Seyed Majid Hosseini; Vahid Asadzadeh
Abstract
In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development ...
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In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development and the second group that seeks the agent outside the domain of state. The question is which of the two theories have been more successful in their claims according to their historical results. The claim and hypothesis of this study is that the theories of the second group, in the search for ways of direct development of the state, eventually hinder reform, engage in direct conflict with the state, and lead the process of society's transformation to a revolution or a repressive state. To justify this claim, this article will look at the history of Iranian intellectual development theories after the Constitution. The research method in this paper is "Inference based on the best explanation ", abbreviated as IBE. It seems that in the first two constitutional and Pahlavi periods, statism and in the second Pahlavi and Islamic Republic era anti-statism were dominant. During the Second Pahlavi era and the Islamic Republic, two types of ideas were produced that were common to anti-statism and the main criticisms included: Theories of return to self and backwardness degeneration. Both are equally guilty of delaying the creation of a proper relationship between the state and the nation in the light of upholding up-to-date citizen rights and maintaining the sovereignty of the state.
Morteza Manshadi; Sara Akbari
Abstract
Political development, in the sense of expanding partnerships and ideological competition in the political arena, at least at the elite level, requires institutions, organizations and developments in the structure of traditional society. In the first Pahlavi period the programs for the modernization ...
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Political development, in the sense of expanding partnerships and ideological competition in the political arena, at least at the elite level, requires institutions, organizations and developments in the structure of traditional society. In the first Pahlavi period the programs for the modernization created the field, provided social political developments and, to some extent, the possibility of political competition and participation was provided. But the emergence of an absolute government stabilized a major obstacle to expanding partnerships and competition and reproduced authoritarianism. This paper tries to rely on the text of the negotiations of the sixth to twelfth sessions of the National Assembly, and based on the fact that the type of government and political system is directly related to the realization or non-fulfillment of political development, the concept of political development in the first Pahlavi period (1320-1304) was assessed. By selecting the model of "Bernard Crick ", the authors have presented the concept of political development in the context of the negotiations of the National Assembly of this period and in the light of the description of the historical context. Revising the text of the talks based on the model of the Crick, it is argued that the construction of the government, along with the presence of the parliament, which, in the eleven cases of the model under consideration, confirms that the government is absolutism, can be considered as one of the main reasons for the failure of political development.
Parham Mehraram; Mohammad Seyed Fatemi
Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 20 February 2020
Abstract
< p >There has been valuable research on the socio-political structure of the Sassanid era. Most have described Sassanid society as an example of feudal or authoritarian Eastern societies. But the historical evidence is not entirely consistent with these two theories. It seems that the existence of a ...
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< p >There has been valuable research on the socio-political structure of the Sassanid era. Most have described Sassanid society as an example of feudal or authoritarian Eastern societies. But the historical evidence is not entirely consistent with these two theories. It seems that the existence of a powerful aristocracy alongside a strong government seeking to concentrate more power makes this society a prominent example of Eisen''s bureaucratic empires. In this case, some concepts related to public law can be argued that they cannot be formed in the two former types. Examples include early national identities and, consequently, the independence of the state''s legal personality from the real ruler, which has significant effects on political traditions such as succession traditions and power relations between the king, the nobility, the people and the bureaucracy. It seems that in the Sasanian political-legal structure, it is impossible to deal with power and political-legal structures such as that of ruler. At the same time, the dual nature of the bureaucratic empires as both traditional and modern system and a dynamic point of view (as opposed to a static one) can well justify the inconsistencies in the Sasanian government and the inconsistent historical evidence.
Masoud Raei Dahaghi; Alireza Asadpour Tehrani
Abstract
Due to the developments in social relations in modern societies, and in particular the importance of restrictions on the political power of governments, the rule of people and the protection of individual rights and public freedoms as the foundations of constitutionalism and constitutional rule, it seems ...
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Due to the developments in social relations in modern societies, and in particular the importance of restrictions on the political power of governments, the rule of people and the protection of individual rights and public freedoms as the foundations of constitutionalism and constitutional rule, it seems to be necessary to introduce a new category of basic laws that are more consistent with modern constitutional rights and constitutionalism. Thus, all classical categories of constitutional laws are briefly introduced and criticized, and then a new categorization of basic laws to the liberal constitution and republican constitution is proposed and explained. As a result of this division, the state can be liberal or republican, but in the present time, both types of modern states must be constitutional. Of course, the republican holds this supremacy over the liberal state, which governs the protection of public freedoms. This essay is based on a fundamental assumption: the emphasis on the constitutional positivist concept. Since, the classical classifications are based on the inductive method; accordingly, the same method has been used to criticize and propose the alternative.
Political Thought
Behzad Yazdani; Hossein Ali Nozari
Abstract
AbstractThe purpose of this article is to examine the place of ethics in the system of political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes, the English political philosopher of the 17th century. Although, according to political thought researchers, he has been considered the first great modern political philosopher; ...
