Aramesh Shahbazi
Abstract
The discipline of political science has developed many international legal principles, norms, concepts, agreements, and institutions in realm of contemporary international law. One of the key issues regarding the technique and the structure of this evolution is the mutual interrelation between philosophy, ...
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The discipline of political science has developed many international legal principles, norms, concepts, agreements, and institutions in realm of contemporary international law. One of the key issues regarding the technique and the structure of this evolution is the mutual interrelation between philosophy, law, society and political science. Meanwhile, reassessment and reconsideration of the theories of the philosophers and political thinkers could be an important vehicle to elaborate on the concepts and to provide the logical justifications and legal backgrounds of the phenomena. In this era, the classic form of State in International law as a complicated concept has been always at the center of the debates. The Montevideo convention (1933) has defined the rights and duties of states. It sets out the four criteria for States such as a permanent population; a defined territory; government; and also capacity to enter into relations with the other states. Yet it is believed that these factors originally refer to the legality of the states, while States are often assumed to be legitimized by value judgments of international community as a whole. Likewise, the concept of responsibility to protect, as a controversial occurrence in international environment, especially at the time of international or domestic conflicts, has created various arguments in both aspects of legality and legitimacy. The former refers to some declarations issued by competence international legal organizations such as the United Nations and the latter refers to admiration and acceptance by international community above all, including the States. The purpose of this paper is to securitize the concept of state and the notion of responsibility to protect by taking a look at Foucault’s thought and also to provide a context in which the mutual interrelations of international law and political thoughts could be emphasized.The first chapter of this article answers the questions concerning the importance of Foucault’s idea in international law and the ways his proposals could elaborate some evolutions in this matter, such as modern States and responsibility to protect. Chapter II examines the concepts has already been examined in the practice of international actors especially States. It also considers the legality and legitimacy of both concepts by way of analogy. The final chapter brings together the Foucault’s thought outlined in Chapter I and the International legal facts set out in Chapter II. It also discusses the relevance and the possibility of a context in which law and political thoughts could be closed.The rise of what Foucault calls as bio- power does not lead to eradication of the concept of law or result in ignorance of the concept of state in general. In Foucault’s thought the concept of State in a modern society has been changed. Consequently both legality and legitimacy could be the considered as important factors for modern States. On the other hand, the notion of responsibility to protect is also a new conception. Likewise, the legality and legitimacy of this concept could be found in international legal instruments and also in the practice and the confidence of international actors including States.
Hoda Ghafari; Fatemeh Afshari
Abstract
Purpose: Administrative decentralization seeks to redistribute authority, responsibility and financial resources to provide public services among different levels of the government. It is the transfer of responsibility for the planning, financing and management of certain public functions from the central ...
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Purpose: Administrative decentralization seeks to redistribute authority, responsibility and financial resources to provide public services among different levels of the government. It is the transfer of responsibility for the planning, financing and management of certain public functions from the central government and its agencies to field units of government agencies, subordinate units or levels of government, semi-autonomous public authorities or corporations, or area-wide, regional or functional authorities. When governments devolve functions, they transfer authority for decision-making, finances, and management to quasi-autonomous units of local government with corporate status. According to Article 3 of the Constitution of Malaysia, Islam is the country's official religion; therefore, studying the legal system of this country, which has a Muslim background, is essentially important to our country. In addition, given the importance of decentralization in Iran, it is of considerable importance to study the challenges of the decentralization system, even when they are formed in a federal system. The Malaysian legal system, modeled based on the English law, has, after independence of the former country, chosen federalism, and, consequently, the political decentralization system for their government. However, the important issue refers to whether the system of political decentralization has been achieved completely and properly in this country and what are its damages? Decentralization can be a way of improving access to services, tailoring government actions to private needs, and increasing the opportunities for state-society interactions. Design/Methodology/Approach: This paper is formed and based on the critical paradigm with the descriptive method, and has been conducted in two sections. The first section of the study investigated the levels of government, and, in the second part, the relationship between federal, state and local governments will be discussed. Findings: Malaysia is one of the three Asian countries and the only southeastern Asian country which has chosen a federal government. The important matter is whether the mentioned federal system results in decentralization? The Malaysian government includes three layers: the federal government, the government of provinces and local government. The provincial and local governments, as the symbol of decentralization in such countries, are determined in Malaysia’s Constitution with their duties, discretions and limitations. Actually, however, the federal government interferes in provincial activities. 91 percent of financial resources are controlled by the federal government. The independent activities of local governments are hindered by factors such as limited responsibilities, federal and provincial governments’ interference in local government affairs, the role of the national association and housing ministry parallel to the local government regarding law and policy-making, existence of unique obligatory policies for all local governments, limited financial resources, and the appointment of local authorities by the federal government. Consequently, the above explanations imply that federalism, as a governmental system, will not necessarily result in decentralization. Originality/Value: Given the large number of studies on the issue of decentralization in the Iranian legal system, this paper, with the aim of observing the originality principle, intends to conduct a comparative study on the legal systems of Malaysia and the United Kingdom.
Hoda Ghafari; Maziyar Khademi
Abstract
The function of protection institution of the constitutional in every legal system is always protecting the aspirations of the nation and fundamental rights. This institution can accelerate or even weaken the movement of people in countries that are transitioning to democracy. Public trust in these institutions ...
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The function of protection institution of the constitutional in every legal system is always protecting the aspirations of the nation and fundamental rights. This institution can accelerate or even weaken the movement of people in countries that are transitioning to democracy. Public trust in these institutions is closely linked to their independence. The effective factor of this independence is the appointment of the judges of the courts. As for the various systems of selection of judges, it is possible to determine the extent and manner of the interference of other organizations in this regard. Iraq and Turkey, which have undergone democratic changes in recent years, have experienced varying degrees of independence and, consequently, legitimacy by following different patterns of selection of constitutional judges. With the implementation of administrative model, the Iraqi state has strongly influenced the executive branch, and the issuance of unilateral sentences for the benefit of the ruling party can prove this hypothesis. However, Turkey, deviating from the executive model and accepting a multi-domain pattern, has increased the participation of civil society organizations and other branches in the selection of court judges and increased the legitimacy of the court.
