Hanif Amoozadeh Mahdiraji; Mohsen Ranjbar
Abstract
For several years, corruption news has been heard from Iranian government agencies, a type of intra-group relationships in power structure in which members of each political faction act against the public interest and for their benefit and other members of their group. On the other hand, cooperation ...
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For several years, corruption news has been heard from Iranian government agencies, a type of intra-group relationships in power structure in which members of each political faction act against the public interest and for their benefit and other members of their group. On the other hand, cooperation on bribery and ransom with the public and agents at the lower levels of the country's executive system has developed in recent years, so that the perception of corruption in the country in recent years has decreased in comparison with the other countries in the region. Systematic corrupt practices in the power structure and in the interactions of agents with citizens and a kind of cultural relations referring to as the "culture of pessimism" have always existed in a stable manner in the Iranian society as if there were no way out. Therefore, this article tries to obtain a new and, of course, historical understanding of the financial relations between the government and the people from a historical sociology point of view. In this regard, valid historical documents and secondary analyses have been used. Moreover, for a good observation of the historical evidence, a conceptual model has been designed to better explain the relationships of the components of the observed events. In designing this model, the views of theorists such as Elias, Gambetta and Tilly have been used for a conclusion based on the best explanation. The research findings show that in the points of interaction of government agents with citizens, a set of financial relations with strictness, corruption and pessimism prevailed, which did not follow any ritualized codes.
Fariborz Aarghavani; Fatemeh Forootan
Abstract
The article’s aim is to study the intellectual bases of formation and continuity of authoritarian state in China. The main question is why china’s political society up to now has helped to form and to continue authoritarian state in this country, while many of the other countries has experienced ...
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The article’s aim is to study the intellectual bases of formation and continuity of authoritarian state in China. The main question is why china’s political society up to now has helped to form and to continue authoritarian state in this country, while many of the other countries has experienced some forms of democracy. This article, to answer the question, by presupposing some factors such as vast territory, agricultural economy and foreign invasion argues that the study of china’s intellectual bases and political thought in three era, ancient- middle and contemporary, shows us that the tradition of authoritarian state in china is deep and it is due to intellectual bases. In other words, political and intellectual thought in various ages has helped to create and reinforce authoritarian state in china. Strong influence of political thought in ancient era, middle era on china’s political action and continuity of Confucius’s tradition and communism are some of the main aspects and factors of the problem. Study of more important political thought about state nature, discussion on some aspects of powerful and authoritarian state in china and introducing china’s political thought in various eras that encourage state power are the main section of the article.
Shahrooz Shariati; Mahdi Abbasi Shahkuh
Abstract
Purpose:Before the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty, the Iranian Society relied on entities and associations that were independent to a significant degree; this paper tries to explain the relations between society of Iran and its antagonistic opposition with the government in in the era of Pahlavi ...
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Purpose:Before the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty, the Iranian Society relied on entities and associations that were independent to a significant degree; this paper tries to explain the relations between society of Iran and its antagonistic opposition with the government in in the era of Pahlavi emergence. From this point of view, before the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty, the Iranian Society relied on entities and associations that were independent to a significant degree and Social control were prevented by them. In this regard, for example the Shi’i scholars had the opportunity to criticize the governmental actions due to their financial independence and having the mosque tribunes under their control as well as having the exclusive right to interpret the religious rules. Therefore, Reza Shah who was aware of the power of opposition gradually started to show a negative reaction to them. Therefor Government to achieve its modernization goals did not bear the power of social networks. Using case studies and revision political actions and combining the social Control theories, this paper tries to explain the relations and Competition between the society and oppressive government on social control, in the era of Pahlavi. Design/Methodology/Approach:Case study research is a methodology which refers to the in depth analysis of some historical facts before the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty and some facts about society of Iran in the era of Pahlavi emergence. Findings: The concepts of social control and governance are closely related, from this point of view Reza Shah who was aware of the power of the society in Iran gradually started to show a negative reaction to the oppositions against his suppressive and secular policies and in place of reinforcing a legal authority, he tried to suppress the social movements through threatening, dual game, assassination, conspirators as well as using the militaristic powers. Therefor Government to achieve its modernization goals did not bear the power of social networks. This policy not only was based on Iran cultural and social condition but also created many fundamental problems and specially caused antagonism between tradition and modernity in Iran. Originality/Value: Along with the emergence of modern states, the concept of social control has undergone a fundamental transformation and governmental approaches were ruled to governmental surveillances. This article reviews the concept of social control to re-reading the history of the modern state in Iran. From this point of view, before the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty, the Iranian Society relied on entities and associations that were independent to a significant degree and Social control were prevented by them. Using case studies and revision political actions and combining the social Control theories, this paper tries to explain the relations and Competition between the society and oppressive government on social control, in the the era of Pahlavi.
Mohammad Ali Khosravi; Shohreh Shahsavari Fard
Abstract
History has showed us that development in every society depends on the elite’s political roles; hence, their viewpoints regarding socio-political programs and individuals’ needs have played a vital role in determining the fate of a specific society. Besides, the elite political culture is ...
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History has showed us that development in every society depends on the elite’s political roles; hence, their viewpoints regarding socio-political programs and individuals’ needs have played a vital role in determining the fate of a specific society. Besides, the elite political culture is considered as an effective factor in political development within the realm of political sociology. The aim of this study is to analyze the political culture of the ruling elite and its role in inefficiencies of NGOs. In fact the author has tried to show that the underdevelopment of NGOs in governments after the revolution has a close relation with political culture of ruling elite of this era .In addition to questionnaire to assess the type of political culture, their performance was examined on the basis of Gabriel Almond model. To validate the reagents, in addition to previous studies, we used the views of a number of sociologists and political science professors and after confirmation of expert community and passing the validity stage to examine the internal consistency of questionnaire items, Cronbach's alpha was obtained as 77 using SPSS software. Then, political culture was examined by assessing the political participation, political trust, citizenship rights, and tolerance. Freedom of speech was investigated in 9 components. Results reflected the fact that the culture of ruling on elite is an allegiance with thick, tough, and stable clusters closing the ways for political development. Reluctance to answer some questions and lack of proportionality among some answers with performance of this population are strong evidence in this regard.
Fatameh Mirabasi; Ahmad Saie
Abstract
This paper aims to understand the nature and causes of fragility of bureaucracy in Iran from the perspective of political economy. Starting from the presupposition that bureaucracy crisis is first and foremost the reflection of the nature of state and its structure of capital accumulation, the present ...
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This paper aims to understand the nature and causes of fragility of bureaucracy in Iran from the perspective of political economy. Starting from the presupposition that bureaucracy crisis is first and foremost the reflection of the nature of state and its structure of capital accumulation, the present research argues that the twofold nature of Sultanist–rentier state in the second Pahlavi period gradually caused the structure–role distortion of bureaucracy, a decline both in the quality of bureaucratic elites and in the relative autonomy of bureaucrats from politics, the predominance of prebendal spirit and morality, the growth of bureaucratic bourgeoisie, and finally the emergence of a fragile bureaucracy which, in Weberian terms, intermediated between the Sultan and society. Such an intermediary position of bureaucracy exacerbated the crisis of legitimacy of power elites since bureaucracy not only lost its modernist spirit but also later turned into an obstacle to modernization. This situation eventually led to the inability of bureaucracy in performing its intermediary role and making a compromise and balance between the interests of state and social classes on the one hand and to the function of bureaucracy as a factor contributing to the dialectic of state and society, a delay in political development in society, and the facilitation of revolution on the other hand.
