Shoja Ahmadvand
Abstract
Generally speaking, scientific understanding of social phenomena such as government has been based on the evidence and arguments, but in practice, some people have gone astray and changed their direction to pseudo-scientific understanding, to the extent that they can claim that "pseudo-science has replaced ...
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Generally speaking, scientific understanding of social phenomena such as government has been based on the evidence and arguments, but in practice, some people have gone astray and changed their direction to pseudo-scientific understanding, to the extent that they can claim that "pseudo-science has replaced science." This article tries to analyze this statement. The purpose of the article is to study the pathology of government by examining their relationship with the indicators of science and pseudo-science. The article analyzes the data with the Meta-synthesize method. It seeks to put together and analyze the findings, examine them, discover the basic characteristics of the phenomena and combine them into a transformed whole with the aim of providing a new interpretation of the subject. The finding of this article is that the category of science/pseudo-science is a spectral phenomenon like any other human phenomenon, which means that the works written in the field of government all have both scientific aspects and pseudo-scientific aspects, but the difference is in the location in the spectrum. Some works are closer to the scientific spectrum, but some works are closer to the pseudo-scientific spectrum and their prominent aspect is pseudo-scientific. The result of this study is that the dominant aspect of government studies in Iran is mostly pseudo-scientific and they rely less on objective empirical evidence and philosophical arguments in their analysis, and therefore this harm causes a distorted understanding of the government as an institution of institutions and the most important political force in society.
The State
Mostafa Kavakebyan; Azim Matin
Abstract
In explicating the essence of a modern state, one must navigate a theoretical landscape defined by a set of characteristics, criteria, and requisites that differentiate the theory of the modern state from alternative paradigms, notably the absolute state. This theoretical realm, characterized by a prescriptive ...
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In explicating the essence of a modern state, one must navigate a theoretical landscape defined by a set of characteristics, criteria, and requisites that differentiate the theory of the modern state from alternative paradigms, notably the absolute state. This theoretical realm, characterized by a prescriptive understanding of modern governance, serves as a guiding force, prompting governments worldwide to emulate its structural blueprint. This form of governance, intricately woven into the fabric of contemporary political landscapes, commands loyalty from its constituents. It wields influence both directly and indirectly, orchestrating societal affairs through a bureaucratic apparatus that intricately affects diverse aspects of citizens' lives.
In stark contrast to premodern governance reliant on tribute and force, the modern government garners economic sustenance directly from its citizenry, levying taxes to fulfill its distinct responsibilities. At the core of the modern state lies the imperative of nation-building, an endeavor necessitating the homogenization of social identity. However, the crux of our inquiry lies in the intricate relationship between us Iranians and the modern state. Delving into the historical narrative of the modern state as an experiential journey and scrutinizing it as a malleable theoretical model emerge as imperative undertakings.
The overarching purpose of this research is to meticulously examine the historical trajectory underpinning the formation and stabilization of the modern state in Iran. Anchored in the intellectual currents of Western thought, this scholarly pursuit aspires to enhance our understanding of the state's essence and its nuanced position within the Iranian milieu. A discerning analysis of the country's policies and orientations naturally unfolds as a byproduct of this historical exploration.
Guiding our intellectual journey is a theoretical framework rooted in historical institutionalism. This approach, a beacon in the study of state building in Iran, focuses on unraveling the intricate tapestry of social, political, and economic behaviors, tracing their evolution over time. Institutions, elevated to the status of independent variables, emerge as architects shaping individual and collective actions alongside the broader panorama of social and political phenomena. Recognizing that institutions not only mold actors' strategies but also sculpt their objectives, historical institutionalism, with its attention to structural variables such as class position and mediating entities like political parties and unions, provides a nuanced lens through which to study the formation and construction of the government in Iran.
The research methodology, a dual-pronged approach, employs the content analysis method to scrutinize definitions of the modern state put forth by Western thinkers. This analytical approach, eschewing the exploration of attitudes and beliefs in favor of dissecting produced messages, is complemented by the historical research method. This method involves a meticulous examination of specific past events within a defined temporal scope, integrating historical facts through a rigorous regimen of data collection, evaluation, and verification.
Tracing the historical trajectory of government formation in the West, political scientists posit that the foundations of the modern state or nation-state were laid in the late Middle Ages, influenced by the Catholic cultural context. The formation of modern national states was shaped by factors such as religious reform movements and conflicts among European countries. The Treaty of Westphalia in the 16th to 18th centuries is considered a pivotal event in the emergence of the modern state. From the 19th century onward, the modern government model gradually supplanted other political systems globally.
The indicators and criteria of modern governments encompass a legitimate monopoly on controlling the means of violence, a specific territorial territory, sovereignty, centralized power, a codified constitution, the use of impersonal power, nationalism, a public bureaucracy, authority/legitimacy, citizenship, and provincial tax.
The historical exploration of government formation in Iran reveals nuanced epochs, beginning with the Safavid era's establishment of a robust central government to counter threats from the Sunni Ottoman Empire. Shah Abbas I marked a zenith, unifying the country politically, relocating the capital to Isfahan, fostering a unified religious identity based on Shiite Islam, and expanding diplomatic relations. Subsequent governments, such as the Afshariya and Zand, did not significantly alter national and state organizations. The Qajar dynasty witnessed an expansion of central government power, albeit rooted in the Illyrian system. The constitutional revolution of 1285 emerged as a historical turning point, ushering in constitutionalism and paving the way for a more structured political system in Iran. The subsequent Pahlavi absolute government, while characterized by economic nationalism and centralization of power, laid the foundations for absolute rule.
In conclusion, this historical exploration, spanning from the Safavid era to the Pahlavi period, unveils Iran's trajectory of independent political thought and the evolution of a nation transitioning to citizenship. Constitutionalism emerges as the cornerstone of modern governance, establishing a balanced relationship between the government and the nation. The era of Reza Shah, marked by economic nationalism and the consolidation of government power, signifies a fundamental shift, laying the groundwork for absolute rule. This scholarly endeavor sheds light on the nuanced tapestry of Iran's political evolution.
Meisam Ghahreman
Abstract
The dominant approach to Islamic governance considers Islam as an epistemological system and tries to identify and discover the institutions, practices, principles and rules of Islamic governance from within it. In this approach, like other epistemological systems, analysis is based on certain transcendental ...
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The dominant approach to Islamic governance considers Islam as an epistemological system and tries to identify and discover the institutions, practices, principles and rules of Islamic governance from within it. In this approach, like other epistemological systems, analysis is based on certain transcendental axioms. From an epistemological point of view, many works and books have been written about Islamic governance. In this article, we sought to answer the question that from a non-epistemological point of view, how can one think of Islamic governance? To answer this question, the hypothesis formulated using the immanent method (Which is in contrast to the transcendental method and the epistemological approach) is that in the non-epistemological approach to Islamic governance, which can be called "Islamic governmentality", Islam will become the active political force in the immanent life of subjects, regulating the behavior of subjects through changing and daily relations with themselves, resisting the un compromising and domineering axioms of the present, and turning Muslim subjects into creative forces of government . . The most important example of such a non-epistemological Islamic governance (Islamic governmentality) can be seen in the current Islam in the life of revolutionaries in the years leading up to the Islamic Revolution.