Ahmad Golmohammadi; Nasir Ebadpour
Abstract
From an institutionalist point of view, political development is essentially defined as the process of institutionalization of political power within the state institution, an important criterion of which is the institutionalization of political power acquisition. This paper studies the evolution of ...
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From an institutionalist point of view, political development is essentially defined as the process of institutionalization of political power within the state institution, an important criterion of which is the institutionalization of political power acquisition. This paper studies the evolution of political development in the Islamic Republic of Iran with respect to the institutionalization process of political power acquisition, aiming to identify the difficulties inherent in this dimension of political development in Iran. The content analysis of the data collected through a documentary method shows that there are two major difficulties in the institutionalization process of political power acquisition in the Islamic Republic of Iran. One of the difficulties is linked to the continuing dispute over the ‘identity’ of those who lay claim to power, which involves debates over the identity of natural and legal persons, including political and quasi-political groups. The second difficulty is related to the dispute over the ‘process’ of political power acquisition, including analyzing eligibility, monitoring, and voting. Despite many obstacles to access various and valid documents containing valuable data about these difficulties, the findings of the study can provide powerful impetus for collecting more data and conducting thorough research in future. They can also offer different perspectives for finding more effective ways to cope with the difficulties and face the obstacles inherent in the institutionalization of the process of political power acquisition.
Mohsen Abbaszadeh Marzbali
Abstract
As one of the most visible aspects of political life in recent years, the populist rises imply the ‘crisis of representation’ that means the existing institutional mechanism of representative democracy is ineffective in representing the variety of social demands. While this situation, according ...
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As one of the most visible aspects of political life in recent years, the populist rises imply the ‘crisis of representation’ that means the existing institutional mechanism of representative democracy is ineffective in representing the variety of social demands. While this situation, according to the liberal democratic approach, warns of the revival of mass society and new versions of authoritarianism, the radical democratic approach considers it a possibility to retrieve democracy. Which variables determine the contending evaluations of the impact of populism on democracy? The present paper presupposes that the contending evaluations are driven by different conceptions of the principal constituent of democracy (rule of law or general will?) and the populism entity (a manner of governance or a movement constructing collective will?). Given the postulates of the contending democratic theories (liberal and radical), the paper hypothesizes that evaluating the effects of populism on democracy depends on the way of interaction of some variables: a) the content of the populist discourse (egalitarian articulation of plural demands or discriminatory one?); b) the context in which the populist movement arises (democratic structure of opportunity or authoritarian one?) c) the mutual strategy of political actors whether from opposition or in position ones (the connection between street politics and institutional one or disconnection?). Taking advantage of the contending democratic theories (liberal and radical) in a combinative theoretical framework, the paper attempts to justify the hypothesis by highlighting the fact that both democratic theories are built on one aspect of the conception of democratic order. Marking the elements such as individual subjectivity, rationality, the rule of law, pluralism, etc. as characteristics of democratic order, a liberal democratic approach considers populist popular and exclusionary (i.e., determined by populists’ particular definition of the people) orientation as a threat to democracy. It is because such orientation restricts public debates and leads to weakening democratic institutions, the opposition’s rights, and the plurality of society. On the contrary, the radical democratic approach points to the significance of the populist mobilization for the democratization of status quo democracies owing to re-politicization of the issues neglected by the sovereign elite, provided that to articulate accumulated demands around a democratic egalitarian nodal point. Such evaluation emanates from the fact that this approach identifies democracy with collective subjectivity, general will, participation, and so on. It seems that a non-paradoxical and justifiable reference to both the above-mentioned approach in an analysis of the effect of populism on democracy entails taking their different concentrations into account. It means ‘populism-in-power’ (as a way of governance) puts the structural foundations of democracy in danger and facilitates the emergence of authoritarianism due to its anti-institutionalism, anti-pluralism, and tendency to mass politics. It is whilst, in the status of ‘opposition’ (a mobilizing movement), populism might be an opportunity to revive democratic politics. This argument resorts to the action of constructing a new collective will, in populist strategies of mobilizations, which reveals shortages of representative systems such as the monopoly of a minority, technocratic elitism, and so on. Nevertheless, the actualization of the progressive effects of the populist movements on democracy depends heavily on the interaction of variables which are as follows. a) If the populist discourse articulates accumulated social demands around a democratic egalitarian will, then the populist moment (as the moment of crisis in a representative democracy) can be of progressive connotations for democracy-deepening. Conversely, discriminatory articulation (like racist or class populism) paves the way for authoritarianism. Hence in terms of democratization and de-democratization, various populisms can be imagined; ranging from democratic populism to authoritarian, leftist to far-right. b) Realization of the above-mentioned progressive version of populism depends on the ‘democratic structure of political opportunity’. The possibility of mobilization by democratic egalitarian populism is only imaginable where the rules of the democratic competition are guaranteed. In other words, if there is no equal and fair opportunity to declare the policies in electoral campaigns and implement them after taking into power, then there can be just governmental types of populism that mobilize the mass for advocating governmental policies and decisions. Here, populism appears in its authoritarian face in a mass society. c) The third variable is the strategy that political actors of both realms, movement, and institution, in a political structure adapt. If the populist movement ties its street activism with institutional bargaining (e.g. by resorting to parliamentary parties) and, mutually, the government opens up the policy-making input to populist demands (rather than rejecting them), then the rise of a democratic egalitarian populist movement might result in democracy- deepening. Otherwise, populism can bring about some contending de-democratizing mass mobilizations, whether in the shape of authoritarian up-to-down governmental populism or fruitless gross-root radical populism. In brief, the paper maintains that by vindicating ‘popular sovereignty’, populism has double-edged effects in terms of weakening or strengthening democracy; ranging from an infertile radicalism leading to authoritarianism to radical reformism containing the possibility of retrieval of democracy. Hence democratic theory needs to develop an order that balances the rule of law and public will as two sides of democracy. It calls for a new social contract based on a balanced relationship between specialism and democratic responsibility. To reach such a situation, more inclusive politics should be targeted by current-day democracies. The key, however, is hearing the demands of populist advocators rather than populist leaders’ programs.