Masoud Motllebi; Jamal Khan Mohammadi
Abstract
According to what has been observed in the history of different societies, the conflict between states and nations has always been one of the main problems societies have encountered whether they are developed or underdeveloped ones. The paper tries to study the effects of congruence of state and nation ...
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According to what has been observed in the history of different societies, the conflict between states and nations has always been one of the main problems societies have encountered whether they are developed or underdeveloped ones. The paper tries to study the effects of congruence of state and nation on economic development in the last years of the 20th century and the dawn of the new millennium. The present research is carried out on the basis of the comparative – longitudinal method in which secondary data obtained from 144 countries during the years between 1990 and 2004 have been analyzed. According to our results the congruence of state and nation has huge effects on economic development of societies directly and indirectly. Then in our research it was observed that in developed societies nation and state are more congruent than other societies in the world. Therefore it seems that among different patterns of relation between state and nation around the world the kind of relation that exists between state and nation in developed countries of Western Europe and North America is an interactive and mutual one. In these countries the state is responsible and accountable to the nation and in return the nation is obliged to associate and cooperate with the state. While in the underdeveloped countries of the world the kind of relation that exists between state and nation is a kind of conflict and struggle.
Abbas Nargesian; Ghasemali Jamali
Abstract
Reducing corruption, promoting accountability and gaining public trust and satisfaction are among the top goals of any government. One of the key and controversial tools in achieving these goals, transparency is achieved relying on the issue of free access to information. Government ministries, as the ...
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Reducing corruption, promoting accountability and gaining public trust and satisfaction are among the top goals of any government. One of the key and controversial tools in achieving these goals, transparency is achieved relying on the issue of free access to information. Government ministries, as the highest executive bodies of the country, are also responsible for directing and implementing all affairs throughout the country, which the magnifying glass of transparency on the ministry will eliminate their operational ambiguities. Research method is quantitative and the research goal is evaluative. Also the field research environment and the research strategy are survey type. Given the levels of ministries in Iran's Civil Service Management Law and the ranking of their websites, the transparency of the 18 ministries' websites was assessed and evaluated by a three-dimensional survey of 40 questions. The findings of the study indicate that the websites of the ministries in the category of governance are less transparent; Moreover, websites that rank better in Iran are more transparent.
Masoud Ghaffari; Habib Rezazadeh
Abstract
First: The current water crisis in Iran is the product of years of inappropriate decisions and management, which occurred due to the increase in water demand from the country's water resources. Agrarian reform policy and the issue of land. The result was the fragmentation of agricultural land, which, ...
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First: The current water crisis in Iran is the product of years of inappropriate decisions and management, which occurred due to the increase in water demand from the country's water resources. Agrarian reform policy and the issue of land. The result was the fragmentation of agricultural land, which, along with the introduction of deep and semi-deep well exploitation technology, led to the digging of wells by small-scale farmers and landowners and the increase in underground water exploitation; because the easiest way for every person who owned land was to dig a well.
Second: New institutionalism does not consider the economic future and the development of societies as a future with unlimited choices; considering that property rights are among the effective institutions; therefore, the policies that target the property rights of the society create major changes in the society. Land reform is a type of institutional change that is carried out by the government to transform the existing ownership structure and transform it into a desirable structure. Therefore, by using the new institutionalism, we can see the historical impact of land reforms, which was the policy of the government institution in changing and redefining the institution of land ownership; it highlighted the current water crisis.
Third: Before land reforms, Iran's land system had three characteristics: 1- the concentration of land in the hands of a number of absent owners; 2- Shareholding as the dominant form of tenancy and 3- The prevalence of old and primitive techniques in production was determined. About the type of ownership of Iranian villages at that time, the information related to land reforms shows that 6,885 were in the care of religious institutions, 1,535 villages and parts of the other 245 were owned by the government and the royal institution also owned 2,167 villages and their lands. These institutions owned about 20% of the villages. In addition, Iran had 2,250 private owners, each of whom had more than one village; these people owned 11,740 villages. About 20 percent of the villages were for rural farmers and the remaining 38 percent belonged to 320,000 owners. However, following the changes in the ownership institution, the ratio of independent farmers to the rural population, which was less than 5% before the land reforms, reached 76% of the rural population after the land reforms. Although agrarian reforms increased the number of land-owning farmers, they could not give them enough land to become capable and self-reliant farmers. Because the average area of the farm in 1353 was 6.6 hectares and 37% of the land was in water shortage condition
Fourth: The issue of land and the institution of ownership after the Islamic revolution
At the beginning of the victory of the Islamic revolution, due to the expectations created among the rural strata and farmers within the framework of the slogans of the revolution era, in the rural areas, the conflict over land occupation had occupied everyone; In addition to local encroachments, the new regime tried to implement a series of land distribution policies. These land division policies culminated in the redistribution of what was mostly government land and the setting of ownership ceilings in each locality, which led to the redistribution of some of the remaining private land to large landowners. The result of the land division policy of the 1980s was to once again destroy the remnants of large-scale private capitalist agriculture and convert it into numerous small farms. At the same time as the fragmentation and scattering of agricultural lands, which was the result of land reforms and changes in the ownership institution; we see an increase in the number of well rings; the new owners began to dig wells for their newly acquired lands using the new well drilling technology. As a result of these events, the number of wells in the country increased from about 47,000 wells in the water year 1972-1973 to about 763,000 wells in the water year 2011-2012, and the amount of harvesting also increased from 9 billion cubic meters to more than 47 billion cubic meters. Thus, during this period, the number of wells has increased 16 times and the amount of harvests has increased more than 5 times
Fifth: Before the land reforms, the number of small farmers was 320,000, who, together with 2,250 large owners, owned 60% of the agricultural land, and the average land of farmers was more than 20 hectares, the number of underground water resource exploitation wells was less than 40,000 wells, and the amount of exploitation was also It is less than 9,000 cubic meters But in 1979, when the number of small owners increased to 1,601,000 operators, the number of wells increased to more than 70,000 wells, and in 1988, when the number of operators increased to 2,800,000 and the average area of agricultural land is less than 3 hectares, the number of wells 221,691 and the amount of underground water extraction is 32,599 cubic meters and in 2003, when the number of users is 3,480,729, the number of well rings is 468,049 and the amount of extraction is 44,895 cubic meters; In the early 1990s, with the number of 3,359,409 operators, we see more than 763,664 wells and the extraction rate of 47,182 cubic meters.
Yaser Ghahremaniafshar; Kheirollah Parvin
Abstract
Modernization of governance and the attainment of collective enthusiasm and participation in political decision-making began since the fundamental shift of sovereignty from the Sultan to people. The modern state, as a descendant of ancient forms of governance, defines its sovereignty based on human wisdom ...