Reza Nasiri Hamed; Sarouye Mazhabi
Abstract
Revolution is an event with fundamental and usually violent changes that disrupt the current course of affairs and seek to launch a new plan and establish a new system. One of the consequences of revolutions is the negation of existing political structures and revolutionaries usually establish their ...
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Revolution is an event with fundamental and usually violent changes that disrupt the current course of affairs and seek to launch a new plan and establish a new system. One of the consequences of revolutions is the negation of existing political structures and revolutionaries usually establish their desired institutions after the revolutionary fervor has subsided. However, over time, the confrontation between revolutionary ideology and the administrative and executive structure resulting from the revolution has become one of the most challenging issues for revolutionaries. The present article argues that beyond case-specific conflicts, the root of this issue lies in the issue of "state-building." In fact, due to their sensitivity to the values of the revolution, revolutionaries are reluctant to accept the nature of the state in its true sense and with its inevitable requirements including the concentration of executive power in the government and the originality of the logic of public interest. They have a reductionist view of government, which causes even revolutionary governments to gradually lose an important part of their legitimacy and acceptance in this difficult situation. To this end and to show the importance of this issue as a structural matter and not just a specific person and government, we focus on the two governments of "Mahmoud Ahmadinejad" because the discourse of this government and its supporters, at least initially the coming of that revolutionary state was depicted, but the problem of the incompatibility of revolutionary act and the logic of action in the form of government in these states also manifested itself in a tangible way.The issue emphasized in this article, i.e. duality in revolutionary institutions and the established political structure, is an issue whose its history and background even goes back to the threshold of the Islamic Revolution; As with the transfer of executive power from the Shah to "Bakhtiar", dual sovereignty was keyed in the country and Imam Khomeini first formed the Revolutionary Council from exile and immediately after returning to Iran, the interim government headed by Bazargan was specified in the Imam's message that the installation Bazargan, while paying attention to their faith in the "Holy School of Islam" and also based on their fighting records, and at the same time "without considering party relations and depending on a particular group". Such an interpretation implicitly indicated the difference between the revolutionaries and the professional technocrats of politics, such as the national-religious forces, and also introduced some dualism in the post-revolution period. This dual situation is understandable in terms of the confrontation between the revolutionary regime and the political system before the revolution (Bakhtiar's government) and perhaps its existence at the beginning of the revolution is also justified, but the issue here is that such dual confrontation has continued in the post-revolution era for some reasons. Discourse disputes are usually made from floating signs at the level of society, but all of them immediately tend to reach the political power and have the upper hand in the government. Therefore, the gap and opposition between the revolutionary discourses and those who are on the opposite spectrum and are referred to by various titles such as moderate, moderate and sometimes harsh terms such as compromiser and even traitor, in its obvious form. shows at the government level. Of course, tension occurs not only in the institution of the government, but also in everything that leads to the government, for example, skepticism towards party activity or at least caution about it is a clear manifestation of this issue, and revolutionaries, including in Iran Due to the concern of the unity of the different classes and spectrums of the people, they have been worried about the multiplicity caused by the activities of the parties even among the aligned currents. This situation has intensified with the appearance of external threats and everything that is classified as coups, conspiracies, internal unrest and protests, etc. Ahmadinejad's coming to power was the result of the rise of fundamentalist, revolutionary and of course populist discourse. In particular, the important beginning of this movement was the victory of fundamentalists on the 28th of February 2003 in the second term of the Tehran City Council elections, which they achieved a decisive victory by organizing in the form of a coalition of Islamic Iran settlers. They were the result of an organization known as the "Coordinating Council of the Islamic Revolution Forces" which was influenced by two fundamentalist organizations "The Party of Islamic Revolution Martyrs" and "Islamic Society of Engineers" and finally Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as one of the activists of these two currents as the mayor of Tehran Selected. During the uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa around 2011 onwards, Ahmadinejad used the term "human awakening" instead of the term "Islamic awakening" and tried to explain this phenomenon beyond a mere issue related to Muslims and Islam. This issue showed a non-ideological implication for describing such movements. Such themes in the philosophical literature and human sciences are not so unfamiliar interpretations, but the revolutionaries could not accept that such interpretations emanate from the speech of the government attributed to them, especially with all the costs they had paid materially and non-materially for the establishment of this government. In fact, just as once upon a time the rational explanation and interpretation of Islamic teachings by streams such as religious intellectuals were interpreted by neglecting some religious foundations, the belief of the spring ring in the reinterpretation of contemporary developments also meant ignoring a part of the revolutionary speech. The justification of the mentioned statesmen regarding the need to emphasize the commonalities between religions or to go beyond the appearances of the Sharia to reach its innermost meaning, because it required ignoring the authority of the revolutionaries, especially the clergy, as the intellectual and administrative authority of the discourse of the revolution, and at the same time, the specific and special dimensions of the discourse of the revolution could not be accepted by this group of supporters of the revolution.
Afshin Karami
Abstract
Wall construction is a common phenomenon in human societies and cannot be considered unprecedented. When a wall is built, it contains a message at every scale and every level. The message of separating "us" from "them", "self" from "other", "desirable" from "undesirable", the message of creating boundaries ...
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Wall construction is a common phenomenon in human societies and cannot be considered unprecedented. When a wall is built, it contains a message at every scale and every level. The message of separating "us" from "them", "self" from "other", "desirable" from "undesirable", the message of creating boundaries and fencing of belongings and assets. The countries of the world are strengthening their international borders to an unprecedented extent. These walls are artifacts of the new age in international relations and a new concept of the idea of borders. This article considers the wall a global phenomenon; A phenomenon that is spreading and developing in the globalized world, mainly due to the feeling of insecurity of the State. Along with the walled discourse, new security requirements are emerging across States' geographical borders. These requirements can change States' relations with their neighbors and the way they treat immigrants and citizens of other countries. The question of the present study is whether the discourse of border walling and fencing can lead to increased security? And what challenges the discourse of fencing and Walling will pose to States, institutions, and immigrants. In this research, an attempt is made to deal with different dimensions of the discourse of walling and fencing and its political-geographical consequences are analyzed.
Seyed Rooh-allah Haj Zargarbashi; Milad Lotfi
Abstract
In security studies, governments, which are responsible for providing society's need for security, can be considered as important factors that threaten human security. The important characteristics of such governments can include the priority of the interests of the government over the interests and ...