Reza Razeghi; Faez Dinparast
Abstract
This article analyzes the role and power of the military in Turkey and how they interfere in Turkey's political arena, using deep state-of theory. The research question is that with regard to the Turkish constitutional amendments and the reduction of military influence on political affairs, is it possible ...
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This article analyzes the role and power of the military in Turkey and how they interfere in Turkey's political arena, using deep state-of theory. The research question is that with regard to the Turkish constitutional amendments and the reduction of military influence on political affairs, is it possible for the country's military to become an active actor in the political arena? The conceptual framework of research is the theory of deep state. The research findings indicate that the military still has the potential for political participation and intervention in Turkish affairs, but for reasons such as reducing legitimacy, foreign pressure and a new understanding of security issues in Turkey, the military has found that issues Political should be solved by the government, not the military and the army headquarters. On this basis, they have implicitly entered the coalition with Erdogan and the AKP because of their common enemies with the AK PARTy, including the Pkk and the Gulen Movement, and given Erdogan's security National and fight against internal and external enemies need military support, and the army will cooperate with the AKP government if they consider national security and defense issues in their regard. The data collection method is document and library and data analysis is done by process tracking analysis.
Political Science
Ali Aqajani
Abstract
Mencius and Farabi are prominent representatives of two important Eastern intellectual traditions, namely Confucian-Chinese philosophy and Islamic-Iranian philosophy, who had basic reflections on the nature and functions of the state and how to moralize it efficiently. The basic question of the article ...
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Mencius and Farabi are prominent representatives of two important Eastern intellectual traditions, namely Confucian-Chinese philosophy and Islamic-Iranian philosophy, who had basic reflections on the nature and functions of the state and how to moralize it efficiently. The basic question of the article is the attitude of these two political philosophers towards the fusion of ethics and politics in the state and how to draw the moral state. The hypothesis is based on the elaboration of ethics and politics in the concepts of utopia, prosperity, legitimacy and justice and the formation of the moral state from the perspective of Mencius and Farabi and their major similarity in the general approach, which, based on the comparative research method, has many commonalities and noteworthy differences. Government, essential good, continuity and unity of ethics and politics, instrumental and maximal government/comprehensive social security/providing security-welfare-virtue, Hakim-Shahriar government, relationship between religion, politics, spirituality and ethics, happiness is a multi-faceted and multi-dimensional matter/achievement Happiness is a relative matter, the legitimacy of the heavenly and earthly duality, moderation and middle ground/opposition to its excess and immorality/and comprehensive justice are the commonalities of these two. Establishing a balance between the elitist and populist approach by Mencius, more clarity on the instrumentality of the state/and in terms of the right of revolution, more emphasis on the duties of the government/servant government, empirical-rational-detailed description, comprehensive happiness between nature and will, the role of the people Beyond Farabi's theory/the voice of the people is the voice of God, and more emphasis on political justice, the differences between Menisos and Farabi in the field of moral government can be enumerated.Mencius, a great thinker and philosopher of East Asia, and Farabi, a thinker and a high-level philosopher of West Asia, are two examples of treasures that the explanation of their opinions in the field of government can increase the connection between these two rich and deep traditions. In this research, an attempt has been made to analyze the fields related to ethics and politics, which are the components of the term called political ethics, and based on this, to clarify the similarities and differences between the two. Mensus, like Farabi, who is the second teacher in the philosophical tradition of Islam, can be called the second teacher in the Confucian tradition. He explained and explained and of course invented and theorized in the school of Confucius and is considered the closest interpreter of Confucius to him.Like Aristotle, Mencius and Farabi believed that man is a political animal and can only fully expand these relationships when he is inside the state and society. He considers the government to be a moral institution and they believe that its head should be a moral leader. According to these two philosophers, the distribution of charity among all the members of Madinah is based on the eligibility of people. Charities include officials and positions, security, health, dignity and status, sanctity, property, wealth and the like. Therefore, all citizens have rights, and everyone has the right to have a job and work suitable to their social personality.Unlike today's political philosophy in the West, Farabi does not believe in the separation of public and private spheres and considers them to be the same. The similarity between Al-Farabi and Mencius is the special prominence of political philosophy in the thoughts of these two. But in this field, the difference between the two is also clear. While Farabi follows political philosophy in the form of political wisdom in theory. Mencius seeks political wisdom in the public arena.According to Mencius and Farabi, a good, efficient and superior government is the result of the combination of ethics and politics. Based on this, the work of a good government should start from the people and go up, not from the ruling class and go down. People are not only the root but also the last judge of the government. Utopia, which is an ideal society, is realized when ethics and politics are combined. Happiness is multifaceted and multidimensional. Learning the benevolence of the community and the people is the extension of justice. Justice is realized when people have the ability and power to exercise sovereignty and can criticize the government and, if necessary, criticize it or correct it. In response to this question, Mencius considers the government a moral institution and believes that its head should be a moral leader.