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Modernization of governance and the attainment of collective enthusiasm and participation in political decision-making began since the fundamental shift of sovereignty from the Sultan to people. The modern state, as a descendant of ancient forms of governance, defines its sovereignty based on human wisdom rather than spiritual sources. As a claimant to the divine and popular sovereignty, the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI)—within the Constitutional Law—has recognized its own political–legal framework based on revelation and jurisprudence. Yet as a political entity in international politics and relations, the IRI cannot remain indifferent to the necessities of the modern world, especially when it comes to political and legal systematization. As a result, the IRI has also used modern methods of governance to organize the country legally and politically as well as to manage public affairs. Since state and modernity are pluralistic phenomena in intellectual and political systems, there are differences in the way the components of the Modern are recognized. Taking this as its central topic, the present study used a descriptive–explanatory and prescriptive approach as well as the library data to analyze the constituting components of state. The main finding is the fact that the difference lies in the normative basis and genesis of the two legal systems.
Masoud Ghafari; Fariba Tarjoman
Abstract
Purpose: The present study aims to investigate the relationship between inefficient bureaucracy and specialists’ exit from Iran in the ninth and tenth government time period as the main question of the research in the framework of this hypothesis that bureaucratic inefficiency in Iran is one of ...
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Purpose: The present study aims to investigate the relationship between inefficient bureaucracy and specialists’ exit from Iran in the ninth and tenth government time period as the main question of the research in the framework of this hypothesis that bureaucratic inefficiency in Iran is one of the factors influencing specialists’ exit. Studying the key elements of the bureaucracy based on legal-rational authority in combination with the characteristics of efficient and inefficient governments and the theory of attraction and repulsion can be an appropriate criterion in this study to show how the government can exclude itself from the faction of inefficient government and make itself closer to efficient government by reducing their roles and attracting skilled and capable persons. In this way, the government helps to reduce the specialists’ exit from the country and finally provide development.Design/Methodology/Approach: Generally, the government role in developing mentioned viewpoints is placed in two groups. First, individuals who believe in minor role of the government and emphasize on the society and its role; and individuals who believe in major role of the government and emphasize on the government as the main body of the development. Peter Owens is placed in the second group and defines two categories of ineffective and effective governments. On the other hand, since the formation of the modern government and bureaucracy in Iran, it was inefficient. The methodology used in this study is "institutionalist".Findings: The results show that Ahmadinejad government is categorized in the group of inefficient countries, with inefficient administrative structures. It didn’t have the power of long-term goals in order to have operational development programs. It had failed to act going beyond short-term interests of in-power political groups, and hasn’t been able to create the necessary stability in the social and economic space for attracting attention of new professionals and entrepreneurs or putting them in the direction of determined targets. Since achieving profitability is the most important motivation of the professionals and entrepreneurs in the private sector, and of the all economic actors outside the government to participate in development projects, it can be seen that the ninth and tenth government, because of increasing of their roles in the form of bureaucracy, becomes the largest competitor in the private sector. To the extent that the government capacity to make maximum use power and expertise of entrepreneurs and competent human resources to advance the development agenda has been reduced. And this caused to the loss of legitimacy and government efficiency near professionals and entrepreneurs groups and finally, caused to the indiscriminate leaving of experts and efficient staff from the country.Originality/Value: This study can provide a theoretical framework to examine the impact of the failure of the consolidated government forces in other. On this basis we can determine the relationship between the solutions necessary to reduce the exit of specialists from Iran at any returns when presented .This could be effective step towards development.
Rohollah Eslami
Abstract
Abstract Purpose: Technology of power in political arena changed after Constitutional Revolution. Before this event, governmentality was operating according to despotic system in reality and writing mirror of king in thought for controlling traditional absolute power. Iran in Qajar dynasty experience ...
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Abstract Purpose: Technology of power in political arena changed after Constitutional Revolution. Before this event, governmentality was operating according to despotic system in reality and writing mirror of king in thought for controlling traditional absolute power. Iran in Qajar dynasty experience was under the old method for policy making and ultimately this process resulted in decline. Authoritarian political culture in state and among nation caused failure and thereafter defeat from Russia, losing lands, and increasing protestations of people. At the same time with criticizing traditional political thought, new technology of power became possible. In this paper, I try to analyse method of political thinkers in Iran who drawing world-viewing power mechanisms for transition and reforming authoritarian system. For this aim, I choosed two important and influential pioneer in constitution revolution: Mohammad Ali Foroughi Zoka-ol-Molk and Mirza Mohammad Hussein Na`ini that could design new shape of governmentality in contemporary political history of Iran. For content analysis that are indicators of mechanism of technology power and element of constitutional gornmentality, I refer to the case study text book Constitutional Etiquette Foroughi and Tanbyh-ol-omah va Tanzyh-ol-melah Naini. Method and theory: Methodology of this research for qualitative analysis of propositions of these two texts is phenomenology. This qualitative method has helped me to close to my subject and focus interpretive understanding toward two thinkers from the comparative perspective old and new power technology. The theoretical framework is governmentality. Governmentality means that thinking about power or technology of power that state applies to subjection and controls citizen. In every age and all state we can see different governmentality. Three types include: authoritarian traditional, mechanic modern and information postmodern. In the traditional governmentality court of king was important resource for policy and politics is personal affair. Epistemological knowledge is abstract to advice characteristic leadership. There is huge gap between objective and subjective or between means and goals of politics. The result of this process is isolation and failure political thought. In the modern and mechanic governmentality, we see the relation between subject and object of politics. Consequence of this event founded bureaucratic state for regular resource, currents and processes of politics .All forms of governmentality used production, distribution and increases power for applying and limiting the art of government. In this theory, politic is art, act and technic for regularization, formulation, institutionalization human behavior. Finding: for proving the hypothesis of the transition from authoritarian state to mechanistic one, I refer to two main and influential political text from Foroughi and Naini. Form and structure of state in Iran affected the type of constitutional governmentality in the end of Qajar dynasty. Foroughi with technical, exact and detail writing about law and policymaking in state constitution introduced modern formula of state into Iranians and familiarized mind of elite Iranians with mechanical state. Naini, writing about coexistent mutualism between mechanistic state and new narrative of Islam politic, tried to stimulate big clergy Shiite to think of new mechanical state.
Javad Taghizadeh; Samaneh Taghizadeh Chari
Abstract
Article 87 of the 1358 Constitution made the prime minister responsible for forming the Council of Ministers and obtaining a vote of confidence from parliament. After the approval of Article 1 of “the law on adding articles to the code of procedure of the parliament about requesting the vote of ...
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Article 87 of the 1358 Constitution made the prime minister responsible for forming the Council of Ministers and obtaining a vote of confidence from parliament. After the approval of Article 1 of “the law on adding articles to the code of procedure of the parliament about requesting the vote of confidence and the manner of holding it” in 1363/ 5/9, the prime minister was obliged to request a vote of confidence from the parliament both at the beginning of each term of the parliament and in the conditions stipulated in Article 87, after the formation and introduction of the Council of Ministers. In addition, the Council of Ministers was formed based on political will of parliamentary majority. This indicates that the vote of confidence to the ministers follows the parliamentary logic of the political system. After 1368 revision of the Constitution, president made responsible to obtain a vote of confidence for the Council of Ministers after being formed. By stating that “with the change of the parliament new vote of confidence will not be necessary” in Article 133 and removing the post of prime minister, the political system approaches the presidential system. The practical procedure of vote of confidence, after the revision of the Constitution, also confirms the adherence to the logic of the presidential system.