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In security studies, governments, which are responsible for providing society's need for security, can be considered as important factors that threaten human security. The important characteristics of such governments can include the priority of the interests of the government over the interests and values of the people of the society, the existence of large internal security apparatuses for security-police measures against the citizens of the society. In today's world, the issue of personal security and the threats it faces is of particular importance in security studies. Individual and human security includes various categories from development to peace and dignity in the individual and group dimensions. Today, individual security is examined from different aspects. In the meantime, the government, as an important authority in ensuring the security of the people of the society, can apply serious threats against the people of the society. In other words, it can be said that in security studies, the issue of confrontation and conflict between human security and the interests of the government is a very important issue. Since the 1970s, simultaneously with the expansion of the meaning of security in the world, many experts in the field of security studies have come to the conclusion that the nature of the government, considering its structure, can pose serious threats to individual and human security in the society and from in this sense, in a society, the interests of the government can be opposed to the interests of the citizens of the society.The ruling government in Saudi Arabia is also in a situation similar to the mentioned situation. In the Saudi society, there are serious threats from the government to different individuals and groups of the society. With the implementation of agency changes in the political structure of Saudi Arabia since 2015 and the reforms that have taken place in the cultural and social fields in this country, people have noticed that whether human security in Saudi Arabia has really been taken into consideration by the current government? The findings of the current research show that despite the aforementioned agency changes in the political structure of Saudi Arabia, the role of the government structure and the context in which the current government was formed cannot be ignored in this issue. From this point of view, while examining the structure of the government in Saudi Arabia, the field of research is clarified and the issue of human security and its relationship with the structure of the government are determined, so that through this way, it is possible to examine the issue of human security in this country and examine the role of the government as a structural factor in The threat is heeded. Therefore, the threats against human security in Saudi Arabia by the government, before and after the social and cultural reforms of recent years; will be reviewed. For this purpose, this article seeks to find the answer to the question that how does the structure of the government in Saudi Arabia threaten human security in the society? In this regard, by comparing the conditions before and after the reforms in this country, the question of whether the threat to human security in the Saudi society originates from the structure of the government or the role of the agents who are at the top of the power? According to the conducted studies, the hypothesis of the research has been formulated in such a way that the ruling government in Saudi Arabia with the characteristics of a maximalist government and possessing characteristics such as authoritarianism, profit seeking and the extensive and decisive performance of the influential security apparatus against individuals, personal and human security It has threatened the whole society and thus the category of human security has no meaning for the ruling government in Saudi Arabia and the concept of security only means the security of the state and is summed up in its national and state dimension. The important point is that the reforms of recent years in the social and cultural fields in the Saudi society have not been able to reduce these threats. The findings indicate that Bin Salman's reforms in Saudi Arabia were cultural and superficial reforms, and even during its implementation, the ruling government in this country, due to its maximum nature, as in the past through legislation, public policy and the implementation of its social programs and also from By creating a kind of political disorder caused by the suppression of internal political rivals, it has acted as a de-security factor for the society and human beings and has caused the most important threats to different sections of the society, including elites, critics, immigrants and minorities. Therefore, the nature of the structure of the ruling government in Saudi Arabia can be considered a serious threat to the human security of the Saudi society, regardless of the role of agents in it.Research evidence shows that women in Saudi Arabia are still restricted by Wahhabi rules. As a minority, Shiites are also in the lowest social class, and executions and repression against them have increased. Foreign workers and immigrants, political elites, journalists and civil activists are also in an unfavorable situation due to the repression and restrictions caused by the atmosphere of Ben Salman's rise to power. Therefore, since the applied reforms had only socio-cultural aspects, they were carried out superficially due to the political conditions of Saudi Arabia and were not formulated in the framework of the laws and regulations of this country, and the issue of human security was included in these reforms. therefore, the structure of the government in Saudi Arabia after the reforms is the same as the previous maximum structure, which in nature causes a threat to human security in the society. As a result, it can be acknowledged that removing the threat to human security in a society requires the minimization of the government structure in it, and it requires deep political and civil changes and reforms in the power structure in the country, but in Saudi Arabia after the period of Bin Salman's reforms, the power structure Not only did it not change; Moreover, its authoritarian, police and security components also intensified. Based on this, it can be accepted that human security in Saudi Arabia is still in conflict with the interests of the government and the ruling family, and as long as the government structure in this country is maximal, authoritarian and profit-oriented, human security in the society will be under threat.
Hojjat Kazemi
Abstract
The main objective of this article is to describe and analyze the mechanism of establishment of the Iranian States between the Seljuks' formation and the Qajar dynasty's end. The article is based on a critique of the two theories of Oriental Despotism and Orthodox Marxism; It seeks to provide a different ...
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The main objective of this article is to describe and analyze the mechanism of establishment of the Iranian States between the Seljuks' formation and the Qajar dynasty's end. The article is based on a critique of the two theories of Oriental Despotism and Orthodox Marxism; It seeks to provide a different perspective to explain the process of establishing the state in Iran by using Ibn Khaldoun's discussions about the conflict between primitive and Civilized communities. Based on this, the article believes that the pattern of state establishment in traditional Iran will be understood when this process is placed in the context of the fundamental conflict of Iranian history between tribal groups and sedentary communities. With such a basis, the article's point of view is that the model of the establishment of the traditional state should be analyzed in terms of the centrality of tribes as state-building actors. The findings of the article show that among the multitude of tribes inside and outside the Iranian plateau, some tribes, due to the emergence of charismatic leaders among them, succeeded in overcoming the division inherent in tribal life and forming a coalition that was the product of a "great Asabiyyah". Conquering through force and compromising through the promise of sharing in the spoils were two central factors in the joining of the tribes to this coalition. Charismatic leaders took the great Asabiyyah in the tribal alliance beyond the limited attitude of scattered looting and turned it towards conquering different regions. This process established the initial and unstable form of the tribal state, one that becomes an imperial state in its next evolution.
Mandana Tishehyar
Abstract
The political development of the state is achieved by attaining different indicators. In the formulation of the political development of state in the eastern societies, it can be seen that although some of the most important factors of development may appear, but it can be expected that the society is ...
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The political development of the state is achieved by attaining different indicators. In the formulation of the political development of state in the eastern societies, it can be seen that although some of the most important factors of development may appear, but it can be expected that the society is still far from the political development indicators. In this research, an attempt has been made to investigate the trends in Vietnam to achieve political development by using the theories of the political development of state. The main question is that based on different features, how much the level of the political development of state in Vietnam is according to the factors mentioned in the classic theories of the political development raised by Deutsch and Moore including the rule of agents, the rate of urbanization, the rate of literacy, the economic situation, the rule of the social classes and the rule of international actors? According to the results of this research, it seems that the patterns and policies applied in the Western societies to achieve a democratic system could be an instrument in the hand of the politicians in the countries like Vietnam to shape a political development based on an authoritarian approach.
Mohammad Salar Kasraie
Abstract
The purpose of this article is to review and criticize the theories of government in Iran (first Pahlavi period). There have been extensive researches about the government in the first Pahlavi period. In these researches, traits such as; Modern state, modern absolutist, pseudo-patrimonialism, autocracy, ...