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AbstractThe purpose of this article is to examine the place of ethics in the system of political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes, the English political philosopher of the 17th century. Although, according to political thought researchers, he has been considered the first great modern political philosopher; However, the prominence of his original and influential political philosophy has not been able to hide his moral philosophy from the eyes of today's prominent researchers. Hobbes, who is the author of the theory of political ruler with absolute power, how can he have a moral theory? Undoubtedly, Hobbes's concern was order, peace and security, and therefore, by combining moral philosophy (natural laws) and political philosophy (civil laws) and presenting an ethical view of human self-preservation, he creates a system consisting of dos and don'ts based on description. Human nature to form a peaceful government based on the theory of social contract. The origin of his moral philosophy is the theory of natural law, which includes the theory of natural rights.Natural law and natural rights are the two foundations on which Hobbes based his theory of ethics and politics, respectively. Hobbes's moral philosophy is the fundamental starting point from which his political philosophy developed. He claims in Leviathan that he has provided the only correct and true moral philosophy.Hobbes' thoughts in the field of moral philosophy have received less attention from thinkers, the main reason for which is the ambiguity in his moral philosophy. In this sense, in Hobbes's moral philosophy, on the one hand, there are defenses of a type of personal relativism, and on the other hand, there are defenses of the divine command theory; In one place, Hobbes defends the theory of the general principle of principled egoism, and in another place, he defends pious ethics. As a result of the paradoxical content of Hobbes's moral philosophy, there has been a difference of opinion among experts in the field of moral philosophy.On the other hand, many research texts and articles in research and specialized magazines have dealt with the political aspect and political theory of Thomas Hobbes in their analysis, and due to the influence of Hobbes's thoughts on the politics of Western countries and the exclusive and authoritarian interpretations of the thoughts of this influential thinker. It is important to examine the difference between his moral theory and the political sphere of his thoughts and to emphasize that he has a moral theory. In this way, until today, no comprehensive research has been done on Hobbes's thoughts on the place of ethics in his political philosophy, The approach and reciprocity of prominent political and moral philosophers is doubled with the beginning and rereading of Hobbes' thoughts. The political, economic and social situation of the 20th and 21st century justifies the return to Hobbes, at least in the sense that he tries to find a cure and solution for the political and social crises of his time. In addition to everything that can be said about his philosophical system and the coherence of his philosophical foundation, the most important of them is his methodological value in establishing the deep relationship between science, politics and ethics with the basis of realism. Hobbes's most important criticism of his predecessors was their idealism (idealistic approach) in the field of politics and ethics.The path taken by Hobbes and his contemporaries has been a gateway to return to man and his place in the world; Because before this, human being in the face of church-centered eschatology and idealistic virtue (meaningless and vague attempt to create a utopia that never existed in the history of color from Plato's effort in the Republic to Osho at the end of the 20th century) which, according to Hobbes, is a dream and a dream. It has not been more, it has been sacrificed. Hobbes showed how despite the relativism resulting from skepticism in the fields of culture (politics, ethics, society and spirituality), it is possible to establish natural laws in political society, natural rights (human freedom) and the insatiable desire of man to gain power and His self-control has been curbed and with an agreement based on the social contract and giving up some of his freedoms, peace and tranquility can be brought under the shadow of total authority.He showed that political legitimacy can be obtained from the selection and selection of people to have satisfaction resulting from the modernization and well-being of humans in the society and the order resulting from political security. A very important point is that justice and rationality are two wings of political and social peace and tranquility; Although the basis of human decisions is based on emotions, feelings and sensual inactions.His pessimistic view of human nature is based on the informative point that if man is left alone and there are no political and moral arrangements, the acquisition of power, fame and honor will undoubtedly lead to endless war, and in the meantime, he tries , to create a mental plan and a logical scenario in which the human being has fallen into a pre-political and social situation where the risk of violent death, poverty, poverty, unhappiness and short life will be the immediate result and no one will be safe.
Political Sociology
mahmoudreza rahbarqazi; zahra sadeghinaghdali
Abstract
The central aims of this study encompass the identification and analysis of the elements that affect the emergence and escalation of political dichotomy between the state and society in Iran, the investigation of societal strategies employed in reaction to this phenomenon, the assessment of its social ...
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The central aims of this study encompass the identification and analysis of the elements that affect the emergence and escalation of political dichotomy between the state and society in Iran, the investigation of societal strategies employed in reaction to this phenomenon, the assessment of its social and political ramifications, and the provision of recommendations to address and alleviate its detrimental impacts. This research employs a qualitative methodology, grounded in the Strauss and Corbin framework, which entails conducting comprehensive and semi-structured interviews.The data for this study were obtained through in-depth and semi-structured interviews that were carried out with 24 experts, comprising mostly academic scholars with doctoral degrees. These interviews aimed to gather from them their experiences, perspectives, and methods regarding political bifurcation. For further data validation, relevant reports and documents dealing with political bifurcation were also used.Qualitative content analysis was carried out on the data. First, open coding was done in order to identify key concepts. Then, using focused coding, these key concepts were systematically compared and analyzed to discover the connections between them. Finally, selective coding was used in order to identify the central code and to detect meaningful patterns. This methodology allowed for a deep and comprehensive analysis of the origins, approaches, and implications of political dichotomy, which improved our understanding of the elements that contribute to this phenomenon.Validity and reliability of the data were critical components of this study. In addition to credibility, precision was ensured through the internal validation strategies of cross-checking and recoding. Furthermore, the preliminary analytical findings were continuously checked and confirmed through the involvement of experts and stakeholders, thus assuring the data reliability and accuracy of the analysis.The study suggests that "structural and cultural divides" come into being as the leading code, stemming from the complex interaction of causal, contextual, and intervening variables, which have deepened the political rift in Iran. The causal variables include social and economic inequality as well as ideological conflicts, which serve as the critical structure for this gap. These challenges arise out of unequal power relations and the uneven distribution of resources, resulting in a great deal of dissatisfaction among various groups in society. Situational factors that increase this division relate to the political and social culture within society, which, through institutions like the family and the education system, passes on conflicting political ideologies. This culture, instead of bridging the gaps, strengthens and reinforces them. Finally, intervening factors such as media and social networks further fuel political polarization by creating echo chambers and spreading misinformation. Moreover, ineffective political decisions and changes in legislation have often inflamed these tensions rather than reduced them, thus contributing to the crystallization of this divide.The theoretical framework developed in this study reveals that the political cleavage existing in society has caused the development of two basic strategies among the people: acceptance and