Mahdi Moradi Berelian; Mohammad Ghsem Tangestani
Abstract
The unique features of the emerging blockchain technology and its new tools such as cryptocurrencies, despite having significant benefits, have posed various difficulties for states. In particular, the centrifugal structure of the blockchain has made it an important challenge to the sovereignty of the ...
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The unique features of the emerging blockchain technology and its new tools such as cryptocurrencies, despite having significant benefits, have posed various difficulties for states. In particular, the centrifugal structure of the blockchain has made it an important challenge to the sovereignty of the modern state. Too much emphasis on the sovereignty of states and ignoring the capabilities of decentralized technologies will result in nothing but an inefficient structure for states. But the assumptions based on the complete domination of blockchain technology over the sovereignty of states, at least based on the available data, do not seem very realistic. The present paper, using a descriptive-analytical method, answers the question of the consequences of blockchain for state governance without falling into the trap of simplistic unilateralism and dualism. The present study finds that the sovereignty of states and the strength of blockchain technology have framed today's complex life in practice on the basis of interaction and will continue to do so in the near future. Although the first party (state) seems to have the upper hand in such a framework, the distant future is unpredictable. To answer the above question, understanding the characteristics of the mentioned technology, recognizing how states react to it and evaluating the perspectives of how the two sides of the relationship interact (sovereignty of the state / blockchain) in order to make the good policy in this regard, it seems necessary.The analysis of what has happened to the states in the last century shows that the application of the sovereignty of the states is gradually eroding. The changes caused by the creation and development of new technologies have forced the governments to take a specific reaction against the mentioned phenomenon. Some of the characteristics of blockchain technology such as its decentralized and trans-spatial structure, in particular, some elements on the governments, such as the authority to enact comprehensive laws in a specific territorial area and the authority to print national currency (fiat) and control it from It has faced a serious challenge through various economic and financial policies.Any simplistic view regarding the complete dominance of the state's sovereignty over blockchain technology, as well as the passing of the aforementioned technology from the state's sovereignty, due to ignoring the other party's capacity to coordinate with the developments of the day and manage it, does not seem justified. This issue has caused the government's response to this phenomenon to fluctuate, from complete prohibition to legal restrictions and recognition and even the production of cryptocurrency. It is noteworthy that so far, some governments have not shown any legal or practical reaction to this phenomenon. Despite the relativity in the above assessment, it should be acknowledged that the technical ability of each government in dealing with new technologies (here, blockchain) is one of the most important factors in determining the type of government's response to this phenomenon.Despite considering blockchain technology as a threat to the sovereignty of states, the opportunities and advantages of the mentioned technology for exercising the sovereignty of states should not be overlooked. In other words, the blockchain technology with its unique features puts innovative methods and mechanisms in line with the government; A tool that, if governments are equipped with the mentioned technology, will deeply affect the scope and effectiveness of the government's actions in the two areas of law making and monitoring its implementation. The aforementioned reality, along with the development of virtual space (and its effects on the diminution of the government's sovereignty in a certain territorial area), doubles the necessity of a justified and calculated response to blockchain technology. However, it should be acknowledged that the technological threats to the government's governance are far greater than its opportunities. The absence of a central control authority in this technology and the equality of all users, as well as the impossibility of refining it by governments or any other person, clearly undermine the government's ability to exercise sovereignty in this field, at least in the current situation is excluded; A thing that also removes other threats to the government's sovereignty (including providing a platform for money laundering and other crimes).Due to the newness of the above technology and the incomplete experience of states in reacting to it, it may not be possible to provide an accurate prediction of the outcome of this relationship (interaction between government governance and blockchain technology) at this stage. Based on this, the range of actions that governments can take in response to the above phenomenon cannot be fully explained and accurately evaluated. Nevertheless, in the current situation, although governments, like other individuals, have the possibility to enter this field and produce cryptocurrencies; Also, they can try to deal with or manage the mentioned phenomenon by prohibiting or imposing some restrictive conditions, it should not be overlooked that the range of the mentioned measures apparently could not and may not be able to create an important practical obstacle for people to enter to this arena. All this shows the necessity of adopting a realistic approach by governments towards this phenomenon, especially considering the consequences of not having a specific reaction against it. The course of the studies conducted in this article apparently indicates that governments are moving towards the option of peaceful coexistence with blockchain technology, of course, with the imposition of certain conditions and specific requirements in order to manage it (to the extent of the technology's capabilities). Governments will move.Considering the concentration of at least part of the capital of some Iranian individuals in crypto-currencies and predicting the possibility of its continuation in the future and even the entry of more capital in this direction, compiling a model of the Iranian government's justified response to the aforementioned phenomenon with a comprehensive review of experience other governments and evaluating the advantages and disadvantages of each of the models and prescribing the most suitable response based on the economic, political and even cultural conditions and requirements of the Iranian society, can be used as a suggestion for future researches on this issue. be taken into consideration and action.
Nasrin Mosaffa
Abstract
A perusal of global history signifies the role that commemorations and celebrations about the longevity of reigning in monarchies. There are examples of it in Iran and beyond that. While such events cannot be categorized amongst the expectations form political systems (such as dignity and welfare for ...
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A perusal of global history signifies the role that commemorations and celebrations about the longevity of reigning in monarchies. There are examples of it in Iran and beyond that. While such events cannot be categorized amongst the expectations form political systems (such as dignity and welfare for citizens), but they could be analyzed within the framework of conduct of the political systems. At its third level, as symbolic capacity, it strengthens other capacities such as extractive, responsive, distributive and regulative. This article seeks to analyze the relationship between the organization of monarchical celebrations, specifically marking their reign, and the legitimacy of the political system. In turn, it influences its actions, through input, demands, and support, and its interactions with the domestic and international spheres. Within the framework of structural-functional theory, this article analyses political legitimacy in light of such celebrations and its impact on strengthening the top of the system. In doing so, it will analyze the Pahlavi’s celebration of 2500 years of monarchy in Iran and its fiftieth anniversary by relying on range of sources, including archives.A perusal of global history signifies the role that commemorations and celebrations about the longevity of reigning in monarchies. There are examples of it in Iran and beyond that. While such events cannot be categorized amongst the expectations form political systems (such as dignity and welfare for citizens), but they could be analyzed within the framework of conduct of the political systems. At its third level, as symbolic capacity, it strengthens other capacities such as extractive, responsive, distributive and regulative. This article seeks to analyze the relationship between the organization of monarchical celebrations, specifically marking their reign, and the legitimacy of the political system. In turn, it influences its actions, through input, demands, and support, and its interactions with the domestic and international spheres. Within the framework of structural-functional theory, this article analyses political legitimacy in light of such celebrations and its impact on strengthening the top of the system. In doing so, it will analyze the Pahlavi’s celebration of 2500 years of monarchy in Iran and its fiftieth anniversary by relying on range of sources, including archives.
Ali Morshedizad; Saleh Zamani
Abstract
Purpose:The main goal of this article is to provide an answer to the question as to why the second Pahlavi government became vulnerable and paved the path for the Islamic revolution. Moreover, this article tries to evaluate the political behavior of the Shah with structural and state-oriented responses. ...