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The purpose of this article is to review and criticize the theories of government in Iran (first Pahlavi period). There have been extensive researches about the government in the first Pahlavi period. In these researches, traits such as; Modern state, modern absolutist, pseudo-patrimonialism, autocracy, dictatorship, pseudo-modernism, oriental tyranny, Iranian tyranny, dependent, neo-authoritarian, etc. have been used. The multiplicity and diversity of these concepts indicate the multiplicity and significant conceptual differences, which are debatable. The main question is, how can these views be proposed and criticized, and what is the alternative for the title of government in this period? The purpose of this article is to present and criticize these conceptual differences and contradictions, as well as to review the presented views that can strengthen the theoretical and experimental literature of this historical period. In this article, I have used the meta-study method to achieve this goal. The obtained results show a diversity of views and based on the criteria used in this article, few of the reviewed writings have a clear understanding of the concept of the state, its functions and special tasks in the new era, and the authors in many cases Due to the confusion of concepts, there is little difference between the words; Government, governance, and regime are not considered to be three different but related institutions. Based on the theoretical foundations of the government as well as the historical documents of the examined period, the government in Reza Shah's period from different aspects; including: historical background; economic, social, cultural fields; And the special tasks and actions have a significant affinity with the absolute government.
Mehrdad Rayejian Asli
Abstract
Penalization, as the definition and application of the criminal sanction by the state in the law (statist penalization), is subject to discussions in public law and criminal sciences, and even, in other disciplines out of these sciences. Meanwhile, criminology and human rights which are at the focal ...
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Penalization, as the definition and application of the criminal sanction by the state in the law (statist penalization), is subject to discussions in public law and criminal sciences, and even, in other disciplines out of these sciences. Meanwhile, criminology and human rights which are at the focal address and in the interest of states could be defined as two main paradigms to study the penalization. The statist characteristic of penalization, indeed, demonstrates the importance of these two paradigms. Accordingly, the present article, by conceptualizing “human rights-based penalization”, explores the role of human rights in altering or modifying the governmental monopoly of penalization. Moreover, the article analyzes two international movements of the abolition of corporal punishment (emphasizing on death penalty) and the restriction on imposing imprisonment (prison). This analysis, finally, is tied into an attitude to the governmental structure of penalization in the contemporary history of Iran during the era of codification since Mashruteh to the beginning of the fifteenth century. The article concludes that the Iranian penalization system has not been apart from influences of the mentioned-above movements. Yet, the system, particularly in the post-revolution period has seriously resisted against the abolition movement, while it demonstrates a less reluctance to influences of the restriction movement, that it may imply the Iran’s dual policy of reluctant and positive attitudes to the international concrete norms of fundamental rights and freedoms.
Alireza Samiee Esfahani
Abstract
The main question of the present article is that what effect did the structure of the international system in the Cold War era have on the state-building process in Iran during the second Pahlavi period? The hypothesis of the research is that the characteristics of the structure of the international ...
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The main question of the present article is that what effect did the structure of the international system in the Cold War era have on the state-building process in Iran during the second Pahlavi period? The hypothesis of the research is that the characteristics of the structure of the international system in the Cold War era, caused the second Pahlavi in order to maintain the existence of the country and the survival of his regime, seeking security in the form of alliance and coalition on the agenda. Iran's foreign policy, in other words, because of the strong military aspect of security during the Cold War on the one hand and the regime's lack of legitimacy and dependence on the United States after the 1953 coup, on the other hand, "national security" is mostly narrow. "Government security" or "regime security" was defined, and as a result, the state-building project in the second Pahlavi era deviated from its original path and took a military-security direction. To explain this issue, a combination of structural neo-realist theory and state-building theory has been used. Findings show that Iran's sensitive geopolitical position and structural requirements for playing an active regional player in the US global defense strategy in the Cold War bipolar order, fear of Soviet communism and radical Arab nationalism, the most important and obvious factors influencing the structure of the international system are the security-militarization of the state-building policies of the second Pahlavi regime
Ariabarzan Mohammadighalehtaki
Abstract
Kuwait is a rentier state which obtains most of its income from oil revenues. However, and despite the arguments that suggest rentier states hinder democracy, the Kuwaiti system almost exclusively among the GCC states, could maintain a relatively good reputation concerning the development of its democracy. ...
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Kuwait is a rentier state which obtains most of its income from oil revenues. However, and despite the arguments that suggest rentier states hinder democracy, the Kuwaiti system almost exclusively among the GCC states, could maintain a relatively good reputation concerning the development of its democracy. What helped Kuwait overcome its rentier state tendency for authoritarian rule, is the focus of this paper. While many scholars have emphasized the role of citizens' taxation as the most important driver of political participation and, at the same time, promoter the legitimacy of government, my paper focuses on the historical process from the perspective of historical institutionalism and emphasizes that the legitimacy of the state in the eyes of the Kuwaiti public, based on a parliamentary model, and the organization of the Kuwaiti parliament itself, have been institutionalized in a historical process, and what we see from the progress of democracy and the outcomes of these two institutions in the political sphere of Kuwait today, is the result of this historical institutionalization. Now the fundamental question is how to evaluate the rentier state dynamics in relation to the historical institutionalization of parliament in Kuwait, and what is the role of a variable called a consolidated institution in this regard?
Sajjad Sattari
Abstract
The author considers Schmitt's and Agamben's state of exception as "Voluntary State of Exception" and propose a new type of state of exception (entitled "Involuntary State of Exception"). Then he explains the foundation and possibility of this second type of state of exception in Iranian society. The ...
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The author considers Schmitt's and Agamben's state of exception as "Voluntary State of Exception" and propose a new type of state of exception (entitled "Involuntary State of Exception"). Then he explains the foundation and possibility of this second type of state of exception in Iranian society. The author's main argument is that by the gradual combination of the four inevitable super-events (including "general crisis of capital accumulation", "expansion of digital technology in everyday life", "increasing class displacement" and "generational transformation of the dominant traditional power elites"), Iranian society is on the path of a triple great imbalance and an all-out historical discontinuity and ultimately, entering an involuntary state of exception. The author calls this potential state of exception as "Fundamental Question of Iran" and determines the specific process of its occurrence in four stages including "early formation", "great transformation", "liminality", and "hour of involuntary state of exception".According to the author, with the beginning of the "liminality stage" and especially with the oncoming of the "hour of involuntary state of exception" in Iranian society, the existential condition of power elites and social forces transform and everyone feel that they have entered a new historical stage. Therefore, excitement, anxiety and conflict grow in the society. From his point of view, although Iranian involuntary state of exception is not an ultimate and constant situation and there is a possibility of rethinking; However, both power elites and social forces are exposed to some specific great paradoxes.
History
Mehdi Mirkiaee
Abstract
Water issue" has been one of the main issues of Iranian human life throughout history, and the research about it can shed light on various aspects of the political, economic and social life of Iranians. Artificial irrigation has long been one of the necessities of people's lives in this semi-arid climate. ...