Abbas Alli Rahbar; Farzad Souri
Abstract
Purpose: Security is one of the major issues that the need for it is felt tangibly and effectively in all aspects of human life and searching for that has an unbreakable bond with the essence of human existence. Political thinkers generally consider security as one of the government’s main tasks. ...
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Purpose: Security is one of the major issues that the need for it is felt tangibly and effectively in all aspects of human life and searching for that has an unbreakable bond with the essence of human existence. Political thinkers generally consider security as one of the government’s main tasks. This issue has been of particular position and importance in Islam and designing it in Islamic system has been noteworthy. The Holy Quran considers the security as one of the goals of God sovereignty and the righteous succession. Security in the Holy Quran has several levels which involves spiritual, personal, social and political aspects. Methodology: In this article, we attempt to examine the concept of political security in epistemic system of Holy Quran by using interpretive works on Quran. This choice is according to division of Islam into three original, theoretical and practical spheres and also known classification of Islam as beliefs, morals and laws, to reach a typology of political security which is theological-intellectual, ethical-psychological and practical-behavioral. Findings: In this article we argue that in modern political thought the government is responsible for security and taking care of it in anarchic atmosphere. In this view, governments are the major subject of security. Also from the perspective of political sociology, political security can be known as product of social interaction which manifests from interaction between individuals, groups and political institutions. In other words, feeling political security is in fact a form of social production and all the social and political institutions are involved in its formation. So it can be said that feeling political security is a multifaceted and complex concept, because the feeling shapes in a mental and intersubjective space, and because this sense of security is in the political sphere which, according to Max Weber, is the area of power. From his perspective, our understanding of the politics would be a set of efforts to participate in power. Value: This article concludes that the most important ways and requirements to achieve political security is the cases such as avoiding tyranny and oppression, establishment of justice in society, coping with domestic disrupters and fighting with foreign enemies. It also can be extracted from the presented arguments that in Quran there is a special attention to the action–behavioral aspect of political security, in addition to considering two other aspects which were mentioned before.
Davoud Paran; Shoja Ahmadvand
Abstract
The theory of progress of constitutionality(Mashroutiat) which was aptly named “the new threshold” was aimed to lay the basis for constitutionalism by limiting the State. But the constitutionality didn’t last long and “the great misfortune” of the King Reza was formed out ...
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The theory of progress of constitutionality(Mashroutiat) which was aptly named “the new threshold” was aimed to lay the basis for constitutionalism by limiting the State. But the constitutionality didn’t last long and “the great misfortune” of the King Reza was formed out of it. Our question in the present research is the reason why all the great hopes of the constitutionalists and the intellectuals ran to waste and the historical reality that brought the country to the verge of destruction convinced the people that a central authoritarian state should be created. The explanation of the failure of the theory of progress is possible through the study of the relation between this era’s thought system, the thought tradition in Iran and the thought of the European Modernity. The fact that what eventually was the end of this thought system of constitutionalism in relation to the historical reality and consequences it had for Iran is the main aim of this article. The theory of progress-modernization in Iran had totally new epistemic foundations in comparison with the traditional “narratives” in Europe tried to constitute the Modernity on the basis of the western thought’s appearances. By reducing “the Metanarrative of Emancipation” in the thought of the European intellectuals they reduced that to freedom from despotism. Trying to find the legitimacy of these new institutions in tradition led to the formation of a returning model of the logic of transformation of the structure of political thought in Iran with which the political events conformed necessarily.
Hojjat Kazemi; Hadi Keshavarz
Abstract
The attempt to control and direct the population in any society by power and government through new institutions and techniques of governance is one of the modern debates that was first proposed and developed by Foucault. By targeting individuals and the population to meet its needs, power designs techniques ...
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The attempt to control and direct the population in any society by power and government through new institutions and techniques of governance is one of the modern debates that was first proposed and developed by Foucault. By targeting individuals and the population to meet its needs, power designs techniques and institutions that, while making individuals visible, increase their control and guidance in society. In this context, in a descriptive-analytical manner, this article intends to examine the relationship between population and government through the actions of Abbas Mirza, Amir Kabir, Nasser al-Din Shah, the Constitution and Reza Shah, based on new governance institutions and techniques in Iran, especially the school institution, since the late nineteenth century, and show what developments took place in Iran facing the West and the formation of a crisis of awareness in the field of government and governance with the elite, And how and why did the population become the target of new rules and techniques of governance? For responding to these questions, this study seeks to prove the changing pattern of governance in Iran on the one hand and the state's efforts to control and guide the population in new institutions on the other hand in order to strengthen the foundations of its government while increasing productivity and obedience.
seyedreza mousavinia; Seyed Javad Tahaee
Abstract
War and peace is one of the most important challenges of states and nations. Peace compare to war, has an unclear and inexpressive concept requiring to be clarified. Modern state theory explaining the peace in context of politics and international relations alleges: peace is a product of sovereignty ...
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War and peace is one of the most important challenges of states and nations. Peace compare to war, has an unclear and inexpressive concept requiring to be clarified. Modern state theory explaining the peace in context of politics and international relations alleges: peace is a product of sovereignty of one or more states backed by military power and its resulting terror. This simple and widespread theory has become a dominant paradigm in peace discussions in politics and international relations of 20th century. This article, however, alleges that modern theory of peace not only lacks historical backgrounds but also is the contrary to them. Based on that, the question is that: is peace an order and stability established by states in region or has some reality of more developing and deeper? We will argue that peace, in fact, is the ability of the society to make compatible the regions surrounding it through developing cultural unconsciousness. It is the classical approach to peace that contrast to modern theory of peace. What the approach leads to is that peace is a functional characteristic of states but of societies, peace is not unilateralism but bilateral interaction, peace shall not obtain through exercising the power but it arises from freedom and self-inducement. Iran is among these historical societies that had a peaceful relationship based on a classical approach with its communities throughout history and hence it is recommended for foreign policy to base upon classical approach to peace.