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Purpose:The main goal of this article is to provide an answer to the question as to why the second Pahlavi government became vulnerable and paved the path for the Islamic revolution. Moreover, this article tries to evaluate the political behavior of the Shah with structural and state-oriented responses. The other goal is providing an ‘analysis model’ for social and political scholars in order to apply it in terms of comparative studies with other cases of revolutions/quasi revolutions which are similar to sociopolitical context of Iran. Design/Methodology/Approach: The main methodological strategy of this article is qualitative approach and historical studies. In reaction to the “why” question of regime collapse, three structural hypotheses /answers will be mentioned which demonstrate the mechanisms through which the ancient regime became vulnerable. The first hypothesis is related to the sultanistic nature of the Pahlavi government. The second hypothesis is seeking to consider the rentier nature of government and its mechanisms which stem from beingas other reason of vulnerability. The third hypothesis presents foreign pressures and decreasing of United States supports than the Shah’s government. The combination of these answers to the problem of vulnerability puts forth a relative comprehensive analysis model which can explain some aspects of state’s ineffectiveness in the second Pahlavi era. Findings:The historical review of the most significant sociopolitical events during 1941-1979 shows that the Pahlavi government experienced the process of vulnerability through sultanism, rentierism and dependency to the United States. Actually, the state vulnerability on the one hand resulted from extension of the Shah despotic power, personal authority, and corruption of his relatives as well as lack of rule of law and on the other hand, depended on the autonomy of state from social classes, establishment of one party system, and extension of patronage policy. The crisis of decrease in President Carter’s support and his pressures in terms of human rights in Iran was the last factor which accelerated the process of vulnerability and approached the Shah into vulnerability. According to these findings, the proposed model, structurally, is capable to explain the reasons of Pahlavi regime overthrowing. Originality/Value: With regards to the most important sociological and political sciences on the studies of Islamic Revolution in Iran, this article is taken account as a new step and insight for multi factors understanding of Pahlavi government’s vulnerability. Although some scholars considered the reasons and roots of the Shah’s vulnerability in light of variety of factors, the presented structural/state-oriented model and combinational hypothesis in this article can enrich the literature of sociopolitical research on Islamic Revolution studies.
Abdolmottalleb Abdollah; Majid Beigi
Abstract
The establishment of the Islamic State in the Age of Absence is one of the fundamental issues of political jurisprudence. This article compares and analyzes the collected ideas and documents collected from the works of Mirza Naeini and Shahid Sadr with a comparative research method such as collecting ...
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The establishment of the Islamic State in the Age of Absence is one of the fundamental issues of political jurisprudence. This article compares and analyzes the collected ideas and documents collected from the works of Mirza Naeini and Shahid Sadr with a comparative research method such as collecting library data and imitating Skeiner's hermeneutic theoretical idea in understanding the political thought of these two Islamic thinkers. The research findings emphasize several points; Contrary to popular belief in the similarity of the council government in Naini and Sadr's thought, the two theories are different. In the geometry of Mirza Naeini's political knowledge, sovereignty is a divine right and does not belong to the people, but the council is the people's right. According to the principle of the council, the people have the right to consult with the ruler, but in the opinion of Martyr Sadr, the sovereignty is the people's right, and consulting is a right of public to stablish the sovereignty of the people. The essential difference of the council government leads to the formation of different functions for the principle of the council in Imami jurisprudence and causes the emergence of a new approach in examining the political matter from the perspective of Imami political jurisprudence.
Politics and International Relations
Muhammad Mahdi Koohkan; Majid Ghorbanali Doolabi
Abstract
Islam, as the last and most comprehensive religion, undoubtedly includes social and governmental dimensions in addition to individual dimensions, and has provided specific frameworks for the economic and political systems of managing the social life of humans. In order for the foreign policy of the Islamic ...
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Islam, as the last and most comprehensive religion, undoubtedly includes social and governmental dimensions in addition to individual dimensions, and has provided specific frameworks for the economic and political systems of managing the social life of humans. In order for the foreign policy of the Islamic government to achieve the desired goals in the prosperity and perfection of society, it is necessary to regulate the actions of the foreign policy of the Islamic government in the light of the principles and fundamental rules derived from Islamic law. Before the victory of the Islamic revolution in Iran and the establishment of a government based on the Islamic Sharia, although centuries had passed since the formation of jurisprudence and researching in various Islamic sciences, among the followers of the Ahl al-Bayt, the governmental aspects of Shiism, due to not being practical, were given less importance. Considering this reason, after the establishment of the government of the Islamic Republic, and especially in the current situation, when more than 40 years have passed since the establishment of this holy system, which is based on the rules of pure Islam and the teachings of the Ahl al-Bayt, the need for research in these areas is even more necessary. One of the most effective issues in achieving the goals of Islamic society and Islamic government, is relations with other governments and countries, which are regulated based on foreign policy. In foreign policy, having the right prioritization, which forms the basis of the country's numerous and important foreign policy choices, is essential to having a consistent and appropriate foreign policy. the main question in this matter is, what is that prioritization based on the principles and rules of jurisprudence? and what factors are effective in arranging the jurisprudential principles and rules related to foreign policy Something that seems to have been somewhat neglected so far. Considering that foreign policy is a concept that has taken a different form after the formation of modern governments, in the old jurisprudence and narrative texts, there is no specific discussion under the title of foreign policy prioritization; Although the discussion of relations with other nations is one of the topics that the Holy Qur'an and hadiths have dealt with, and the scholars have also discussed it and raised it among other jurisprudential issues since the beginning of the establishment of the Islamic State. In addition, with the conducted surveys, there is no research work that has paid independently to Prioritization of foreign policy actions in Islam. But there are some researches that are somehow related to the issue of foreign policy and Islamic international relations. The main purpose of this research is to examine the priorities of foreign policy action from the perspective of Islamic jurisprudence. In addition, the position of expediency in the foreign policy of the Islamic State from a jurisprudential point of viewand the role of the ability to achieve goals in prioritizing foreign policy from a jurisprudential perspective is also examined.The present study reinforces the idea that by using conflict resolution methods in the science of principles of jurisprudence and rational principle, the most important preference, as well as the realities of the contemporary world, the problems of the Islamic world in the present age and the role of foreign policy in providing It has the interests of countries, according to the circumstances, it is possible to make an arrangement for prioritization of the most important principles and rules of foreign policy from the perspective of Islamic jurisprudence and consequently, the necessary actions to implement them. It can be said that in prioritizing foreign policy from the point of view of the jurisprudence of Islamic religions, principles and rules such as peaceful coexistence, the Mustache negation rule, the principle of the necessity of contracts, the principle of reciprocity, the principle of invitation, the concepts of power and public interest; are decisive principles and rules. Also, this general principle that the existence of a task in the implementation of each of the prioritized principles depends on its ability to do so, and also in case of conflict between any of the principles of foreign policy with the principle of expediency, expediency, especially expediency of maintaining the of Islamic system takes precedence over everything, it is deduced.
Somaye Hamidi; Hashem Ghaderi
Abstract
Opinion on the concept of state has a deep root in the history of western political thought. Although there have been brief and marginal studies in this area in ancient Greece, we notice more attention to the concept of state and its coordinates since the Renaissance. Germany, during eighteenth century, ...