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Water issue" has been one of the main issues of Iranian human life throughout history, and the research about it can shed light on various aspects of the political, economic and social life of Iranians. Artificial irrigation has long been one of the necessities of people's lives in this semi-arid climate. The dispersion of water resources, which was subject to dispersion of the population, required the country to have an innumerable number of dams, aqueducts, reservoirs, wells and streams. Building a dam to store water and control floods and building aqueducts, which sometimes reached tens of kilometers in length, required spending a lot of money and a lot of labor. At first glance, the government was expected to be responsible for the creation and repair of water facilities as institution that has the most resources of the country. The question is, considering that pre-modern governments played a minimal role in solving people's problems and providing their necessities of life, to what extent did the Qajar government accept responsibility for the creation and repair of these facilities in the territory of Iran? What evidence confirms the minimal involvement of Qajar government in the water issue? What were the reasons for the non-interference of the government in water supply and how could the people be responsible for solving this problem? Our assumption is that the Qajar government did not consider itself obligated to provide water to villages, farms and even cities with minimal interference in civil affairs, and the countless number of dilapidated dams and aqueducts is a sign that the government has a duty in this field for He did not imagine and only in a few cases where he was sure that the profit would quickly reach the treasury, he accepted a small investment. In the meantime, the further some areas were from the center, the less government intervention in their irrigation systems. Also, the Qajar government looked at the water issue as an opportunity for earning money by selling running water and collecting taxes from other water sources. Governors of the provinces were also interested in creating irrigation system for their fields only if they were the owners of land in that province. In the meantime, the main burden of creating and maintaining water facilities was the responsibility of the people, who mainly provided the expenses to the landlords and the labor to the subjects. The tradition of endowment was another factor that weakened the role of the government in this field. People's participation in the construction and repair of dams, aqueducts, reservoirs and streams, as well as group oppressions and settlements, as well as collective conflicts, along with the management of water distribution and the selection of Mirabs, led to the emergence of self-organized groups and circles and their greater cohesion in society. Previously, the views of people like Karl Marx and Karl August Wittfogel about the active involvement of Asian governments in solving the water problem in semi-arid climates had gained supporters. Marx believed that in these areas, governments took control of limited water resources and established water supply security, and by managing water resources, they made the producers highly dependent on themselves, and made the government subjects critical. Influenced by him, Wittfogel also realized the need of these communities for huge water supply facilities that only the government could cover. He knew the first and fundamental factor of the formation of the absolute power of the government in these regions. In our research, we have tried to show by relying on a lot of data from the history of Qajar era Iran that not only the government was not involved in many waters supply matters, but also the realities and limitations of the pre-modern world, the Qajar government in planning to intervene in the water issue, especially in remote areas. From the center, he was disabled. This research was done with descriptive-explanatory method and using the documents, especially the petitions of the Majlese Tahqiqe Mazalem. The theoretical framework of the research is derived from Patricia Crone's point of view about the minimal government in the pre-modern world. Previously, no independent research has been conducted on the minimal role of the Qajar government in the water issue.
Political Sociology
Sajjad Sattari
Abstract
This article is a sequel of the article "The Power and Involuntary State of Exception in Iran" (Sattari 2022). By redefining "authority" (based on the three concepts of hegemony, social control and reproduction), the author explains the special existential conditions being formed in parallel with the ...
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This article is a sequel of the article "The Power and Involuntary State of Exception in Iran" (Sattari 2022). By redefining "authority" (based on the three concepts of hegemony, social control and reproduction), the author explains the special existential conditions being formed in parallel with the movement of Iranian society towards an involuntary state of exception by formulating the theoretical approach of "Oriental Post-Authority Society". His basic question is, what is the fundamental result of the gradual occurrence of involuntary state of exception in Iran? The author has five interrelated arguments:First: The persistence of the "general crisis of capital accumulation" and the "expansion of digital technology" in Iranian society paves the way for the occurrence of two fundamental transformations (first: the transformation of economic roots of classes, and second: the transformation of utopia and the politics of class life) and these two transformations enters the society in a unceasing process of re-creation of a new existential situation with the characteristic of "self-reliance and self-rule". The author calls this emerging existential situation as the formation of an "Oriental Post-Authority Society" in Iran.Second: The main tripod of this developing oriental post-authority society is (first: the gradual construction of a political anti-theology in society by relying on the theological concept of the State of Innocence, second: despair of the possibility of political revolution or collective fear of its consequences, and third: the growing tendency towards everyday social revolution as an emergency alternative to political revolution. Third: In the formation process of the oriental post-authority society in Iran, a "new class birth" occurs and leads to the "birth of an autonomous class" and "the beginning of class autonomy in the history of Iran". This significant event intensifies the process of "increasing class displacement" in the society and the new autonomous class expands the main tripod of the oriental post-authority society even more by bringing together some layers of other social classes. In this way, a special situation emerges in Iranian society, which the author calls "a single society with two conflicting social realms" (first: the social realm of authority, and second; the social realm of anti-authority.Fourth: With the passage of time and due to the "generational transformation of traditional leaders", the social realm of anti-authority gains more expansion in society, particularly through the continuous impeachment and negation of official authorities and their desired symbolic order, the new autonomous class gradually exposes the social realm of authority to passivity, more social suspension, and even the potential danger of dissolution. In such a situation, a fundamental conflict between the "order, interests and survival" of the members of these two social realms (or the social realm of authority, and the social realm of anti-authority) is subsequently formed and the ground is paved for the outset of an inclusive dialectic in the society. The author calls this special event "the dialectic of official social authoritarianism with informal social anti-authoritarianism" and considers its gradual synthesis to be the "ambivalent crisis of praxis of power elites and social forces in the society".Fifth: The emergence of ambivalent crisis of praxis causes "mutual inability of power elites and social forces to conquer each other" and this exposes both actors to "erosion and historical recess". With the passage of time, this ambivalent crisis of praxis launches the room for the emergence of a situation that the author calls "involuntary collective aporia" (or the state of astonishment and intractability of basic problems in Iranian society). The continuation of this involuntary collective aporia causes existential anxiety and the spread of "pervasive general paranoia" in the society. This pervasive general disorder accelerates the process of suspension and social dissolution of traditional authorities and the process of the formation of the post-authority society in Iran.)Based on these five arguments, the article has five sections. In the first section; by providing a new definition of authority, the author explains the impact of the society's movement towards an involuntary state of exception in the "transformation of economic roots of classes" and the "transformation of utopia and the politics of class life" and, consequently, the beginning of the process of "formation of the oriental post-authority society" in Iran. In the second section; He determines the nature of this oriental post-authority society and its three main tripod. In the third section; the author explains the issue of "new class manifestation" or the birth of an "autonomous social class" in Iran and the impact of this "class autonomy" on development of the oriental post-authority society in Iran. In the fourth section; He describes the process of increasing social suspension and the gradual dissolution of the social realm of authority and, as a result, the "emergence of a single society with two conflicting social realms" in Iran. In the fifth section; the author mainly describes the process of occurrence of a dialectic (or dialectic of official social authoritarianism and informal social anti-authoritarianism) and its gradual synthesis, i.e. "ambivalent crisis of praxis of power elites and social forces" dealing with its conditional future.
Ghasem Khorami
Abstract
This article is to consider analyzing the reasons of industrial sector slowdown in the economy and weakening the status of owners of infant industries during the first decade of the Islamic Republic of Iran from a neo-institutional perspective. For this purpose, “institutional-ideological” ...
