placing of incompetent people who were dependent on the king at the head of the country's political, administrative and military-security system, which had no result but the reproduction of corruption. Because the agents and corrupt and dependent elites had to accept and continue the current relations for their survival in the pyramid of power. In this situation, the ways of communication and the link between the government institutions and the elites with the people were broken and the vacuum in the relationship between the government and the society caused the regime to not have a correct and accurate understanding of the people's wishes and demands, and as a result, it could not act based on the people's demands. The result of this was the failure to reform the affairs, creating dissatisfaction among the people and turning them to underground, secret, radical and revolutionary activities. In addition, such a situation in relation to government institutions and elites connected with the people caused the political institution to become informal and political and economic relations to be outside the legal framework due to political corruption, which resulted in nothing but the distance of the government from the people and the deepening of the gap between the state and the nation.
Alireza Asadpour Tehrani; Masoud Raei Dahaghi
Abstract
Due to the developments in social relations in modern societies, and in particular the importance of restrictions on the political power of governments, the rule of people and the protection of individual rights and public freedoms as the foundations of constitutionalism and constitutional rule, it seems ...
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Due to the developments in social relations in modern societies, and in particular the importance of restrictions on the political power of governments, the rule of people and the protection of individual rights and public freedoms as the foundations of constitutionalism and constitutional rule, it seems to be necessary to introduce a new category of basic laws that are more consistent with modern constitutional rights and constitutionalism. Thus, all classical categories of constitutional laws are briefly introduced and criticized, and then a new categorization of basic laws to the liberal constitution and republican constitution is proposed and explained. As a result of this division, the state can be liberal or republican, but in the present time, both types of modern states must be constitutional. Of course, the republican holds this supremacy over the liberal state, which governs the protection of public freedoms. This essay is based on a fundamental assumption: the emphasis on the constitutional positivist concept. Since, the classical classifications are based on the inductive method; accordingly, the same method has been used to criticize and propose the alternative.
Alireza Ali Soufi; Mohammad Reza Sadeghi
Abstract
Reza Shah's policies regarding the judiciary system can be evaluated in the direction of The Realization of Modern Absolute Government which was as a kind of reconstruction and redefinition of the traditional order at pre-constitutional period. Therefore, the direct intervention of the executive branch ...
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Reza Shah's policies regarding the judiciary system can be evaluated in the direction of The Realization of Modern Absolute Government which was as a kind of reconstruction and redefinition of the traditional order at pre-constitutional period. Therefore, the direct intervention of the executive branch in matters of justice and the neglect of principles 81 and 82 should be considered as the continuation of the controversy between traditional tyranny and the democratic order and constitutionalism. This Principles were widely violated at the earlier of this year. and continued and led to the presentation of an interpretation of principle 82. This interpretation, which disaffected the two principles in the same time, provided an apparently legal solution to the Minister of Justice in order to ignore the independence and defection of the justice and attempt to change the intervention of the judges. This research is done with the goal of considering the effective factors in Legitimize Government Domination in Courts, it has been conducted by descriptive- analytical approach, by documentary and library method and seeking to answer this fundamental question that, which are the main factors in the interpretation of principle 82 by the regime. The findings of the research presents that the authoritarian nature of the government was a source of pressure on the courts to issue voter sentences, and since some of the judges were not willing to cooperate within the framework of power, so to eliminate the legal barriers to their removal, the rule of interpretation of Article 82 Was drafted and approved.
Ali Akbar Mokhtari; Mahmood Shafiee
Abstract
With the formation of the Islamic republic it was anticipated that democracy would dominate the society and an open society with a minimal state size would emerge but the developments that we saw had a process in which, first the economic system was entrusted to the government. Also after the Cultural ...
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With the formation of the Islamic republic it was anticipated that democracy would dominate the society and an open society with a minimal state size would emerge but the developments that we saw had a process in which, first the economic system was entrusted to the government. Also after the Cultural Revolution the cultural system of the country was also at the disposal of the government. In the decades to come, when oil revenues and self-sufficiency increased the government became larger in size and became more independent of the community. With the development of national and transnational powers, the community became more dependent on the government. The result of this research shows that the tendency to governmentalism in the government of the Islamic republic has led to the creation of a maximum political structure rather than a minimal political structure so it should examine the origin and main cause of these desires as part of the political culture of the Iranian people. In this regard losin puy believes that: "political structure has a bilateral relationship with political culture and affects each other". Considering this view, losing puy has examined the issue of governmentalism and Great Government since the revolution from three aspects related to the political culture of the Iranian people. These three aspects are: Iranian, Islamic, and modern components
Omid Shokraneh Arzanaghi; Masoud Akhavan Kazemi
Abstract
The present study examines and analyzes the impact of the participation crisis on the fall of the second Pahlavi regime from the perspective of crisis theory. The main question of the present study is what role did the participation crisis play in the fall of the Pahlavi regime? The research findings ...