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Opinion on the concept of state has a deep root in the history of western political thought. Although there have been brief and marginal studies in this area in ancient Greece, we notice more attention to the concept of state and its coordinates since the Renaissance. Germany, during eighteenth century, is one of the most important arenas on this concept. As one of its thinkers and contemporary of Hegel, Schopenhauer has also paid attention to the issue of state during his discussions. The problem of the present study is the nature of state in Schopenhauer's political thought. The hypothesis of the present paper is that Schopenhauer's theory of state as opposed to Hegelian thought, rejects the totalitarian and the Hegelian ideal state on one hand, and, based on the rule of the concept of evil and how he views metaphysics in its philosophical apparatus on the other hand, takes on a minimalist and protective nature.
Seyed Amir Niakooee; Saeed Pirmohammadi
Abstract
The Arab Awakening which encompassed the broad region of the Middle East and North Africa led to a huge change in the internal politics and especially the pattern of statehood in the region. In the state level, the mentioned developments were accompanied with the symptoms of evolution in the structure ...
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The Arab Awakening which encompassed the broad region of the Middle East and North Africa led to a huge change in the internal politics and especially the pattern of statehood in the region. In the state level, the mentioned developments were accompanied with the symptoms of evolution in the structure of states in the region. In the present paper, the authors are going to explore the transition of Iraq and Syria from statehood to quasi statehood since the eruption of uprisings and civil wars in the region. the recognised Quasi states examined here have been recognised as a political entity. however they lack legitimacy and monopoly in exercizing power in the given territory. It is noteworthy that the context of this evolution in Iraq started since the overthrow of Sadam in 2003 and exacerbated since the Arab spring. The main question of the manuscript is as follows: how can the transition of Iraq and Syria from statehood to quasi statehood since the eruption of the uprising in the region be explained? Accordingly, the following hypothesis has been examined: The weakness of nation state and legitimacy, identity and participation crises coupled with the destructive roles of foreign actors have led to the mentioned transition in Iraq and Syria. The methodology of the manuscript is descriptive explanatory approach and the method of gathering data is based on library studies.
Politics and International Relations
Hamid Hakim; Emad Helalat
Abstract
Soft power is a tool utilized by different actors in the evolving international system based on their capabilities. In this transformed international system, soft power becomes a vital element in increasing influence over international outcomes, as it makes it more difficult to coerce countries and non-state ...
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Soft power is a tool utilized by different actors in the evolving international system based on their capabilities. In this transformed international system, soft power becomes a vital element in increasing influence over international outcomes, as it makes it more difficult to coerce countries and non-state actors through traditional hard power tools that mean threats and force.
The People's Republic of China is one of the influential actors in the realm of international relations. Its large economy, ranking second in the world, has enabled the country to utilize its economic power as a tool to advance its goals. According to most experts in the field of economics and international relations, China is projected to surpass the United States as the world's leading economy by 2030 and establish itself as a dominant economic power on the international stage, although Joseph Nye disputes this notion in his book "The Intelligent Power."
Over the past few decades, China's foreign policy has pursued different dimensions and forms of power in the international arena, in line with its domestic environment and international circumstances. China's bitter historical experience in dealing with Western powers and enduring the era of humiliation, as well as the ideological components stemming from the Communist revolution, shaped its foreign policy during Mao's era with a strong hardware-oriented approach to power and a focus on win-lose dynamics. With the emergence of Deng Xiaoping, China's foreign policy outlook shifted towards a process of power acquisition and security enhancement. Since the 1990s, significant changes have occurred in China's domestic and international conditions, as the emphasis solely on one dimension of power made the country vulnerable to long-term interests. It was in the mid-1990s that soft power gained a special position in China's foreign policy. Jiang Zemin believed that due to various internal and international reasons, China had to incorporate new dimensions of power, including soft power, into its agenda to change its position and ensure security.
Among the influential regions targeted by China, which shares over 1,800 kilometers of border with it, is Central Asia. This geographical proximity has fostered economic, political, and even cultural links between China and the countries of this region. The historical Silk Road, which originated in China and extended through Central Asia and Iran towards Europe, has strengthened these connections. In this regard, Chinese elites also strive to showcase their soft power on the global stage and in the direction of defeating enemies by utilizing the country's traditional culture, values, and teachings, combined with modern culture.
The main objective of this research is to highlight China's development-oriented policies in the Central Asian region. The significance of this research lies in the fact that Central Asia is considered part of Iran's cultural sphere, and Iranian culture and art have a significant presence in this region. This research adopts a descriptive-analytical approach to answer the question of how the Chinese government employs soft power as a tool for its development ambitions in Central Asia. The article argues that by utilizing its soft power tools in cultural, political, and economic dimensions, the Chinese government influences the countries of the Central Asian region. However, it also faces challenges that hurt its soft power. This research examines the soft power of China, its capacities, tools, and challenges by addressing the concept of soft power and the Chinese government's utilization of it in Central Asia.
Based on this, the research is structured into three main sections. The first section provides an overview and theoretical framework of the research. The second section explores China's soft power in Central Asia, including the existing tools and capacities of the Chinese government in this domain. The third section discusses the challenges faced by the Chinese government in leveraging its soft power.
Considering that the main question of the research was how the Chinese government uses soft power as a tool for its expansionist ambitions in Central Asia, it is argued in this research that the Chinese government influences the countries of Central Asia through its soft power tools in cultural, political, and economic dimensions. However, it faces challenges such as the presence of regional and extra-regional powers (such as the United States, Russia, and India), Islamic fundamentalism, and cultural unattractiveness, which hurt its soft power. It can be concluded that China has been able to introduce itself as an influential variable in this region through its economic relations with Central Asian countries, both through the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and other frameworks. China has attempted to exert its influence on the development and progress of these countries by tying their economies to their own, creating consumer and transit markets, and utilizing the energy resources available in these countries. The Chinese government has placed economic tools as the foundation of its global and regional movements, particularly in Central Asia. In the cultural sphere, despite scholarships for students and the promotion of the Chinese language and Confucian culture, different perspectives, especially in neighboring countries, indicate that Russia and the United States have a relatively more desirable position in terms of China's soft power and influence. In the political sphere, there is authoritarianism in Central Asian countries, similar to China, but civil society and the general public in Central Asia do not find China's soft power politically appealing and prefer the liberal democracy model of the United States. Despite China's efforts to achieve its goals through initiatives such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Belt and Road Initiative, it faces challenges that have affected these initiatives. Russia considers Central Asia its domain and China's presence and influence in this region pass through Russia's channel. The United States identifies China as the biggest threat to its national security and seeks to have an influential presence in the region as an international player. Islamic fundamentalism (terrorism) is another challenge for China. The presence of Chinese semi-military forces in Syria in the form of the East Turkestan Islamic Movement and their return to Central Asia and China, creating security crises, makes Central Asian countries a potential center of terrorism in the future. Overall, it can be stated that despite all the progress China has made in this region, the existence of these challenges has affected China's soft power.
Mojtaba Shariati; Nima Rezaie
Abstract
In this article, the aim was to explain the category of "political trust" and how it is created and accumulated in relation to "social capital". In this approach, trust as one of the components of social capital is not an inherent characteristic of individuals but an aspect of the conditions and environment ...