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This article is to consider analyzing the reasons of industrial sector slowdown in the economy and weakening the status of owners of infant industries during the first decade of the Islamic Republic of Iran from a neo-institutional perspective. For this purpose, “institutional-ideological” and “pre-institutional” conditions have been analyzed through historical context to clarify the institutional-historical mechanism leading to weakening of the industrial bourgeoisie and declining of the position of industry and industrial capitalism in the political economy of Iran. The methodological approach of this article is of the type of qualitative historical analysis in which documentary data extracted from official economic and statistical reports, memoirs, written works, and especially conversations with elites (governmental policy-makers and private industrialists active in the period under review), as well as historical, economic, and political analyses by other researchers and experts have been considered and utilized. The study shows that at the time of formation of post-revolutionary governmental and economic institutions in Iran, a set of interrelations institutional and pre-institutional factors in historical evolution and transformation shaped a path-dependent process in decision making institutions and mindset of decision makers in respect of economic policies of the country which was in contradiction with industrial capitalist development. This approach was one of the main factors inhibiting industrial growth and development in the country during the following decades.
Roxana Niknami
Abstract
Since 2017, there have been signs of an escalating crisis of government legitimacy in France. The dehegemonization in Gramsci's theory seems to explain the current state of the French government. Hegemony refers to the material and spiritual domination of one class over another. This domination must ...
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Since 2017, there have been signs of an escalating crisis of government legitimacy in France. The dehegemonization in Gramsci's theory seems to explain the current state of the French government. Hegemony refers to the material and spiritual domination of one class over another. This domination must include political, economic, and social dimensions; In such a way that it becomes common sense. But in France, this feature of the government seems to have been disrupted and common sense questioned. The purpose of this article is to answer the question of how this rupture was formed and led to the crisis of government legitimacy? This article hypothesizes the weakening of the relationship between government and civil society led to the misfunctioning of common sense, the historical bloc, and the onset of the organic crisis in the form of the yellow vest movement. The method of data collection was both library and observation. Gramsci's theory of hegemony was used to test the hypothesis. Based on the qualitative research method of critical dialectics and cognitive praxis, it was found that the historical bloc of neoliberalism in France has interrupted, and this has damaged the hegemon's ability to use civil society. The result is an organic crisis that suffers from a lack of intellectual tools for political awareness. Consequently, the hegemon has entered the process of modernization by waging a position war, and the current situation, although it has weakened the hegemony; But there are no conditions for maneuvering war and creating a new hegemony.
Mehdi Zibaei
Abstract
In the plethora of countries of the Middle East, the entity that nowadays is known as the modern state seriously is different from the primary pattern that has been shaped within more than three centuries in West Europe. One of the signs of the modern state is the exclusive use of physical force by the ...
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In the plethora of countries of the Middle East, the entity that nowadays is known as the modern state seriously is different from the primary pattern that has been shaped within more than three centuries in West Europe. One of the signs of the modern state is the exclusive use of physical force by the political authority; this point in the European pattern was formed by the process of bargaining between social forces and statesmen. While the active social forces in the modern Middle East had so little role in institutionalizing physical forces in the state’s hands. Now, the matter is that why the state-making process and consolidating procedure of state exclusive on the physical forces in the mentioned regions (West Europe and the Middle East) had a different history. It seems the role of international actors in shaping the Middle East modern state has caused that most part of the regional states is relied on despotic power rather than infrastructure power. The first is focused on social trends and the latter is based on coercion. This work intends alongside pointing to the rival perspectives on the emerging modern state within Historical Sociology as an analytical framework, to study the roots of the emerging modern state in the current Middle East behind the Historical Sociology of International Relations (HSIR) lenses.
The State
Ahmad Zarean
Abstract
After the massive and sudden attack of ISIS on Iraq, the existence of the Iraqi state and nation and the sanctities of Muslims were under serious threat. While ISIS was approaching gates of Baghdad and the Iraqi army and security forces were not able to deal with it, with Ayatollah Sistani's fatwa regarding ...
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After the massive and sudden attack of ISIS on Iraq, the existence of the Iraqi state and nation and the sanctities of Muslims were under serious threat. While ISIS was approaching gates of Baghdad and the Iraqi army and security forces were not able to deal with it, with Ayatollah Sistani's fatwa regarding jihad to confront ISIS and ward off this real danger, a defense-security organization called Hashd al-Shaabi, consisting of volunteers People and militia groups, which are considered the military arm of Iraqi political parties and currents, were formed. The Iraqi state, which was in a state of emergency, supported the formation of this new defense-security organization and provided it with financial, logistical and weapons support. With the threat of ISISremoval and the end of state of emergency, the existence of such an organization, which is mainly controlled by militia groups, has become a significant challenge for Iraqi state, which seeks to obtain a monopoly on the use of legitimate force. Therefore, after 2014, all heads of the Iraqi government have tried to prevent the formation of a parallel defense-security institution outside the government's control by adopting different strategies. This article, in which the data has been collected by referring to library and online sources and explained and analyzed with a descriptive-analytical method, seeks to find an authentic answer to this question: "The relationship between the Iraqi government and Hashd al-Shaabi and its constituent militia groups. How has it been?" The findings of the article show that the relationship between the Iraqi government and the militia groups was subject to the requirements of the time in such a way that in emergency and threatening situations, the government used the capacity of these groups and in the absence of these conditions, these groups were considered by the government as a disturbing, undesirable and threatening element, a range of control policies and strategies have been applied to them by the Iraqi government. In the post-crisis era, the Iraqi government, as a system actor that considers itself committed and accountable to the existing rules, norms and order, cannot support the anti-systemic actions of the militia groups that it cooperated with and supported during the ISIS crisis in the form of Hashd al-Shaabi. to bear Therefore, since 2014, the governments of Haider al-Abadi, Adel Abdul Mahdi and Mostafa Al-Kazemi have tried to control these groups as much as possible through adopting a series of strategies and measures. Among the four strategies of repression, containment, collusion and integration, these governments have put two strategies of collusion and integration on their agenda. The reason for choosing these two strategies is that, firstly, Hashd al-Shaabi and its constituent groups are still considered strategic allies of the government, and the political currents of which these groups are considered as their military arm participate in the political process and in the formation of the government. Secondly, even if these groups strongly deviate from the government's criteria and the relationship between the militia groups turns from reconciliation to conflict, the Iraqi government does not have the ability to restrain or suppress these groups. In the collusion strategy, the Iraqi government tries to relatively control the actions of Hashd al-Shaabi groups by granting some concessions and through financial and logistical support tools. As well, in the integration strategy, the Iraqi government has put the recruitment of the Hashd al-Shaabi and its integration in the official Iraqi defense-security structures on its agenda, and the heads of the Iraqi government have issued orders and adopted measures in this regard. Collusion and integration strategies have not been able to be fully and effectively implemented due to the resistance and opposition of the commanders of the militia groups and their insistence on their organizational independence and ideological and identity foundations, and these two strategies have only been implemented superficially and formally.
Political Sociology
Nasir Ebadpour
Abstract
The victory of the revolution led to the emergence and redefinition of religious values and concepts, and the intensity of its impact on the cultural aspects and the value developments of the concept of policy-making was more and more influenced by the value and ideological aspects. In the Islamic Republic ...