Seyed Majid Hosseini; Vahid Asadzadeh
Abstract
In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development ...
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In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development and the second group that seeks the agent outside the domain of state. The question is which of the two theories have been more successful in their claims according to their historical results. The claim and hypothesis of this study is that the theories of the second group, in the search for ways of direct development of the state, eventually hinder reform, engage in direct conflict with the state, and lead the process of society's transformation to a revolution or a repressive state. To justify this claim, this article will look at the history of Iranian intellectual development theories after the Constitution. The research method in this paper is "Inference based on the best explanation ", abbreviated as IBE. It seems that in the first two constitutional and Pahlavi periods, statism and in the second Pahlavi and Islamic Republic era anti-statism were dominant. During the Second Pahlavi era and the Islamic Republic, two types of ideas were produced that were common to anti-statism and the main criticisms included: Theories of return to self and backwardness degeneration. Both are equally guilty of delaying the creation of a proper relationship between the state and the nation in the light of upholding up-to-date citizen rights and maintaining the sovereignty of the state.
Seyed majid Hoseini; Vahid Asadzadeh
Abstract
In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development ...
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In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development and the second group that seeks the agent outside the domain of state. The question is which of the two theories have been more successful in their claims according to their historical results. The claim and hypothesis of this study is that the theories of the second group, in the search for ways of direct development of the state, eventually hinder reform, engage in direct conflict with the state, and lead the process of society's transformation to a revolution or a repressive state. To justify this claim, this article will look at the history of Iranian intellectual development theories after the Constitution. The research method in this paper is "Inference based on the best explanation ", abbreviated as IBE. It seems that in the first two constitutional and Pahlavi periods, statism and in the second Pahlavi and Islamic Republic era anti-statism were dominant. During the Second Pahlavi era and the Islamic Republic, two types of ideas were produced that were common to anti-statism and the main criticisms included: Theories of return to self and backwardness degeneration. Both are equally guilty of delaying the creation of a proper relationship between the state and the nation in the light of upholding up-to-date citizen rights and maintaining the sovereignty of the state.
Ebrahim Barzegar; sayyad hosseinzadeh
Abstract
policymaking in Iran is done, because of the rupture of two-stage collection and execution, often different from what was promised, Academic communities due to the inevitable specialization gave analyses and different strategies and sometimes competing with their own perspective ...
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policymaking in Iran is done, because of the rupture of two-stage collection and execution, often different from what was promised, Academic communities due to the inevitable specialization gave analyses and different strategies and sometimes competing with their own perspective to policy-markers which does not have the capacity to repair the rupture . Therefore, the researchers by using multi-pattern analysis '' combined rationality'' Snellen made it possible to criticize government comprehensive policies in the scientific community, and subsequently provide consistent feedbacks having the strategic and repairing capacity to put on theire agendum(program).. Studying the case of the "Equity Distribution Shares Plan" in the form of Snellen's combined rationality, which includes four types of rationality (economic, political, legal, and professional), researchers are trying to resolve the foregoing paths of policy. The data collection method is a non-structured interview and data analysis method is analytical -structural. The statistical population of the study consisted of twenty interviewees who have been selected judiciously. Each field of rationality has been covered by five related experts. The findings show that the plan for the distribution of equity has been operationalized for reasons such as not paying attention to the requirements of practical and economic rationality and overlooking the requirements of different political rationality than promised. The proposed strategies also include legal, political, economic, and administrative areas.
Nima Rezaei; Saeed Mirtorabi
Abstract
Various governments around the world have put tough restrictive measures on the agenda to combat the outbreak of the Covid-19 virus. Actions that are unbearable for people under normal circumstances. These restrictive measures and extraordinary means have so far been accepted by the public (despite popular ...
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Various governments around the world have put tough restrictive measures on the agenda to combat the outbreak of the Covid-19 virus. Actions that are unbearable for people under normal circumstances. These restrictive measures and extraordinary means have so far been accepted by the public (despite popular protests in some countries). This study seeks to answer the main question: "Which of theories can best explain or understand the restrictive actions of different states in the face of coronavirus?" It hypothesizes that "use extraordinary means such as the closure of universities, mosques, religious shrines, discos and nightclubs, etc. "Different governments use them in the face of the coronavirus, due to the “securitization' of public health from the risk of a viral pandemic by different governments." The theory of "securitization" is therefore used, because in "securitization", the a securitising actor defines a security issue as a threat to the survival of a referent object which is claimed to has a right to survive. Since a question of survival necessarily involves a point of no return at which it will be too late to act, it is not defensible to leave this issue to normal politics. The securitising actor therefore claims a right to use extraordinary means or break normal rules, for reasons of security; Tools that are normally unjustifiable and not tolerated. At the same time, the actions of a transnational actor such as the World Health Organization(WHO) in "securitization" the coronavirus are examined using the concept of " Macrosecuritization ".
qolamreza khajesarvi; Mohsen Solgi
Abstract
This paper is aimed to show the possibility and necessity of New City-state Orientation as a new form of democracy; a new form of democracy in which city and citizenship in the light of deterritorialization and communitarianist pluralism attain a mental and cultural form instead of a bodily-civilizational ...