resistance. Acceptance, as one of the responses to the political rift between the state and society in Iran, reflects a part of the population's willingness to adapt to the existing conditions and accept the hegemonic order. This strategy is generally adopted by groups that lack the motivation either to change the status quo or, because of conservatism, inability to access power, or uncertainty about what might result from change, opt for the maintenance of the status quo. Acceptance can either be passive, without open protest or resistance, or active, through attempts to use the existing conditions for the betterment of oneself or one's group. In this approach, both individuals and collectives strive to adjust to the prevailing conditions while maximizing the opportunities available in the system to assert their place. While acceptance may provide temporary relief from social tensions and bring about political stability, it can also work to reinforce inequalities and further entrench political polarization, as the social and economic disparities continue to exist and can even exacerbate.On the other hand, resistance is an alternative strategy characterized by the actions of part of society to challenge the status quo and bridge the gap between the state and society. This type of resistance may be carried out in different ways: public protest, oppositional political activities, acts of civil disobedience, and so on. People who apply this strategy usually are not satisfied with current conditions and would like to make significant changes in political, social, or economic structures. The notion of resistance often arises from perceptions of injustice, inequality, and discrimination within political and social ideologies. In contrast to acceptance, which tends to consolidate the prevailing order, resistance seeks to challenge and change the system for the betterment of disadvantaged and disenfranchised people. However, resistance can increase tensions and sharpen political polarization, particularly when it hits the wall or otherwise fails to gain support across the board. Ultimately, resistance lies at the very core of the formation of political and social dynamics and can serve as a catalyst for broader changes.The theoretical framework demonstrates that such a political dichotomy between society and the state is a complex and multifarious phenomenon with huge implications for Iran's social, political, and economic frameworks. An exploration of these implications reveals that such political dichotomy has deepened social and political cleavages, practically bifurcating society into two often hostile and rival camps. These divisions have fueled a rise in polarization and growing social and political unrest, which, in turn, further amplifies the sense of inequality and discrimination among some quarters. From such an environment, political and economic instability has emerged as the most likely outcome. Severe market volatility, lower investment, capital flight, and continued political unrest are just some of the results of this bifurcation and the failure to achieve national cohesion. Furthermore, rising public discontent is another major consequence, as clearly seen in widespread protests, growing feelings of injustice, and increased pessimism about the future. These complaints have fostered an atmosphere of increased violence and social unrest, driving society into street confrontations, political instability, and cyber attacks on social media platforms.Concomitant with these developments, a major issue that has emerged is the marked decline in trust in government institutions. Citizens have gradually lost confidence in democratic processes and state institutions; hence, there is a growing sense of powerlessness and political apathy. This precarious situation has posed a direct threat to national cohesion, evidenced by the weakening of social bonds, deepening ethnic and religious divides, and a decrease in participation in national affairs. Lastly, political polarization has also contributed much to the aggravation of emigration and brain drain. Part of the intellectual and cultural elite of the country, disillusioned by the local situation and dissatisfied with the prevalent conditions, are leaving the country, which may further weaken Iran's human capital and undermine its development potential. This only goes to prove that the political divide between state and society tends to jeopardize stability and progress in a society, which eventually leads to further crises due to increased divides and growing unrest among the citizens of such society.
International Relations
Fariborz Arghavani Pirsalami; Sajjad karimian
Abstract
One of the most important attentions to international affairs as well as the category of power and order is giving importance to ideas, values and concepts. The importance of ideas, values and concepts in formulating and presenting the best options for order creation in the international arena is always ...
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One of the most important attentions to international affairs as well as the category of power and order is giving importance to ideas, values and concepts. The importance of ideas, values and concepts in formulating and presenting the best options for order creation in the international arena is always considered. In this context, values, concepts and intellectual ideals act as raw materials for building the international order. With Deng Xiaopeng coming to power and adopting a different foreign policy, China's economic growth dazzled the eyes. As a result of economic growth, China's military growth accelerated. In recent years, these two fields have attracted so much attention of international relations researchers that the third field, namely Chinese culture, is on the sidelines of international attention and is paid less attention to it. Considering the increasing power of this country and also being among the great international powers, the importance of the ideas, thoughts and ideals of this country in building order is taken into consideration.According to what was said, what are China's ideals and ideals for the desired order of this country? Paying attention to ancient history and thought in this country is one of the basic requirements to answer this question. When China's long and deep history turns its pages, one of the most important and basic ideas of Chinese human life is the category of "harmony". This issue is so broad and deep that it is not far from reality if I say that the central signifier of social discourse in China is the concept of "harmony". Accordingly, the main research question is what is the nature of Chinese international order under the concept of coordination? In other words, how does the concept of coordination shape the Chinese international order? This article, relying on the descriptive-analytical method and using intellectual propositions in the context of Chinese history, asserts that the Chinese order does not seek uniformity and pursues a balance achieved through recognizing differences. Therefore, the Chinese international order reflects this meaning in the international system.Chinese worldview is a unique and exceptional worldview among the attitudes of different people in today's world. Apart from the five thousand years of historical continuity of China, in the philosophical perspective of this country, there is no existence of a creator that is outside of world creation. This feature makes this worldview completely naturalistic, self-sufficient and self-generating. Accordingly, good and evil do not exist in the mental geometry of Chinese people, and instead there is balance and harmony in contrast to disharmony. Balance has been the guiding light of man and Chinese society throughout the history of this society, and this harmony has emerged as the central sign of various thoughts in China. One of the most important of these ideas is Confucius and Taoism, which is several thousand years old.According to Confucius, the main goal of government is to create harmony, and the last step in achieving this goal is to achieve harmony at the global level. The three basic principles of moral force, empathic understanding and harmony with differences were recognized as the foundations of creating harmony in the international arena. Taoism, like Confucius, pays special attention to the concept of harmony and order. However, Taoism has a different view on the category of harmony and interprets it as cosmic. In this view, the category of order has a place to organize order in the cosmic system. The important and common Taoist principles are isolation, simplicity and harmony with nature.The emphasis of Chinese culture is on fostering harmony not only between different people, but also between people and the fundamental world. The four basic characteristics of harmony are balance in the whole, harmony in difference, order in complexity, and unity in diversity. It was on this basis that certain viewpoints were created to explain and describe the category of harmony in Chinese philosophy, which had a special application in the field of domestic and foreign politics, and therefore are highly