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The victory of the revolution led to the emergence and redefinition of religious values and concepts, and the intensity of its impact on the cultural aspects and the value developments of the concept of policy-making was more and more influenced by the value and ideological aspects. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, due to the nature of the Islamic revolution, which is mainly cultural, cultural policies have been formed within the framework of Islamic laws, Shari'a and the constitution. Cultural policymaking is a manifestation of the government's political power, which, if institutionalized, can be considered an important indicator in political development.Since the beginning of history, the family has been the main social institution, the foundation of societies and the origin of cultures, civilizations and the history of human. The family has a high position in the system of the Islamic Republic and the official policies of the country. The Islamic Republic of Iran looks at the family as a means of honoring and respecting the human position. Paying attention to the many functions of the family has caused the family to be recognized as one of the most basic social pillars, and this issue has also caused the constitution to pay attention to this important issue in its tenth principle and stipulates: "Since the single family It is the foundation of Islamic society, all related laws and regulations and planning should be aimed at facilitating the formation of a family, protecting its sanctity and establishing family relationships based on Islamic law and ethics.The main question of the current research is as below:what effect did parallel institutions in the field of culture have on the realization of cultural policies in the field of family in the Islamic Republic of Iran? The hypothesis of this research is based on the fact which parallel work of cultural institutions in the field of family has led to the ineffectiveness of the actions of these institutions and caused the cultural policies of the Islamic Republic to be not very successful in this field and the problems related to the issue of the family in the last three decades are currently is an increase.The method of collecting the necessary data to conduct such a research has been the "documentary method", in the framework of which a collection of experiences related to the forty-year "controversies" over the "process of exercising power" in the Islamic Republic of Iran, focusing on the cultural policies of the family area, is recognized and collected. has been These experiences are presented directly or indirectly in the form of a series of books, articles, reports, notes and interviews. This research was conducted in the "interpretative" paradigm and in the "qualitative method". The method of data analysis in this research is done using correlation. This type of research seeks to know the existence of a relationship between variables. It is not necessarily a cause and effect relationship. In this research, the positive and negative correlation between the two variables of cultural institutions and the exercise of power in the political development of the Islamic Republic of Iran is studied.This article does not have a theoretical framework and instead a conceptual framework has been used. This research has tried to use the method of solidarity and institutionalism approach to the concept of political development and with regard to the correlation between parallel cultural institutions and the cultural policies of the family in the Islamic Republic of Iran, the degree of success in exercising government power and its impact on political development in this system. Review. In this article, the theoretical model of "Papitz" "Political Power Exercise Index" has been specifically considered in explaining the challenges of more institutionalization of power and political development in Iran, which is a proposal to understand and make the whole meaningful in the transformation of the exercise of institutionalized political power, formalization. Or, as Papitz says, it is the formalization of the exercise of power.Public policymaking is the manifestation of the will of the government in the field of action. Policy-making in the field of culture is considered one of the most important areas of exercising political power and an indicator of political development. And considering that culture is one of the main components of sustainable development; Policy-making, in which the ability to implement these policies in order to achieve the defined goals, plays an important role in the success of public policies of governments. Culture is one of the most important areas of policymaking, because culture is one of the main components of sustainable development. The studies conducted on the success rate of cultural policies announced in the field of the family during the last two decades clearly show that the implementation of these policies is facing serious challenges and The result of the evaluation of process of family evolution is far from the desired path in these policies. Examining the indicators extracted from the aforementioned policies and evaluating them in Iranian society can draw a better perspective of the degree of realization of the goals of this cultural policy.The conflict between the roles of different cultural institutions in the government and outside it is one of the most important disputes that have been discussed since the first days of the victory of the Islamic Revolution until today. The performance of institutions outside the executive branch has led to the weakness and fragmentation of the country's executive branch due to the overlap of their duties with other institutions of the country, and sometimes it has been accompanied by direct and indirect protests from political and executive authorities. The connection of these institutions with the ideals of the Islamic Revolution has sometimes led them to functions outside of the legal and executive procedures of the country and has become the basis for the dissatisfaction of the executive bodies with the performance of these institutions. At the same time, the executive power of some of these institutions is sometimes wider than the power of the government and outside the supervision of the monitoring devices and elected institutions such as the Islamic Council, which is in conflict with the democratic exercise of political power as an important indicator of political development. In addition to role conflicts, the emergence of "parallel roles" among cultural institutions is one of the main executive problems of the country. The functioning of parallel institutions, the multiplicity of cultural institutions and the overlapping of their duties have often led to conflicts and differences between these institutions, and this has increased the cost of running the country and reduced the accountability of various institutions regarding their functioning, which can be summarized in a final summary. He acknowledged that the result of such a process, in the terms of conceptual framework as well as analytical models of the current article, is considered to reduce and weakness of political development. Many cultural institutions have been established in the country during the years after the revolution, and in some cases parallel work can be seen in the duties of these institutions. This parallelism is due to the lack of attention to the country's general policies and vision, the imprecise explanation of the duties of cultural institutions, the frequent replacement of officials, and the creation of institutions based on fleeting needs.Examining the state of implementation of cultural policies in the field of the family, which has been considered in this research as a special indicator for measuring the success rate of cultural institutions in the Islamic Republic, shows well that according to the cultural state of the country during the last three decades in the field of family such as the decline of the sanctity of the family institution, facilitating divorce and reducing the desire for marriage, the spread of new patterns of choosing a spouse, reducing the generality of marriage and increasing the age of marriage, increasing sexual relations outside of marriage and reducing the desire to have children and making family; It has shown the low efficiency of cultural institutions in this area.
Hossein Karimiafrd
Abstract
Modernization theorists believe that there is a direct relationship between economic and social development and the process of transition to democracy. According to modernization theories, economic development and industrialization lead to the transition to democracy. China has achieved economic development ...
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Modernization theorists believe that there is a direct relationship between economic and social development and the process of transition to democracy. According to modernization theories, economic development and industrialization lead to the transition to democracy. China has achieved economic development since 1978 and has had economic growth of more than 10% for consecutive years. However, according to the theory of modernization, this country has not gone through the transition to democracy and has become an exception. The aim of this article is to examine and explain the lack of transition to democracy in China according to modernization theories. The research question is: What factors have prevented China from entering the process of transition to democracy between 1978 and 2021? The hypothesis of this research trying to be proved with the analytical and explanatory methodology, is: Several factors have contributed to the lack of transition to democracy in China. But the most important of them are the coordination and cohesion between the ruling class (Chinese Communist Party, government and army), the weakness of civil society, the fragmentation and dependence of the middle class, the basis and values of Chinese society and the fear of disarray. Social and political stability in the most populous country in the world with most groups, different classes of society and some countries. The combination of these factors has led to the support of the authoritarian system and their unwillingness to enter the process of transition to democracy between 1978 and 2021.
Mandana Tisheyar
Abstract
Achieving political development among South Asian societies, especially since independence in the mid-20th century, has been one of the most important issues facing governments and civil society in these countries. In the present study, it has been attempted to explore the trends that have taken place ...