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This paper is aimed to show the possibility and necessity of New City-state Orientation as a new form of democracy; a new form of democracy in which city and citizenship in the light of deterritorialization and communitarianist pluralism attain a mental and cultural form instead of a bodily-civilizational form. In this paper New City-state Orientation is defined as follows: passing along the concepts of insiders and outsiders, passing along the hierarchical and vertical world to the horizontal world, non-territorialness, mental-culturalness, modification of liberalism because of its extreme individualism with the help of the communitarianist view, emphasis on the concept of “authenticity” or “valuability of difference” beyond the concept of “dignity”, the wane of the big concepts like society and the birth and proliferation of community instead of that. New City-state Orientation, in the communitarianist context and with the view of globalization, while acknowledging the legitimacy of subcultures and local and traditional cultures has taken a non-physical and non-bodily look at the category of city and citizenship.The question of the paper is how we can come to a mutual understanding between responsible citizenship and human rights today. The hypothesis of the question is that in the light of deterritorialization of city and the citizenship we can come to such a mutual understanding.The theoretical framework of the paper is the “the body without organs theory” of Gilles Deleuze and its methodology is analytical-descriptive with the use of library data.
Mohammad Bagher Khorramshad; Parviz Amini
Abstract
"People Involvement" In ideologies and systems related to democracy, especially religious democracy, is the common concept which creates a visible difference between democrat systems and non-democrat systems. People Involvement as an important concept is a justification for democrat and religious democrat ...
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"People Involvement" In ideologies and systems related to democracy, especially religious democracy, is the common concept which creates a visible difference between democrat systems and non-democrat systems. People Involvement as an important concept is a justification for democrat and religious democrat states and from this perspective, it is possible to create different expression regarding to democracy. According to this article, there are two main perspectives related to justification of people involvement. In this case, there are two patterns; "Single-dimensional" legitimation pattern and "Multi-dimensional" legitimation pattern. The first one oversees one aspect of government like the competence of the ruler or process of acquiring power and enforcing it, and the second one oversees all aspects of the government like conclusions and effectiveness in addition to the previous case. In this article, G.T. methodology has been used. The Ayatollah Khamenei's position is considered as the second group where legitimation is a multi-dimensional pattern and oversees four dimensions of government.
hasan danaee fard; JAVAD VALI ASL
Abstract
Improving the quality of public policies is great challenge facing all countries, because policies low quality will have heavy consequences, including the institutionalization of poverty, wasting national resources and ultimately undermine public confidence . Several studies focused on the role of good ...
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Improving the quality of public policies is great challenge facing all countries, because policies low quality will have heavy consequences, including the institutionalization of poverty, wasting national resources and ultimately undermine public confidence . Several studies focused on the role of good policies in improving national performance. Nevertheless, the quality of public policies depends at the national and international environment of each country . The goal of this research is identifying and Exploring mechanisms to improve the quality of public policies in Iran. The results this research can be effective in theoretical extending of quality of public policies. Research Carried out in two step. In the first step (qualitative) The identifying mechanisms and using technique of continuous comparison , quality of the findings have been evaluated, and in second step the rankings mechanisms, descriptive hypotheses was exposed examing about mechanisms . The results show that the mechanisms design information system of public policy-makers in the country, the design of system vertical and horizontal integration of public policies , applization of knowledge of country public policy makers and Facilitating the entry of merit elites in parliament, the government, the judiciary, city and Village Islamic councils and public policy making institutions the more important than any other mechanism in improving the quality of public policies in Iran.
Hamid Yahyavi
Abstract
Purpose: The present paper aims to articulate Michel Foucault’s thought for analyzing the problematic of the state. “Foucault vision of modern state” is not paid attention by political theoreticians as much as micro-physics analysis. While on the contrary, it can open a new research ...
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Purpose: The present paper aims to articulate Michel Foucault’s thought for analyzing the problematic of the state. “Foucault vision of modern state” is not paid attention by political theoreticians as much as micro-physics analysis. While on the contrary, it can open a new research domain through which one can survey and investigate the various domains of the state. Design / Methodology / Approach: Investigating on Foucault’s those works which have not been known such as College de France Lectures on the basis of “textual methodology” and taking advantages of descriptive-analytical approach, the paper seeks to elucidate Foucauldian method of analyzing procedures, mechanisms and components of modern state, rereading his theoretical arguments as well. Findings: The present paper indicates that in the course of a theoretical shift, Foucault begin to take into consideration the problematic of government as a new dimension in the analysis of power whereby the relations of power is studied within the viewpoint of leadership. He addresses to “the genealogy of Modern State”, which the connection between political rationality and the government lies at the heart of it, in addition to “the genealogy of Modern Subject”. Abandoning the problematic of the state and exploring it on the basis of Governmentality, Foucauldian approach has raised a new way of investigating the nature and component of the state. By inventing the concept of Governmentality, Foucault represents the process of affection of mentality upon government’s practices, besides concentrating on governmental practices rather than institutions. By this start point, he reveals a transformation in the mentality of government in modern ages which nowadays has became spread in a large scale. As a whole, in Foucault’s view, the state is considered as a construct which, on the one hand, is related to the governmental rationalities (as the intellectual dimension) and, on the other hand, to the art of government (as the Practical dimension). There is no such thing as a state, but there is art of government. Governmental apparatus can be added to this analytical framework (as an Institutional dimension) Originality / Value: Offering a Three-dimensional analysis of the "state" (composed of rationality, practice, institution) on the basis of a critical view, this sort of analysis will be included a wide range of liberal and illiberal governances. This analytical frame work, which is based on an anti-essential vision of the state, is considerably deserved to explain the components of modern state and seems useful in dealing with the problematic of the state in Iran.
Shoja Ahmadvand; Amir maghdor Mashhood
Abstract
odernism is an episteme which is a formation of knowledge formed in a particular period and region of the world. Episteme is also the result of discourse disputes. Therefore, modernism is the outcome of the current discourse disputes in recent centuries in Europe. This approach indicates that the cognition ...