contextual and historical. Based on this, the representation of the concept of harmony and social balance in the political sphere of China can be seen in the creation of political constructions such as the Son of Heaven, a strong family system and orderly social hierarchies. These structures, which have always declined and risen for many years, are not the only representations of the concept of harmony emanating from Confucian and Taoist thoughts in China's domestic political sphere. The history of China's political history makes it clear that China has been characterized by the growth and expansion of the hierarchical structure and the formation of the Confucian bureaucracy and, as a result, a powerful political system. In general, the ontology of Chinese man and all aspects of his social and individual life cannot be imagined outside of the concept of under the sky. Accordingly, the inclusion of the concept of harmony includes all areas of Chinese human life.In the Chinese intellectual geometry and the concept of harmony arising from mutual recognition and deepening it is not to meet needs but to create harmony and prevent distance from a balanced world. Based on this, it can be said that order based on demand from the concept of hegemony and geometry in Chinese thought is fundamentally different from Western order in terms of ontology and epistemology, and its nature and essence does not seek to create uniformity and equalization; Rather, it seeks to recognize diversity and at the same time build a world based on mutual understanding. Based on this, it can be concluded that from the point of view of the geometry of Chinese thought and harmony, the role of China is benign. In this way, according to the aforementioned, this country seeks to create a balance at the world level with an emphasis on harmony.Based on the Chinese point of view, order should be based on the deep expansion of China's relations with all countries of the world. In such a way that the final result of these relations should lead to the improvement of the level of world peace and prosperity. Another characteristic of this type of international relations is that it leads to the production of power relations for each side of these relations. The most important examples of promoting coordination and balance in China's international order in the fields of institutions, security and international economy are the Belt and Road Initiative, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Asian Development and Infrastructure Bank. In terms of rules and regulations and the degree of China's presence and authority in them, each of them reflects the category of international coordination and the resulting order in the international arena.
Political Science
Morteza Alavian; ali ebrahimi
Abstract
It is generally argued that after the victory of the revolution, the group of opponents, including the survivors of the former regime, usually line up with the help and organization of foreign powers against the revolution. Considering the political and social process of revolutions, they can be seen ...
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It is generally argued that after the victory of the revolution, the group of opponents, including the survivors of the former regime, usually line up with the help and organization of foreign powers against the revolution. Considering the political and social process of revolutions, they can be seen as a set of three periods of destruction of the former regime, the transition period from the pre-revolutionary political order to the post-revolutionary political order and the era of creating a new order. The second phase, i.e. the period of transition from the pre-revolutionary political system to the post-revolutionary political system, is one of the turbulent and eventful phases of the revolution. The absence of an efficient government, as well as the widespread presence of conflicting groups and organizations, as well as the accompanying revolutionary and intense emotions of the masses with the restless and tense conditions of this era, cause huge incidents and chaotic events. Each of the claimant groups present in the scene with different interests and goals, while taking advantage of the wide presence of the disorganized groups in the society, they try to play the biggest role in determining the main trend of the society by attracting their support. A successful revolution has two stages: the stage of political mobilization and political participation, in which heterogeneous groups participate in overthrowing the ruling regime as a common enemy and pursue the common goal of changing the ruling political regime; Therefore, they put aside their ideological and political differences temporarily, but after the overthrow of the ruling political system, differences may and will appear. Therefore, every complete revolution has a second stage, which is the creation and institutionalization of a new political organization. The measure of the success of a revolution is the authority and stability of the institutions that the revolution creates. Of course, some revolutions in the world could not create durable regimes and failed.In the past decades, many thinkers have dealt with issues such as the causes, trends and results of revolutions in a scattered manner in scientific fields. The features that were once a structured and focused sub-section in the researches related to some major revolutions in different continents of the world, which in this research, are about Islam-oriented movements in terms of political sociology in the countries of Iran and Egypt. It is determined. A clear and common point is the role of Islamist forces in the victory of both the Iranian and Egyptian revolutions and their efforts to establish Islamic order in both countries. As far as the Islamic movement of the Muslim Brotherhood with its political nature and based on Sharia and Sunni religion in Egypt and Shia political Islamist clergy in Iran have had different results in the post-revolutionary process. In fact, in the post-revolutionary conditions, developments took place that led to the stabilization and continuation of Islamists in Iran and their failure in Egypt. Therefore, the main question of the present article, insisting on the theory of the fourth generation of the Goldstone revolution, is what were the reasons for the continuation and failure of the Iranian and Egyptian revolutions in the post-revolutionary conditions? It seems that the fluctuation between the coherence or the weakness of the Islamist ideology in the countries of Iran and Egypt in the domestic and foreign fields, especially the political legitimacy of the ruling system, the social mobilization of the opposition, the reaction of the elites, especially the armed forces, and finally the role Foreign powers caused us to witness their continuation or failure in the post-revolutionary situation.The results of the research show that due to the difference in the methods and approaches of stabilizing the revolution, different results emerged in the continuation and failure of the Islamists of Iran and Egypt. So that due to the coherence of Islamic ideology in Iran, we have witnessed the stabilization of the revolution. But in the Egyptian revolution, due to the weakness of the Islamic ideology, we witnessed the intervention of foreign powers, the intervention of the army and secular parties, which resulted in the failure and decline of the Islamist ideology. So that it can be argued, the continuation of Islamists in post-revolutionary conditions and their failure in Egypt should be considered in the nature of the religious institution and its power in both countries. As far as the religious ideology in Iran, it was involved in the revolution and its leadership and established its legitimacy on the ashes of the Shah's government. In Egypt, the religious establishment clashed with the Brotherhood system and stood against it on June 30, 2013, declaring its support for the national government led by al-Sisi, which was rooted in the life and patriotic nature of Egyptians. The Brotherhood's rise to power, rather than achieving an ideological victory, was a product of normal and calculable power politics, including coalition building, political maneuvers, and appeasement of various interests and power centers in society. This required a lot of compromise on ideological and religious principles. The Muslim Brotherhood also inflated the political component of its Islamist mission. Political power, instead of social Islamization based on changing people's hearts and minds, became the main goal of the movement. In other words, the Brotherhood could not institutionalize itself as the Egyptian version of the Iranian Islamists who established their Islamic state by gaining social hegemony. However, there are other key ideological differences. In particular, the Muslim Brotherhood rejects revolutionary tactics to gain power. Instead, the group has sought to build political influence through elections, while at the same time stressing to Western powers skeptical of the group's goals that it opposes the establishment of an Iranian model of Islamic rule.