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The present study examines and analyzes the impact of the participation crisis on the fall of the second Pahlavi regime from the perspective of crisis theory. The main question of the present study is what role did the participation crisis play in the fall of the Pahlavi regime? The research findings indicate that with the end of dictatorial rule in 1320, Iranian society entered a new phase and the provision of open political space and the activities of political parties and organizations doubled the motivation of the people for political participation. But with the coup d'état of August 28, 1943, a new era of authoritarian rule began in Iran. Political tyranny, lack of growth and inefficiency of parties, lack of free elections, suppression of freedoms and political rights of the people, severe weakness of popular organizations and lack of freedom of the press, caused the Pahlavi government to face a crisis of political participation. The continuation of the crisis of participation in the Pahlavi government and the negligence of the officials of the government to resolve the crisis, paved the way for the fall of the Pahlavi regime. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical and causal research. Data collection in this study was done through library and documentary methods.
The State
Elaheh Sadeghi; Samaneh Movahedi
Abstract
In 1978, the Islamic Revolution achieved victory with the aim of fighting injustice, oppression, tyranny, establishing security, freedom, independence, and most importantly, forming a single nation. After the victory of the revolution, the first Shiite democratic system was established under the title ...
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In 1978, the Islamic Revolution achieved victory with the aim of fighting injustice, oppression, tyranny, establishing security, freedom, independence, and most importantly, forming a single nation. After the victory of the revolution, the first Shiite democratic system was established under the title of Islamic Republic based on the principle of divine sovereignty (Islamism) and people's sovereignty (Republic). Undoubtedly, the establishment of an Islamic state is one of the ultimate goals of the Islamic revolution, so that the laws and rulings of the Islamic religion are implemented, which, in addition to regulating the current affairs of the people, also guides the direction of the society towards perfection and nearness to God. But until today, the actions and efforts taken were not enough and the Islamic state has not yet been realized in the real sense. Therefore, the explanation of Ayatollah Khamenei's point of view as the great leader of Iranian society and also as the most important Shiite thinker in the Islamic world regarding the foundations and indicators of the Islamic state is very effective and can be a guide for the formation and theoretical and practical activity of the Islamic state. Because during his leadership period, he explained the five stages of the objectives of the Islamic revolution (Islamic revolution, political system, Islamic state, Islamic society and Islamic civilization) and drew the Islamic state as the most important and third stage of this process and repeatedly They have emphasized the importance and necessity of forming an Islamic state as an important factor in the realization of Islamic civilization. Therefore, it is requisite and necessary to explain his point of view regarding the foundations and indicators of the Islamic state.Question: This research seeks to answer the question that, from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei, how are the foundations and indicators of the Islamic state drawn?Methodology: The method of this research is based on the qualitative content analysis method, in order to benefit from this method, attention was paid to the hidden themes of Ayatollah Khamenei's statements from 1981 to 2022 and inference and extraction of meaning was made from it. Thematic search of the word (Islamic State) among the statements of Ayatollah Khamenei was obtained with the help of MAXQDA software, and the search results of his statements were prepared in the form of a slip, which is about the topic of the foundations and indicators of the Islamic State. The next step after collecting the slips is the analysis procedure in three ways: purification, explanation and which is the structure analysis procedure of this research. The next step is to specify the units of analysis, which are divided into word (symbol), theme, character (personality), paragraph and title (item), and in this research, the unit of analysis is paragraph. The next step is coding to determine the categories. The next step is coding to determine the categories, which in this research was done in an open and inductive approach, because the qualitative view prevails in it. Therefore, for this coding, it is necessary to read and review the text of the statements 2-3 times, line by line, and then convert it into the smallest possible component, where similar codes are merged and categories are extracted from these codes. And finally, each of these categories is analyzed and interpreted.Result and Discussion: Using qualitative content analysis method, three categories were determined regarding the foundations of the Islamic state and ten categories were determined regarding the indicators of the Islamic state, and each of these categories was analyzed and examined, and several points can be made from the findings. He deduced the basic:From the point of view of Ayatollah Khamenei, the Islamic state is the most important and the third stage of the five-fold process of the ideal of the Islamic Revolution, and if it is not fully realized, the Islamic society will not be formed.What distinguishes the Islamic state from other states; Its Islamic foundations and orientation are rooted in the connection between religion and politics in Islam, the necessity of social life and the necessity of realizing a virtuous life for the Muslim community in material and spiritual dimensions.From his point of view, the model of the Islamic State is the prophetic and Alawite state, which has indicators for the formation of the Islamic state at present, the most important of which are justice-oriented, adherence to the standards of religious democracy (importance of people's vote and opinion)., anti-tyranny, law-oriented, value-religious orientation, preservation of Islamic identity, service, science-oriented, wisdom-oriented, fight against corruption, etc.