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In this article, the aim was to explain the category of "political trust" and how it is created and accumulated in relation to "social capital". In this approach, trust as one of the components of social capital is not an inherent characteristic of individuals but an aspect of the conditions and environment in which individuals act. Thus, the source of social capital creation will vary in different societies with different levels of development. Long-standing traditions, local beliefs, and the efficiency of the political system, each alone or in combination, can be the source of social capital. The main argument of the present article is that only the kind of social capital that can create a lasting "political trust" that is born of the "good governance" model; Because this model, beyond "government", includes "civil society" and "capable individual-citizen" Which, by creating social capital in macro, medium and micro dimensions of the social system as a whole, indirectly lays the foundation for civil and rational political trust. In other words, only that type of social capital which is the product of corruption control, "rule of law", "responsibility", "transparency", external effectiveness, internal efficiency and free flow of information from the ruling political system can generate a kind of Political trust should be active and effective, and such factors are possible only in the light of a type of governance called "good governance". In this sense, good governance as a model consisting of an efficient government, an active civil society and individual empowerment and the dynamics of the private sector can be a generator of a special type of social capital with a civil and rational nature that is the necessary platform for provide stable "political trust". In this structure, the relationships between governance components are horizontal and parallel. The components are mutually related to each other and the relationship is such that synergy and unity among actors is established in the drawing of macro-strategies. That is, in this sector, the structure of good governance is not hierarchical and its art is the interaction between social forces, i.e. market, government and civil society. The door of this structure is open for the decisions and implementation of general policies, while diversity and conflict of opinions, and the interactions are based on the needs and the main mechanism of the society. Therefore, good governance includes a set of formal and informal actors that influence the decision-making process, and most development institutions make the promotion of this model of governance an important part of their agenda. It is due to such characteristics that governance is defined as "directed influence in the social process" in which various mechanisms are involved. Some of these mechanisms are very complex and do not originate solely from public sector actors. Therefore, all the definitions of governance express a broader concept of government, which does not only include government actors and institutions, but also includes the three institutions of government, civil society, and the private sector. The government creates a political and legal environment, the private sector creates employment and income, and the civil society facilitates the political and social interaction of active groups to participate in economic, social and political activities. Therefore, the task of good governance is to provide the basis for cooperation and coordination between these three sectors as much as possible.Based on this, the main claim of the article, that is, the relationship between political trust and a certain type of social capital, is explained in the light of a "Meta-theoretical" model. That is, the relationship between good governance, social capital and political trust has been measured as a "theory". It is based on this three-sided triangle that the "rulers" must focus their minds on the paradigm shift that has occurred in the nature of policy making in the last decade of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century in order to deepen and institutionalize political trust. Based on such a change, political trust is often interpreted as people's feelings about political officials and their decisions. This means, when people think that politicians are moral, honest, trustworthy and faithful to their words, political trust is realized and if they think that political officials run the government for their own benefit and the interests of the majority they do not consider and are not truthful in their speech, trust in them decreases. However, in this article, the authors were of the opinion that political trust is not limited to people's confidence in political officials and the performance of government agents; Rather, political trust reflects people's assessment of the "political environment". In fact, people regulate a large part of their behavior in response to the environment and norms that they interact with continuously and perform their actions within their framework. If the game environment does not make trustworthiness and keeping promises beneficial to the members of the society and does not increase the cost of disregarding obligations and mutual trust, their willingness to offer these norms will decrease. In this way, political trust is not only the result of the behavior and speech of government officials in the field of reality or in the perception of the people, but the origin of its rise and fall should be sought in the category of "governance". As mentioned, "governance" includes "government" and includes the three elements of "government", "civil society" and "citizenship". Based on this theoretical arrangement Based on this theoretical arrangement, the claim of the authors was this that political trust is the product of the accumulation of "social capital" at three levels, "macro", "medium" and "micro", and such capital will lead to the production of "political trust". It was not only limited to evaluating the effectiveness of "government"; Rather, it should go beyond the act of government, arising from the model of "governance" in its good form, which is based on the three elements of "efficient government", "strong civil society" and "active individual-citizen". Finally, the method of collecting data in this documentary and library article and the method of judging and interpreting the collected information is also analytical and explanatory.
Afshin Eshkevar Kiaei
Abstract
In this research, according to Michel Foucault's methodology to understand the nature and dimensions of the state, we analyze the Seljuk state. In this method, instead of starting with the theories of the state and also putting the state in the center, we have started our work by considering the state ...
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In this research, according to Michel Foucault's methodology to understand the nature and dimensions of the state, we analyze the Seljuk state. In this method, instead of starting with the theories of the state and also putting the state in the center, we have started our work by considering the state as the microphysics of power and then we have placed the state in a technology and field of power. This technology of power was formed from the strategies and tactics specific to its time (not from reductionist theories). The main question of the article is, based on Foucault's view of the state, what power relations and technology were actualized in the Seljuk state? According to the historical and concrete needs of this period, the Seljuk Sultan had to provide the conditions to maintain justice and peace in all Islamic lands and on the other hand, considering that the institution of religion was the link between the sultan, the caliph, the bureaucrats and the people, it should be preserved; Therefore, the Seljuk state became the arena for actualizing the power technology of "security, religion and caliphate". This technology consists of various elements and strategies, such as knowledge/power relations, religion/power relations, Sultan/Caliph relations, and bureaucratic institutions, which this article deals with in its various dimensions.
Political Science
Bahram Akhavan kazemi; Fatemeh Forootan
Abstract
The main issue of this article is about the relationship of work and Coronavirus and the changes and transformations that have been created in the field of work due to the occurrence of this global risk and, as a result, have transformed the role of the government; changes that, according to Ulrich beck's ...
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The main issue of this article is about the relationship of work and Coronavirus and the changes and transformations that have been created in the field of work due to the occurrence of this global risk and, as a result, have transformed the role of the government; changes that, according to Ulrich beck's interpretation, by removing the standards and certainties of work, such as working in a specific place as a factory or an office and during specific hours of the day, have caused the destandardization of work and turned the global society into a risk global society and caused citizens to rethink the internal and international role of governments. Indeed, Coronavirus By forcing governments to adopt policies such as quarantine, forced suspension of jobs, limiting social interactions and reducing relations with other countries not only led to the closure of many businesses and unemployment of many people, but also by creating the need for a decisive role of the government in order to support different classes of different societies around the world to deal with this pandemic, it widened the scope of government's influence and the field of its social interventions. So, according to the findings of the research, which are the result of documentary studies by using the historical-adaptive approach to compare two different types of government in China and the United States, it can be inferred that with the outbreak of Corona, the liberal model of government is being replaced by a stronger government that is not a type of Chinese authoritarianism, but is an embedded liberalism that combines economic freedom with domestic social support. Some Important works have been written about the political and social consequences of Corona, among which we can mention Francis Fukuyama's article (2020) entitled "Pandemic and Political Order". The author claims that this crisis, like other global crises such as: The Great Recession, World Wars, the 11th September attack, has special consequences which its political dimensions are even more important than its economic effects; Therefore, this pandemic can lead to the intensification of nationalism, isolationism and an attack to the liberal political order. Farhad zivyar and reza khodabandelou(2019) in an article entitled " corona and reproduction of authoritarianism in democratic states" claim that successful experience of authoritarian states such as china in dealing with coronavirus can turn the global desire in to the accumulation and concentration of power and therefore, the closure of democratic space. But what distinguishes this article from other works that have been written in this field is its focus on the work and risks that have occurred in this arena by the occurrence of Corona that has changed the citizen's attitude about the role of government and the philosophy of its existence. In addition, although these works give priority to authoritarian states in drawing the political order of the post-coronavirus world, in this article, authoritarianism has its own criticisms that reveal the necessity of moving towards a middle path in the frame of embedded liberalism. So, it can be concluded that although since four decades ago, the best government is the one that restricts its field of intervention in society and only provides military security in the country, but in the risk situation, not only governments have found an opportunity to expand their interventions in the society, but also citizens have come to the conclusion that their egalitarianism concerns and their comprehensive security may be more important than their liberal desires. So, they prefer governments that deal with this pandemic and its harmful effects in different aspects with a wider range of power. The weak performance and inefficiency of the United States of America as the leader of the neoliberal agenda of the role and duties of the government on the one hand and the success of Chinese authoritarianism in dealing with this pandemic, verifies the accuracy of this matter. Of course, it does not mean that the Chinese authoritarian system is uncritical and perfect and its acceptance by other countries in the post-corona world is inevitable; Because China, due to the special features of its political system, such as complete controlling the flow of information, may be condemned of intervening the private sphere and totalitarianism. Therefore, it seems that balance is a requirement of dynamism, and this dynamism can be seen in the performance of Denmark government, which seeks to create a balance between international economic freedom and domestic social protection. So it's possible that the political order in the post-Corona world should be based on an embedded liberalism that maintains its economic independence and stands on its own feet in the international arena despite being affected by the flow of global communications and exchanges.