The State
Tirdad Taghipoor Javi; Majid Abbasi
Abstract
US military forces invaded Iraq on March 20, 2003. Following this attack, the rule of the Baath Party was ended. The Americans wanted to present the new Iraq as a role model for the countries of the West Asian region. But the events after the occupation progressed in such a way that not only this model ...
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US military forces invaded Iraq on March 20, 2003. Following this attack, the rule of the Baath Party was ended. The Americans wanted to present the new Iraq as a role model for the countries of the West Asian region. But the events after the occupation progressed in such a way that not only this model was not realized, but in some cases the government ruling Iraq was referred to as a fragile government. Therefore, the main goal of this research is to study the influencing factors in creating a fragile state in Iraq. In this regard, it has been tried to answer this main question by using the components of political stability and sustainable security: "What factors have caused the political and security destabilization of Iraq since the occupation until 2023?" The findings of the research indicate that the presence of terrorist groups, political instability, the existence of separatist tendencies, the inability to exercise sovereignty in the entire territory, the reduction of the nation's trust in the government, the spread of corruption among government officials or their relatives, the inability of statesmen to Providing basic needs, especially security, internal and external migration of people, weak governance and management, lack of proper response to the entry of neighbors into Iraqi territory and the presence of some terrorist groups (such as Komleh and Democratic Party) in Iraqi territorial areas with the aim of insecurity or division The neighbors and the central government's inability to control and drive them out have caused us to face a fragile government in post-Saddam Iraq.Government, as one of the most central concepts in the field of social sciences and especially political sciences, has been faced with various developmental and evolutionary periods. This problem itself has opened the chapter of theorizing about the types of government. In general, the phenomenon of the state is one of the oldest and oldest man-made institutions, and many ideas have been raised about what and how it is. Although the ideas about this institution from the ancient period to the Westphalian period, which led to the emergence of a new and extraordinary type of it, have led to the emergence of numerous ideas and thoughts around it, which can be from Plato to Hobbes, Machiavel And others followed it. The emergence of the concept of fragile state (and its derivatives) as a new type of state among other current types of state has attracted new discussions; including what it is, how this type of government is formed, and the consequences of the emergence of this government. Most of the studies in this field have discussed the nature and nature of this type of government, and in some cases that have looked at its consequences, they have mainly focused on its internal consequences, and some have also discussed its regional consequences.Especially after September 11, 2001, the concept of fragile states has become one of the important concepts of international politics. This phenomenon is one of the characteristics of some countries in the Middle East. Fragile states have components such as foreign military intervention, harsh and harsh power transfer, legitimacy crisis, environmental problems, inefficiency of the judicial and economic system, and the spread of terrorism. With the fall of Saddam Hussein and the change of government in Iraq, the process of bargaining to shape the new Iraq has been the most important issue after 2003. After more than two decades of internal and external conflicts, this process has led Iraq to the point where it is now in the list of fragile states. Political instability, the failure to meet the demands of various currents and factions, the inability of the new government to form democratic institutions, the inability to provide public services and the inability to protect the people from internal and external threats, are among the characteristics of a fragile government. are considered Iraq. The fragility of the government in Iraq has caused regional and international interference, the formation of religious extremist currents, the intensification of ethnic and religious conflicts, terrorist acts and environmental crises, all of which are different forms of security. has threatened a human being in this country and nearby neighbors.After the events of 2003, the Iraqi government was placed in the group of fragile governments and during these years, it has always been evaluated at an unfavorable level of stability. Based on this, this research tries to open a new chapter in how and the consequences of the fragile state as a result of the politics of the great powers. Therefore, the main question of the research is that what factors and components have caused the political and security destabilization of Iraq? And in order to respond to that, the components of political stability and sustainable security in the Iraqi society have been investigated.
Economic
Aboulfazl Delavari; Elahe Mohammadi Pirouzian
Abstract
knoondd ,mbkscnlsnsolnsli odhbasb kdk as kdsad kdbkdqwbckcb lqwdhbfc bk qwdqbc dwqhba lhwd dqohqb d dohqb cifefd d qwohdaw a dhasd dqws bcbc dqwhbsd dwolhwqb s khdwad as dwqhdbdw d mkhqbd d dhbw wh wdqwhbd dkwd wqk dwe woqwhd whqwl ddqw dbqw dw wib wqiw dhqwbd d hdhdw kbwidw dbkkq dqwqdw dwhd dqwwb bqwb ...