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odernism is an episteme which is a formation of knowledge formed in a particular period and region of the world. Episteme is also the result of discourse disputes. Therefore, modernism is the outcome of the current discourse disputes in recent centuries in Europe. This approach indicates that the cognition in modernism emerges from structures, rules, customs, power deals, and bio-logic in European human being’s life. This process is a chronologic outcome which changes in the realm of knowledge and is consistent with biological rules. Yet when this episteme, due to some political reasons, enters another geographical region, we notice a lot of dissonances and contradictions. Modern episteme’s Encounter with bio-local structures in non European regions is one of the most important areas of discourse disputes. Naseri era is one of the most important periods in which this kind of battle field can be seen. The article’s problem is about the conflict between traditional rationality at one side and modern rationality at the other side. These issues are based on Michel Foucault’s theoretical system and his discursive approach and genealogy method. Most important findings show how to success or unsuccessful modernism component and explain discourses and their challenges how to effect current development in our bio geography.
Mohammad Bagher khorramshad; Majid Nejatpoor
Abstract
Purpose: After the Islamic Revolution, some intellectual and political currents discussed the concept of development. In the wake of continuing discussion on development, liberal development discourse arose from the intellectual and political currents of the 70th. In this article, we want to show how ...
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Purpose: After the Islamic Revolution, some intellectual and political currents discussed the concept of development. In the wake of continuing discussion on development, liberal development discourse arose from the intellectual and political currents of the 70th. In this article, we want to show how the concept of development appeared, why it was rejected by some groups, and what happened to its meaning. Design/Methodology/Approach: In this regard, we can pay attention to the works of Mahmud Sariolghalam & Mouse Ghaninejad for a deeper understanding of the intellectual and political content of liberalism in Iran. Development discourse tries to articulate main concepts such as small government, freedom, market economy, and human rights. This study tries to examine the development discourse by using discourse analysis. Findings: The mail question of this article is this: What is change from the perspective of liberal development discourse? In response to this question, it can be said: the change consist of the process of modernization and transition from traditional society to modern society. This means “liberal modernization”. The main element of liberal current is the optimization of liberal system, economic competition and a minimum role of state in domestic politics and international trade. The supporters of liberal current pay attention to change and modernization, and hold an optimistic view of new western civilization. They believe that in failure to reach development, determinant factors are domestic factors such as wrong thoughts and beliefs of Iranian culture. Originality/Value: In this article, we investigate liberal development discourse and try to establish a relationship between liberal current and development. This current defends a systematic liberal perspective and a competitive economy. The Adherents of this current believe that the state intervention in economic activities must become very minimal.
Seyed Asghar Keyvan Hoseini; tayebeh Mohamadikia
Abstract
ISIS could put into reality an idealistic and old-fashioned concept of Caliphate for the first time after the collapse of its last version, Ottoman caliphate. It also tried to turn the theory into an ideology by which the group was excepting to establish a state with the main aim of overcoming the dominancy ...
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ISIS could put into reality an idealistic and old-fashioned concept of Caliphate for the first time after the collapse of its last version, Ottoman caliphate. It also tried to turn the theory into an ideology by which the group was excepting to establish a state with the main aim of overcoming the dominancy of western civilization both over the region and the world. Based on this, the group tried to purpose a new approach toward political Islam idealism and Arab-Sunni fundamentalism in order to make it suitable for an effective fight with its enemy not as partisans but as a state. It shows that the study of the phenomena of ISIS not only as a practice in the range of real politics, but also as an ideological effort in the theoretical sphere is important and notable. There is a theoretical benefit in doing research on the way ISIS state (as an alternative for the westernized states) is formed. Based on this, this paper intended to study the concept of state in ISIS through the application of discourse methodology. After the explanation of the method, it focused on Salafi discourse as a source of ISIS ideology. Then the concept of power in this discourse is explained. Finally it showed how this concept is formulated and articulated within the framework of ISIS discourse to justify both its legitimacy and actions as a state actor.
Valiallah Vahdaninia; Masood Darodi
Abstract
The characteristic of classical public policy was the will to power by a government that authoritatively and centrally formulated its policies and implemented them in the society under its control. With the increase of emerging problems and challenges that are affecting other problems in a complicated ...
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The characteristic of classical public policy was the will to power by a government that authoritatively and centrally formulated its policies and implemented them in the society under its control. With the increase of emerging problems and challenges that are affecting other problems in a complicated and rhizome- like way, the complexity of the government's actions and their consequences has doubled as governments are forced to make changes in the nature of their public policy. This paradigm shift aimed at enhancing the capability and promoting government action in policy design and implementation implies a decentralized and network approach rather than a centralized and government-based one, an approach that focuses on a broad set of policy tools or technologies for public action, rather than the "institution" and "program", to solve public issues. More recent experiences are more inclined to the topic of 'policy baskets' or the arrangement of tools in 'policy blends' that form the content of a toolbox from which governments can choose and construct public policies. The present article, by adopting an epistemological approach, narrates the dimensions of this paradigm shift in identifying new public policy approaches; an attempt to understand the late logic of public policy knowledge based on the recreation of the role of government that has led to the emergence of new forms of network, multilevel and multipurpose governance.
Morteza Manshadi; Sara Akbari
Abstract
Political development, in the sense of expanding partnerships and ideological competition in the political arena, at least at the elite level, requires institutions, organizations and developments in the structure of traditional society. In the first Pahlavi period the programs for the modernization ...
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Political development, in the sense of expanding partnerships and ideological competition in the political arena, at least at the elite level, requires institutions, organizations and developments in the structure of traditional society. In the first Pahlavi period the programs for the modernization created the field, provided social political developments and, to some extent, the possibility of political competition and participation was provided. But the emergence of an absolute government stabilized a major obstacle to expanding partnerships and competition and reproduced authoritarianism. This paper tries to rely on the text of the negotiations of the sixth to twelfth sessions of the National Assembly, and based on the fact that the type of government and political system is directly related to the realization or non-fulfillment of political development, the concept of political development in the first Pahlavi period (1320-1304) was assessed. By selecting the model of "Bernard Crick ", the authors have presented the concept of political development in the context of the negotiations of the National Assembly of this period and in the light of the description of the historical context. Revising the text of the talks based on the model of the Crick, it is argued that the construction of the government, along with the presence of the parliament, which, in the eleven cases of the model under consideration, confirms that the government is absolutism, can be considered as one of the main reasons for the failure of political development.