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Achieving political development among South Asian societies, especially since independence in the mid-20th century, has been one of the most important issues facing governments and civil society in these countries. In the present study, it has been attempted to explore the trends that have taken place in India by utilizing theories of political development and testing them with the existing realities to achieve a unique political development paradigm. The main question in doing this research is how the pattern of political development in India is shaped and to what extent are they consistent with the indicators of classical political development theories, such as urbanization, literacy and economic status, and so on? What this study reveals is that the state of political development in the Indian case study differs markedly from the prevailing theories and analyzes of patterns of political development in different countries. In fact, it seems that the particular historical and political characteristics of the country's political and social culture play a fundamental role in laying the foundations for the development of its political structures. This has led to a special process of political development and modernization in the country, confirming that external or imported patterns are not necessarily the only way to achieve development.
Mohsen Khalili
Abstract
The task of an intelligence agency is to monitor the ideas and behaviors of groups that are in conflict with the established system and are trying to overthrow the existing system. Monitoring opponents of the political system is not the sole task of an intelligence agency; Rather, it is the task of an ...
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The task of an intelligence agency is to monitor the ideas and behaviors of groups that are in conflict with the established system and are trying to overthrow the existing system. Monitoring opponents of the political system is not the sole task of an intelligence agency; Rather, it is the task of an intelligence agency to fight subversive opposition groups. Information institutions are an important part of a political system. The fundamental theory of the establishment of the state and the political-legal system determines the policy of the intelligence agencies. When two words are mixed, the breadth of a compound double word is lost and they are limited and conditioned by each other, and the word that is combined with the other word loses its semantic / functional independence. In this article, the political theory of the Intelligence and Security Organization of Iran is considered a lexical fusion due to the dual structure of government (republic and Islamic). Whenever a theory is chosen from among the various political theories that underlie the theoretical basis of government and is the basis for the actions of government and its institutional subdivisions (including intelligence agencies), the government and the intelligence agency are limited to theoretical underpinnings. Using Bernard Crick's model, the author tries to show how a change in the fundamental political theory of a state can led to a change in the character and actions of a country's intelligence organization.
Noormohammad Nowruzi
Abstract
At the outset of 1990 decade and onward, Good Governance Discourse has become a so pivotal discourse in the pervasive domain of national and international developmental circles and institutions and in global development literature as well, that no significant study or investigation can ignore it. However, ...
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At the outset of 1990 decade and onward, Good Governance Discourse has become a so pivotal discourse in the pervasive domain of national and international developmental circles and institutions and in global development literature as well, that no significant study or investigation can ignore it. However, neither adherents nor critics offer the same understanding of the foundations, assumptions, constituents and indicators of such an idea; rather, each, on the basis of their intellectual presuppositions or practical policy-oriented experiences and normative attitude, paint a different picture of Good Governance Discourse. Scrutinize on the semantic implications system of Good Governance Discourse reveals multiple combination of different semantic layers that reflect at least, three distinct readings or approaches: Technocratic or Policy-Oriented reading, Democratic Politics reading, Critical-Deconstructive reading. Whereas both technocratic and democratic approaches as chief constituents of intellectual mainstream about good governance endeavor to represent this idea as a universal thinking and policymaking framework that applicable to all societies, critical reading attempts to reveal specific ideological presuppositions and implications of good governance discourse. In this article we will attempted to explicate the constituents and indexes associated with the three readings of Good Governance Discourse through the use of a critical discourse analysis method, especially with genealogical approach.
International Relations
Reza Rahmati
Abstract
Problem: Sweden is considered as a small state in terms of its domain, surface area and extension, population, territorial extent and the grandeur of its military power; Sweden and other Nordic countries are states that do not rank as big states in terms of hard power components. However, a look at the ...
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Problem: Sweden is considered as a small state in terms of its domain, surface area and extension, population, territorial extent and the grandeur of its military power; Sweden and other Nordic countries are states that do not rank as big states in terms of hard power components. However, a look at the role and influence of these governments at the international level has shown their great influence.Question: The question that arises here is how, despite Sweden's small measure, this country has a great moral influence in the domestic, regional and international dimensions.Hypothesis: The hypothesis of this research responding to this question is that; Swedish government, by playing a moral role at the international level, has been able to introduce itself as a moral superpower and makes influence the arrangements of international relations. This government takes a special position in many international conflicts and that position is a mediator. In the peacekeeping missions of the United Nations, both the forces of this government are stationed and it pays many budgets to carry out these missions.Findings: In the human rights attempt that take place in developing countries, this government is considered among the supporters of women's movements and other human rights movements. Also, this government is considered to be a constant in the fight against climate changes. The image of Sweden is carved as a well-functioning utopia; Both in the outside world and among the Swedes themselves. The hospitality of the Swedes has caused the experience of Sweden to be painted as an extreme immigration policy and as a arrogance sign in other European countries (Sanandaji, 2021: 62).Analysis and Discussion: "Neutrality has been an important part of Sweden's international brand identity" (Bjereld, 1994: 238). Sweden is free of military alliances. This means that "we do not agree on mutual defense guarantees and we ourselves are responsible for the defense of Sweden." On the other hand, the freedom of our military alliance does not create an obstacle; participating in international defense cooperation. In practice, Sweden's position has turned into non-commitment, and the public strongly supports its continuation, however, Sweden's political elites support NATO membership (Ydén, Berndtsson, & Petersson, 2019). This indicates the renaming of the idea of neutrality or non-commitment after the Cold War to respond to the demands of the international environment of the 21st century. However, the aspiration of neutrality in Sweden as well as in Finland is an issue that has changed according to the new security needs of these two governments. The Swedish brand of neutrality and non-commitment can be understood as human values and a basis for Sweden's self-perceived legitimacy to act in global affairs. These (non-commitment and neutrality) are two important concepts in political debates such as NATO membership debate (Simons, Manoilo, & Trunov, 2019).Conclusion: Sweden's ethical motivations have led to the foreign policy behaviors formation and have sought policy-making results that characterize the more practical layers of this country's foreign policy. The role of feminist foreign policy, the moralism of foreign policy and Sweden's environmental policy are topics which can be mentioned. International relations have traditionally been introduced as the science of analyzing the relations of great powers. Basically, the rationalist mainstream of international relations pays attention to governments from the point of view of the size of power. However, some of the states are considered as small states in terms of the size of their military power, population, territory and other hard components of power, the Nordic states are included in this division of states. these governments, by accepting international roles, internal links with the international normative environment and assuming humanitarian duties, undertake missions that become brands in the world. have become international in humanitarian, feminist, immigration, peace-oriented, neutrality and non-commitment fields. Sweden is one of the leaders among the small Nordic countries. Sweden has created an image which corresponding "human rights government", "environmental government", "green government", "electronic government", "free government" with TV this image which has transmitted internationally. Tarif", "feminist government", "peace-keeping government" and "immigrant-friendly government". However, although international commitments have been made for these roles of Sweden, there have also been damages; Among the contradictory policies of political parties in the country regarding the Swedish brand in some of these fields.