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knoondd ,mbkscnlsnsolnsli odhbasb kdk as kdsad kdbkdqwbckcb lqwdhbfc bk qwdqbc dwqhba lhwd dqohqb d dohqb cifefd d qwohdaw a dhasd dqws bcbc dqwhbsd dwolhwqb s khdwad as dwqhdbdw d mkhqbd d dhbw wh wdqwhbd dkwd wqk dwe woqwhd whqwl ddqw dbqw dw wib wqiw dhqwbd d hdhdw kbwidw dbkkq dqwqdw dwhd dqwwb bqwb wq kdwkbw dqwkbkb wd bkwqhdbd d awdbd wdbqw d sabdk dbwdk d wwqb kbwq dbwsb d, asbbdd s s wkd d wb wdw w bkwkb s bwks m s wlwb w wbkwbk w wbwb w bwsb basb skd ss b d, dsbdb s w ewbds s cbskcc w bkd s sbsks s wb bk.wkb w w dbkbkjdw d d wb dbkk wsd dwwsbwmdsam ddbd knoondd ,mbkscnlsnsolnsli odhbasb kdk as kdsad kdbkdqwbckcb lqwdhbfc bk qwdqbc dwqhba lhwd dqohqb d dohqb cifefd d qwohdaw a dhasd dqws bcbc dqwhbsd dwolhwqb s khdwad as dwqhdbdw d mkhqbd d dhbw wh wdqwhbd dkwd wqk dwe woqwhd whqwl ddqw dbqw dw wib wqiw dhqwbd d hdhdw kbwidw dbkkq dqwqdw dwhd dqwwb bqwb wq kdwkbw dqwkbkb wd bkwqhdbd d awdbd wdbqw d sabdk dbwdk d wwqb kbwq dbwsb d, asbbdd s s wkd d wb wdw w bkwkb s bwks m s wlwb w wbkwbk w wbwb w bwsb basb skd ss b d, dsbdb s w ewbds s cbskcc w bkd s sbsks s wb bk.wkb w w dbkbkjdw d d wb dbkk wsd dwwsbwmdsam ddbd knoondd ,mbkscnlsnsolnsli odhbasb kdk as kdsad kdbkdqwbckcb lqwdhbfc bk qwdqbc dwqhba lhwd dqohqb d dohqb cifefd d qwohdaw a dhasd dqws bcbc dqwhbsd dwolhwqb s khdwad as dwqhdbdw d mkhqbd d dhbw wh wdqwhbd dkwd wqk dwe woqwhd whqwl ddqw dbqw dw wib wqiw dhqwbd d hdhdw kbwidw dbkkq dqwqdw dwhd dqwwb bqwb wq kdwkbw dqwkbkb wd bkwqhdbd d awdbd wdbqw d sabdk dbwdk d wwqb kbwq dbwsb d, asbbdd s s wkd d wb wdw w bkwkb s bwks m s wlwb w wbkwbk w wbwb w bwsb basb skd ss b d, dsbdb s w ewbds s cbskcc w bkd s sbsks s wb bk.wkb w w dbkbkjdw d d wb dbkk wsd dwwsbwmdsam knoondd ,mbkscnlsnsolnsli odhbasb kdk as kdsad kdbkdqwbckcb lqwdhbfc bk qwdqbc dwqhba lhwd dqohqb d dohqb cifefd d qwohdaw a dhasd dqws bcbc dqwhbsd dwolhwqb s khdwad as dwqhdbdw d mkhqbd d dhbw wh wdqwhbd dkwd wqk dwe woqwhd whqwl ddqw dbqw dw wib wqiw dhqwbd d hdhdw kbwidw dbkkq dqwqdw dwhd dqwwb bqwb wq kdwkbw dqwkbkb wd bkwqhdbd d awdbd wdbqw d sabdk dbwdk d wwqb kbwq dbwsb d, asbbdd s s wkd d wb wdw w bkwkb s bwks m s wlwb w wbkwbk w wbwb w bwsb basb skd ss b d, dsbdb s w ewbds s cbskcc w bkd s sbsks s wb bk.wkb w w dbkbkjdw d d wb dbkk wsd dwwsbwmdsam knoondd ,mbkscnlsnsolnsli odhbasb kdk as kdsad kdbkdqwbckcb lqwdhbfc bk qwdqbc dwqhba lhwd dqohqb d dohqb cifefd d qwohdaw a dhasd dqws bcbc dqwhbsd dwolhwqb s khdwad as dwqhdbdw d mkhqbd d dhbw wh wdqwhbd dkwd wqk dwe woqwhd whqwl ddqw dbqw dw wib wqiw dhqwbd d hdhdw kbwidw dbkkq dqwqdw dwhd dqwwb bqwb wq kdwkbw dqwkbkb wd bkwqhdbd d awdbd wdbqw d sabdk dbwdk d wwqb kbwq dbwsb d, asbbdd s s wkd d wb wdw w bkwkb s bwks m s wlwb w wbkwbk w wbwb w bwsb basb skd ss b d, dsbdb s w ewbds s cbskcc w bkd s sbsks s wb bk.wkb w w dbkbkjdw d d wb dbkk wsd dwwsbwmdsam knoondd ,mbkscnlsnsolnsli odhbasb kdk as kdsad kdbkdqwbckcb lqwdhbfc bk qwdqbc dwqhba lhwd dqohqb d dohqb cifefd d qwohdaw a dhasd dqws bcbc dqwhbsd dwolhwqb s khdwad as dwqhdbdw d mkhqbd d dhbw wh wdqwhbd dkwd wqk dwe woqwhd whqwl ddqw dbqw dw wib wqiw dhqwbd d hdhdw kbwidw dbkkq dqwqdw dwhd dqwwb bqwb wq kdwkbw dqwkbkb wd bkwqhdbd d awdbd wdbqw d sabdk dbwdk d wwqb kbwq dbwsb d, asbbdd s s wkd d wb wdw w bkwkb s bwks m s wlwb w wbkwbk w wbwb w bwsb basb skd ss b d, dsbdb s w ewbds s cbskcc w bkd s sbsks s wb bk.wkb w w dbkbkjdw d d wb dbkk wsd dwwsbwmdsam ddbd lhsn , lhd, dlhd
The State
ahmad farshadian; Mustafa Zali
Abstract
The contemporary understanding of social justice is to ensure that resources are distributed throughout society in such a way that everyone enjoys a certain level of facilities, and therefore most discussions of social justice are based on two basic questions; first, how much facilities should be guaranteed, ...