Political Thought
Sajjad Chitfroush
Abstract
The modern state is among the major political institutions that encompass all dimensions of human life. Despite its useful aspects, this institution, drawing from foundations that may diminish human freedom in its interaction with individuals, ultimately hinders the growth of human thought and the revelation ...
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The modern state is among the major political institutions that encompass all dimensions of human life. Despite its useful aspects, this institution, drawing from foundations that may diminish human freedom in its interaction with individuals, ultimately hinders the growth of human thought and the revelation of the true essence of humanity. The historical experience of Western countries and the subsequent spread of this thinking to other nations have led many thinkers to critically examine various aspects of the Modern State, aiming to reform and evolve it into a theoretical framework. One of the most important critics and theorists of the Modern State, adopting a humanistic approach, is Hannah Arendt.
Some of the most important research on the critique of the Modern state includes:
Steven E. Aschheim, in the book "Hannah Arendt in Jerusalem," examines Arendt's controversial views on the Eichmann trial and also discusses the nature of justice and the Modern State. The focus is primarily on the case study of Eichmann, without providing a comprehensive framework for Arendt's critical thinking on the existence of the Modern state.
Richard King, in the book "Arendt and America," analyzes Arendt's interaction with American political thought and critiques of the Modern State. The emphasis is on the political and societal features of America, with limited philosophical discussions.
Dana Villa, in "The Cambridge Companion to Hannah Arendt" gathers articles from researchers addressing various aspects of Arendt's political philosophy, including her critique of the Modern state. However, direct critiques of Arendt on the Modern state are the focus of only one article, and the overall article leans more towards a review of Arendt's critiques without presenting a philosophical argument.
While foreign research on Arendt's critique of the Modern state differs from the present study in several aspects, the most notable differences lie in the lack of explicit attention to existential aspects of criticism and the relatively limited exploration of the pragmatic aspect and establishing a conceptual relationship between these two aspects in the research. Additionally, the presuppositions of researchers in geography-based or ideologically-specific research have not been explicitly stated, and interested readers can refer to the following sources for examples of such research.
Examining books and articles written about Arendt within the country also indicates limited research on government in her thought. One of these articles, titled "Politics and Existentialism" by Dr. Mostafa Younesi and Ali Tadayyon Rad, explores the connection between politics and existentialism through the discussion of "action" and considers the role of politics and government institutions in creating a space for human growth.
Another article, titled "Political Order in the Thought of Aristotle and Hannah Arendt and Critique of Its Place in the Present Era" by Seyed Javad Emam Jom'ehzadeh and Ali Tadayyon Rad, argues that political order in the modern era has found a different definition and, contrary to the past, where political order aimed at the excellence and happiness of society, current affairs are mundane and lack a metaphysical position in modern thought. The author aims to challenge modern political order through a reevaluation of Arendt's ideas.
Although foreign articles have extensively addressed Arendt's critiques of the Modern State, this study innovatively focuses on differentiating existential aspects from non-existential ones. The innovation lies in initially critiquing the political philosophy of the new West from Arendt's perspective and suggesting her alternative. This study, using a descriptive-analytical method, first refers to Arendt's most important texts and books to describe her intellectual method (with an emphasis on epistemological discussions). Subsequently, it highlights the main indicators of the Modern state and, as a research framework, compares them with Arendt's theoretical-political views. One of the most important indicators of the Modern state is the existence of a unified authority and power within a specific geographic area. Another important indicator is the control of violent instruments by the Modern State. This political structure implies that superior power is not in the hands of individuals but is entrusted to governance through the use of legal structures and norms. One of the significant indicators of the Modern state discussed in this research is the bureaucratic and administrative structure where individuals are placed at various administrative levels based on their interests and competence. Nevertheless, critics argue that in this space of Modern state and bureaucracy, the freedom of individuals is compromised.
This article attempts to present Hannah Arendt's criticism of the Modern state based on her impartial perspective on government. Typically, the prevailing view of government tends to be biased. Using Arendt's impartial perspective, Pierre Bourdieu argues that the characteristic of this institution is the struggle for power among groups and different interests, often hidden behind a façade of impartiality and objectivity. The article aims to emphasize the importance of political action and the public sphere for human freedom from Arendt's perspective, demonstrating how the Modern state has weakened these values. Additionally, the article explores the conceptual frameworks of civic virtue and individuals' need for participation in public life based on Arendt's views.
Another overlooked point in most domestic research is the examination of Arendt's critique of the Modern state at a macro level, i.e., the critique of the Modern state itself. Arendt's criticisms are often focused on a limited scale, examining actors within political systems such as totalitarianism. However, it is essential to recognize that these criticisms, even when specifically addressing certain types of political systems, are presented under a political system that exists in the modern context. Therefore, the present article innovatively addresses this aspect as well.
This research aims to critique this extensive and significant institution using Arendt's perspective. Findings based on Arendt's principles indicate that modern philosophy has led to the separation of theology from nature, the expansion of positivism, and the excessive growth of a form of individualism. This has resulted in the Modern state becoming an extensive and harsh authoritarian regime, dominating economic aspects over political and cultural facets of human life. Arendt suggests that the only way to reform this extensive, inefficient, and dehumanizing institution is through gradual reform of people's interactions in the public sphere and the utilization of theories such as councils in political structures.