The State
Masoud Akhavan Kazemi; Golnaz Narimani
Abstract
A few historical governments have existed for a long time, but the government is relatively old and lasts up to a few centuries, especially in its modern form. A modern government is an organization that controls legal law and applies it legitimately. The government is the only organization with the ...
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A few historical governments have existed for a long time, but the government is relatively old and lasts up to a few centuries, especially in its modern form. A modern government is an organization that controls legal law and applies it legitimately. The government is the only organization with the authority and right to use legitimate violence. Throughout history and during the past eras, many governments have been formed in all parts of the world, and each of them has reached the point of collapse after some time. Although the existence of the state is more durable and survival compared to the government, and in other words, it is "more or less than ever," the specific policies of the formation of the states are taken into consideration. However, the point is under what conditions they fall apart; it has received less attention from researchers. This article aims to answer the question, under what conditions can a government be destroyed or collapsed?To find the causes and factors of the collapse and fall of governments, the current research, using the theories of systemic analysis, besides explaining the various forms of government collapse, examines all the internal and external factors and factors of the collapse of a government. To understand this issue, it has been taken from systemic analysis; systemic analysis refers to a point of view that can be used to investigate and analyze a phenomenon. Systemic analysis leads to a better understanding of phenomena and avoids reductionism. In recent decades, system analysis has been proposed as an efficient tool for new sciences and specialized supplementary studies in various social fields in scientific and academic circles. This causes a general and multifaceted understanding of why and the phenomena and events governing behavioral affairs.In systemic analysis, the political system, as an intellectual system, has several subsystems. A crisis in any of these subsystems, including the economic or political subsystem, can lead to the fragility and collapse of the government. In this view, the government is a set of interconnected and systematic elements and propositions. Disruption in any of these elements can lead to the collapse or destruction of the state.In addition to the internal connection between its components, the government as a system also has a connection with external changes at different and numerous levels. The state has the property of food with its external elements. As a result of these connections between the government and the environment and the actions and reactions between them, differences or imbalances occur in the government system.In a general classification, the collapse and disintegration of governments can be classified in the form of two main categories—external factors and factors and internal factors. External factors deal with the relations between the government and other countries in the international community. The second category also refers to the relationship between the government and its internal society. It is essential to mention that these two groups of factors influence each other, and a change in the intensity and weakness of one causes a change in the intensity and weakness of the other. This means that the collapse of the government extends from the internal situation to the foreign relations of the troubled government. Also, the weakening of foreign authority substantially impacts its internal stability.Research studies indicate that at the external level of the government system, essential factors such as war and foreign invasion, climate change, the pressures of powers and economic sanctions, and issues of a succession of governments can become the fragility of the government and against it. It will eventually collapse. In the internal dimension, crises in three subsystems, political, economic, and social, can turn into the collapse of the government. In other words, factors such as political crises and the distortion of governance, economic crises such as inflation and damage, and social issues such as the crisis of failure to start and the crisis of participation are the main factors affecting the collapse and disintegration of a government. The weakening, incapacity, decline, and decay of governments either due to external factors, in the economic forms of political policies and foreign invasion and war, and in some cases, due to climate change and the succession of governments to another place. It occurs or results from internal changes in the political, economic, and social structure, civil wars, accumulation of crises, and loss of internal legitimacy.