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The contemporary understanding of social justice is to ensure that resources are distributed throughout society in such a way that everyone enjoys a certain level of facilities, and therefore most discussions of social justice are based on two basic questions; first, how much facilities should be guaranteed, and second, how much government intervention is needed to distribute these facilities. Notwithstanding the differences that can be observed between different theories of social justice, these theories agree that the realization of justice requires some degree of state intervention in the basic rights and freedoms of citizens - especially property rights. Thus, state intervention in the management of the market and the establishment of anti-monopoly mechanisms, as well as the ownership of the means of production, are among the issues examined under the theme of social justice.Justice-oriented policies, however, are linked to basic rights and freedoms, including property rights; that is, they either completely negate or limit private ownership of the means of production, or they leave ownership free and instead confiscate the individual's profit and levy taxes to reduce inequalities and provide a minimum for the less fortunate. The staircases use redistributive policies. On the other hand, not accepting government intervention in property with the aim of redistributing resources leads to the denial of social justice. On this basis, the discussion assumes that social justice can conflict with the application of legitimate rights and freedoms.On the one hand, a cursory glance at the Constitution shows that social justice is widely emphasized in its principles as one of the main objectives of the legal system. On the other hand, this fundamental document observes a broad protection of legitimate fundamental rights and freedoms, to the extent that their deprivation is even prohibited by law. Thus, the maximum guarantee of social justice and the application of fundamental rights and freedoms are in conflict with each other, and this conflict is the problem of the present research. Therefore, the main issue in the agenda of this article is the answer to this question: Can the government limit the fundamental and legitimate rights and freedoms of citizens in order to achieve social justice? The authors have tried to find the answer to the aforementioned problem by referring to the constitution and its foundations in Islamic jurisprudence and thought.The results of the research show that the principle that "the government can intervene in the legitimate rights and freedoms of citizens for the sake of social justice" is one of the basic principles of the theory of social justice in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. On this basis, preparations were made to resolve this conflict.Firstly, in order to resolve the conflict, it should be noted that the reduction of public law relations to private law is normative reductionism and therefore the government is not a person among other natural and legal persons. It is therefore not justified by the norms of private law on which relations between persons are organized. Rather, the legal personality of the government and its obligations to the citizens require that it have its own rules, which are not derived from the development of private rights in the public sphere.Based on Islamic thought and also on the rational-jurisprudential rule of "Negation of loss and damage", public rights and freedoms, especially property rights, cannot lead to harm to others. The collective good and the public interest precede and limit the conflict between personal interest and profit. The legitimate government, as the representative of the public good, has the right to recognize the position of this conflict and also to resolve it by prioritizing the collective good and public benefit.Based on the constitution, Velayat-e-Faqih can be formulated as a plan to move from an unjust situation to a just society. Therefore, it can be said that the legitimizing element in the constitutional system of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the government's intervention in favor of social justice is the theory of the absolute authority of the jurist. Therefore, Velayat al-Faqih is not only the implementation of Islamic rules, but also the authority of temporary legislation with the aim of achieving the main objectives of the Sharia. Therefore, it should be said that whenever a ruling temporarily shuts down the Islamic system and society, the jurist has the authority to resolve the conflict on the basis of absolute authority. Of course, this conflict resolution is not without criteria; rather, its rule is expediency. However, expediency is not a matter of transition to secularism and formalization of laws; rather, expediency also has a function within jurisprudence.Finally, the final aim of the current research is to explain the relationship between the public interest and social justice. The public interest has a common rule with the public good; that is, whatever the public good requires is also the public good. On the other hand, in determining expediency, the purposes of the legal system act as rules. That is, the expediency that the ruler recognizes must necessarily lead to the achievement of the purposes of the legal system. On the other hand, social justice is one of the main objectives of the Sharia and the Constitution. Therefore, social justice, expediency and public interest are mutually exclusive. Therefore, the need for justice is the same as the need for the collective good, public interest and ultimately the expediency of the Muslim social system. Therefore, justice cannot conflict with the efficiency, development and maintenance of the system. As a result, justice plays a key role in determining expediency, and the expediency that the ruler recognizes cannot be in conflict with social justice, and its closure is the result.Based on the previous principles, it can be briefly stated that "since justice is the goal of the legal system provided for in the Constitution, the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran can prefer it to the personal interests of individuals".
Political Thought
Dariush Rahmati; Anahita Motazed Rad
Abstract
The Religious Foundations of the State in Ancient Iran, the Case Study of the Sasanid EraAbstract: State is a modern concept in the field of governance and administration of society, that its existence seems necessary for any socio-political order in any society. The concept of State, also, is one of ...
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The Religious Foundations of the State in Ancient Iran, the Case Study of the Sasanid EraAbstract: State is a modern concept in the field of governance and administration of society, that its existence seems necessary for any socio-political order in any society. The concept of State, also, is one of the critical concepts in ancient Iran with the foundation of the Median Era and the alliance of immigrant Aryans and resident Iranians. Regarding this, the concept of state in ancient Iran can be understood and explained in Iranian culture as an institution for the implementation of worldliness in the framework of the “Shahriari” (Royalty) concept. This thought that started in the Median Era, was transformed and consolidated in the Achaemenid, Parthian and Sassanid Era. As a result, It was in the Sassanid that the connection between politics and religion reached its conceptual peak in the realm of royal politics and Religion as a formal institution entered to politics and the religious class became the first class in ancient Iranian social fabric. The period of encounter between the newly arrived Aryans and the natives of Iran not only did not cause any distortion of political thought, but even hardly caused a minimum of political order and civility (the basic feature of the state). The coalition of the Aryan immigrants and the natives of Iran in the western region created a new life for them, the first characteristic of which was the emergence of a civil society, specifically a society with a professional classification hierarchy. The main reason for the emergence of civil society characterized by the formation of classes and the subsequent unification of many Aryan tribes under the banner of "Diao Ko" and the establishment of the first state in ancient Iran can be the result of the proximity, familiarity and influence of neighboring civilizations (Mesopotamia) knew. Therefore, the beginning of Diaoco's rule can be considered as the beginning of the formation of the ruling institution based on the Shahi political thought, which itself was rooted in a group of beliefs and convictions of the worldview of Iranians, the most important components and elements of this thought were:a) alignment of religion and politics, b) tendency to monotheism, c) Division of social work, d) The end of political life. Regarding the points, the paper is to find an answer for the following question:” which kinds of conditions and reasons as well as developments in theory and practice provided the contexts and led to establish the first religious state the Sassanians in ancient Iran? In this regard and through the “historical sociology method”, and the primary and secondary peer-rieview sources , the paper has been tried to scrutinize the contexts of philosophical-political concepts of the royal thought (Ideal King, Shahriar Armani) of ancient Iran from the Median period and examine the existing political conditions and its developments in the Achaemenid and Parthian Era as main and basic reasons in theory and practice. The findings of the paper confirm the main hypothesis of the research that the establishment of the first government with religious foundations in the Sassanid Era was the result of the evolution in the structures of royal political thought (religion), political (king) and social (family and classes) domains in the eras Achaemenids and Parthians. Based on the above explanations, the religious foundations of the state and the centralization of political power, as a characteristic of the Sassanid period, constitute the main problem of this research, which was well manifested in the continuation of the idea of "the divine origin of power" or "heavenly legitimacy of the king". continued. Key words: religious government, ancient Iran, Fareh Izadi, Shah Armani (Ideal King), Iranshahri (Iranian-State) thought, Sassanid government
The State
Abdolrasoul Kavehfard; Hojjatollah Ayyoubi
Abstract
Extended abstractTitle: The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouyeh countiesAbdolrasoul Kaveh Fard, Ph.D. Student in Political Science/Political Sociology/Faculty of Lows, Theology & Political Science, Science and Research ...