Political Thought
Ali Babaei; kamal pouladi
Abstract
AbstractExamining the special place of Mirza Taghikhan Amirkabir in the contemporary history of Iran requires attention to his perception of the "Janus face of modernity". According to historical sociology, modernity has a dual and interconnected nature, whose positive, civilizational or objective aspect ...
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AbstractExamining the special place of Mirza Taghikhan Amirkabir in the contemporary history of Iran requires attention to his perception of the "Janus face of modernity". According to historical sociology, modernity has a dual and interconnected nature, whose positive, civilizational or objective aspect emphasizes the development and progress of civilizational, economic, scientific and technical elements, and its psychic, subjective and subjective aspects emphasize the importance of achievements. Cultural, corresponding to the freedom of mankind, equality, democracy, pluralism and law, which is manifested in the philosophical language of Kant and Hegel in the concept of "reason itself". In this article, we are going to find out how Amir Kabir, as the great reformer of our society, has thought about the relationship between the elements of modernity. Has Amir Kabir believed only in the positive and industrial aspects of modernity, or has he become aware of the importance of its cultural aspects, including the "law"He has gained faith to the same extent as his predecessors Qaim and Abbas Mirza? The rule of Amir Kabir with the beginning of the reign of Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar in 1230 AH is accompanied by extensive changes Our hypothesis is that Amir Kabir's emphasis on the "fantasy of constitutionalism" reflects his understanding of the need to apply the dual achievements of modernity. Accordingly, We have critically examined the place of "law" in his intellectual and practical system.
Iraj Ranjbar; Samira Golami
Abstract
In this article, the aim was to explain the category of "political trust" and how it is created and accumulated in relation to "social capital". In this approach, trust as one of the components of social capital is not an inherent characteristic of individuals but an aspect of the conditions and environment ...
Read More
In this article, the aim was to explain the category of "political trust" and how it is created and accumulated in relation to "social capital". In this approach, trust as one of the components of social capital is not an inherent characteristic of individuals but an aspect of the conditions and environment in which individuals act. Thus, the source of social capital creation will vary in different societies with different levels of development. Long-standing traditions, local beliefs, and the efficiency of the political system, each alone or in combination, can be the source of social capital. The main argument of the present article is that only the kind of social capital that can create a lasting "political trust" that is born of the "good governance" model; Because this model, beyond "government", includes "civil society" and "capable individual-citizen" Which, by creating social capital in macro, medium and micro dimensions of the social system as a whole, indirectly lays the foundation for civil and rational political trust. In other words, only that type of social capital which is the product of corruption control, "rule of law", "responsibility", "transparency", external effectiveness, internal efficiency and free flow of information from the ruling political system can generate a kind of Political trust should be active and effective, and such factors are possible only in the light of a type of governance called "good governance". In this sense, good governance as a model consisting of an efficient government, an active civil society and individual empowerment and the dynamics of the private sector can be a generator of a special type of social capital with a civil and rational nature that is the necessary platform for provide stable "political trust". In this structure, the relationships between governance components are horizontal and parallel. The components are mutually related to each other and the relationship is such that synergy and unity among actors is established in the drawing of macro-strategies. That is, in this sector, the structure of good governance is not hierarchical and its art is the interaction between social forces, i.e. market, government and civil society. The door of this structure is open for the decisions and implementation of general policies, while diversity and conflict of opinions, and the interactions are based on the needs and the main mechanism of the society. Therefore, good governance includes a set of formal and informal actors that influence the decision-making process, and most development institutions make the promotion of this model of governance an important part of their agenda. It is due to such characteristics that governance is defined as "directed influence in the social process" in which various mechanisms are involved. Some of these mechanisms are very complex and do not originate solely from public sector actors. Therefore, all the definitions of governance express a broader concept of government, which does not only include government actors and institutions, but also includes the three institutions of government, civil society, and the private sector. The government creates a political and legal environment, the private sector creates employment and income, and the civil society facilitates the political and social interaction of active groups to participate in economic, social and political activities. Therefore, the task of good governance is to provide the basis for cooperation and coordination between these three sectors as much as possible.Based on this, the main claim of the article, that is, the relationship between political trust and a certain type of social capital, is explained in the light of a "Meta-theoretical" model. That is, the relationship between good governance, social capital and political trust has been measured as a "theory". It is based on this three-sided triangle that the "rulers" must focus their minds on the paradigm shift that has occurred in the nature of policy making in the last decade of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century in order to deepen and institutionalize political trust. Based on such a change, political trust is often interpreted as people's feelings about political officials and their decisions. This means, when people think that politicians are moral, honest, trustworthy and faithful to their words, political trust is realized and if they think that political officials run the government for their own benefit and the interests of the majority they do not consider and are not truthful in their speech, trust in them decreases. However, in this article, the authors were of the opinion that political trust is not limited to people's confidence in political officials and the performance of government agents; Rather, political trust reflects people's assessment of the "political environment". In fact, people regulate a large part of their behavior in response to the environment and norms that they interact with continuously and perform their actions within their framework. If the game environment does not make trustworthiness and keeping promises beneficial to the members of the society and does not increase the cost of disregarding obligations and mutual trust, their willingness to offer these norms will decrease. In this way, political trust is not only the result of the behavior and speech of government officials in the field of reality or in the perception of the people, but the origin of its rise and fall should be sought in the category of "governance". As mentioned, "governance" includes "government" and includes the three elements of "government", "civil society" and "citizenship". Based on this theoretical arrangement Based on this theoretical arrangement, the claim of the authors was this that political trust is the product of the accumulation of "social capital" at three levels, "macro", "medium" and "micro", and such capital will lead to the production of "political trust". It was not only limited to evaluating the effectiveness of "government"; Rather, it should go beyond the act of government, arising from the model of "governance" in its good form, which is based on the three elements of "efficient government", "strong civil society" and "active individual-citizen". Finally, the method of collecting data in this documentary and library article and the method of judging and interpreting the collected information is also analytical and explanatory.