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Extended abstractTitle: The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouyeh countiesAbdolrasoul Kaveh Fard, Ph.D. Student in Political Science/Political Sociology/Faculty of Lows, Theology & Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranHojjatallah Ayyoubi Associate Professor, Faculty of World Studies, Tehran UniversityMojtaba MaghsoudiAssociate Professor, Faculty of Political Science, Islamic Azad University. Central Tehran Branch. Tehran, Iran.Introduction: Since development in developing societies, especially in Iran, depends a lot on the approaches, policies and plans of the government, knowing the special tasks, capabilities and capacities of agents and representatives of the government in the regions is also of fundamental importance in this field. Therefore, the topic of this article, which is derived from a scientific research, among various possible factors, is to study the role of governors in the political development of cities, which is examined from the perspective of political sociology.The purpose of the research: The general purpose of this research is to investigate the role and influence of governorates on the political development of cities.Method: In terms of purpose, this research is applied and among quantitative researches, the data has been collected by survey method. In the research process, a questionnaire was distributed electronically among all the employees of the governorates of "Dashtestan", "Genaveh" and "Asalouyeh" cities (including governors up to assistants in the number of 100 people) in the territory of Bushehr province. Therefore, the sample size was determined to be 100 people using the full enumeration method. Cronbach's alpha method was used to measure the reliability of the measuring instrument, and the questionnaire was confirmed with a reliability coefficient of 0.907. To analyze the data, one-sample t/t tests, analysis of variance and variance-oriented structural equation modeling approach and related software (PLS) were used.Report of findings: The findings of the research show that the highest average in the political development index is related to the "Governorship of Asalouyeh" and the lowest average is related to "Governorship of Genaveh". In the sub-indexes of political development, the governorates of all three cities have had a positive performance. "Activity of news-analytical media" in Dashtestan city has the highest average (3.85), and the lowest average related to the sub-index "political participation" (3.32), in Genaveh city, the sub-index of "activity of political parties and organizations" has the highest average (4.00) and the lowest average related to the sub-index of "political participation" (2.74); and in Asalouyeh city, the sub-index of "efficiency and effectiveness of the government" was the highest average (4.10) and the lowest average was related to the sub-index of "political participation" (3.65). Therefore, overall, in the political development index, the performance of Asalouyeh governorate has been better than other governoratesTo evaluate the political development index, 13 questions were asked, which were evaluated using the single-sample T/T test. The analysis of the collected data shows that the average of all the items of the political development index, except for the item of "governor's performance in the participation of the people in the elections of the Assembly of Experts" are above average, and thus there is a good satisfaction in the political development index. The value of the alpha error or the significance level of the T/T test for all items except for the item of "Governor's performance in the participation of the people in the elections of the Assembly of Experts" is equal to 0.000, since this error rate is less than the acceptable error rate for the test, i.e. is less than 0.05, as a result, it can be argued that the difference between the observation satisfaction level for these measures and the average level of satisfaction is significant at the 95% confidence level. The general results of the political development index express favorable conditions and a positive view of the governorates of the studied cities from the point of view of the statistical community of this research. Following up on the political affairs of the cities is one of the important tasks of the governorates, and in this field, the studied governorates have achieved relative success.Conclusion: on the functions, specialties and capabilities of governors as agents and high representatives of the government (and sovereignty) at the city level and their role in political development, clearly shows that governors, considering their duties and powers, as well as their role The leadership that they have, within the framework of their institutional structure, has helped to facilitate various indicators of political development in the regions and regions, and they play a prominent and prominent role in promoting the indicators of political development in the cities. Because the philosophy of establishing local governments in regions and districts also comes from the need to facilitate development at the regional level and as a result of national development. But in this process, some factors such as the presence of inefficient people at the head of the governorate as governor and the subsequent appointment of inefficient deputies and managers of executive bodies and government organizations at the city level, the sometimes security attitude of the governors to the administration of local affairs and especially the political activities of political currents at the level in the region, very weak financial resources, cumbersome laws and regulations, weak and insufficient human resources within the structure of the governorates and the lack of transparency in decision-making have caused their potential capacities and capabilities to perform effectively and carry out developmental tasks in the political dimension.The results of this research with the conclusion of "Shiari and Farhangi(2018)" research that the role of the government and its policies in the process of political development and the formation of civil society is prominent and significant, as well as the research of "Abiyar et al.(2018)" on this basis that Local governments play an important role in accelerating the process of political development, it is completely consistent.
