Mehdi Zibaei
Abstract
It was expected in the light of Arab Uprisings that the authoritarian regimes gave way to the democratic ones and this changing had led to raising the potent states. But, it was resulted in forming the incapable state within the Arab republics and consolidating regime of the oil-rich monarchies. On the ...
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It was expected in the light of Arab Uprisings that the authoritarian regimes gave way to the democratic ones and this changing had led to raising the potent states. But, it was resulted in forming the incapable state within the Arab republics and consolidating regime of the oil-rich monarchies. On the one hand, shaping failed states in Syria and Yemen put the Middle East regional system on the verge of collapsing. On the other hand, quelling protests by Saudi and Bahrain regimes showed that in these societies there is not any organic relation between authorities and crowd. By and large, the modern state not only bears central authority in the home but is the first actor in the international milieu. It has a significant role in keeping order within the country and forming the balance of power in the international realm. Therefore, by taking more information about the quality of relationship between the Arab uprisings and state as an entity one makes more perception over the Middle East international relations. This essay seeks to comprehend the impressions of Arab uprisings on the state that went through changes. Again, this work is tried to study this relation through the Historical Sociology of International Relations (HSIR)' lenses.
Arash Beidollahkhani
Abstract
Value, credibility, dignity, soft power, advantage, profit, power and ... are attached to the name of the country with the positive image. The value of the perceptual image of the nation and the country is like the invisible golden. One of the important facts about that is the competition between citizens ...
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Value, credibility, dignity, soft power, advantage, profit, power and ... are attached to the name of the country with the positive image. The value of the perceptual image of the nation and the country is like the invisible golden. One of the important facts about that is the competition between citizens and ordinary people in the world, for access to the name and passport of a credible country. Nowadays, South Korea's name along with an industrial product or cultural production gives the valuable power to that production. Accordingly, the main question of the present research is that what is the most important factor in the success of the Korea's nation branding and Korea's positive image around the world? This paper tries to explain and conceptualization of the nation branding field and then examines the construction and policy of nation branding spread of Korea by Korean wave. This paper emphasizes that the most important factor in the success of Korea's global image and management of its reputation is the strategic institutionalization.
Abolfazl Delavari
Abstract
Problem: The continuation and increasing intensification of the Contentious politics in contemporary Iran, which is an endless revolutions chain, coups, movements, uprisings, and political rebellions, have shown questions about the grounds and roots of this type of politics. In existing studies, the ...
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Problem: The continuation and increasing intensification of the Contentious politics in contemporary Iran, which is an endless revolutions chain, coups, movements, uprisings, and political rebellions, have shown questions about the grounds and roots of this type of politics. In existing studies, the roots of political conflicts in Iran have been attributed either to the state or social cleavages. As far as the role of the state is concerned, it is usually focused on its structural aspects. This article omits the discussion about the structure of the state and focuses only on the functioning of the stateQuestion: The question of the article is: What is the relationship between the continuation and intensification of Contentious politics in contemporary Iran with the practical priorities and orientations of the state in different periods of the contemporary Iranian history?Hypothesis: The hypothesis of the article is that the continuation and intensification of the Contentious politics has been caused by the imbalances and crises caused by the practical priorities and orientations of the state in different periods of contemporary Iranian history. Method: In this article, the method of secondary analysis of historical data is used. Based on the data available in the historical sources, first, the process of the state's performance and priorities in different periods of contemporary history have been identified. Second, the process of accumulation of conflicts and conflicts arising from these performance and priorities has been shown. Third, the relationship between the two mentioned trends is shown. Finally, by using the "ideal type" method, an attempt has been made to design and present a model of the state, which seems to be able to reverse the process of conflict politics in Iran and lead to reconciliation politics.Findings: The findings of the research indicate that over the last two centuries, five different models of state (in terms of orientation and performance) have been effective, which are: self-rebuilding state, nation-building state, developmental state, redistributor state and expansionist state. Of course, this does not mean that the ruling states have only one of these functions at any time; Rather, there has often been some kind of overlap in two or three functions, but at each point, one orientation and function has been the priority and focus of the state's attention. "Self-rebuilding state" appeared in a defective and discrete form during the Qajar era, but in a serious and effective way in the first decade of Reza shah’s rule (1921-40). The "nation-building state" also emerged weakly in the years after the constitutional movement, but seriously and effectively in the last decade of the Reza shah’s rule (1931-41). "Developmental state" emerged faintly in the second decade of Reza shah’s rule (1931-41), and seriously and effectively in the last fifteen years of Mohammad Reza shah’s rule (1962-78), and in the years after The Islamic revolution also took place in some periods such as the presidency of Rafsanjani (1989-96). The "redistributive state" appeared faintly in the last fifteen years of Mohammad Reza shah’s rule (1962-78) and more seriously and effectively in the first decade after the Islamic revolution (1979-88). Finally, the "expansionist state" appeared first in the last years of Mohammad Reza King’s rule (1973-78) and then more seriously and widely in the years after the revolution, especially in the last two decades (2001-2022).Analysis and Discussion: The analysis of the findings of the article showed that: in each of these five models of state, although they had some progress in realizing their main goals and priorities, but in addition to the historical delay in the desired orientation, there were failures in the same orientation. Selecting of the orientations have resulted of disproportionate strategies and policies by each of these states has also created new problems, conflicts and criticisms. In other words, the five patterns of the state have created a vicious cycle of crises, conflicts, instabilities and political violence and a chain of interruptions and breaks in the process of political, social and economic developments and It has resulted in the accumulation of crises in today’s Iran.Conclusion: The results of the article showed that the way out of the current state of Iran is the establishment of a state Patterns that can be called a "conciliatory state". Such a state must first of all emerge from within a comprehensive social contract. Then, based on democratic and efficient institutional arrangements and a coherent legal system, the main priority and goal should be to solve the conflicts affecting the country. This state should accept pluralism and competitive mechanisms in different political, economic, social and cultural fields. This state instead of authoritarian interventions in different fields, should be the guardian of territorial integrity and people's security, and only where the competitive mechanisms face problems with inadequacies and conflict of interest, it should intervene in the framework of democratic laws and mechanisms to compensate for, settle differences and conflicts Resolution, and establish and reproduce social balance and political stability.
Mohammad Amir Ahmadzadeh
Abstract
Purpose: By analytical methods and verification sources, we interpreted that the nature and function of government can be analayzed "government as take over" via reorganization of a historical statements. By Referring to historical statements, this approach will prove because the Seljuks in the beginning ...
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Purpose: By analytical methods and verification sources, we interpreted that the nature and function of government can be analayzed "government as take over" via reorganization of a historical statements. By Referring to historical statements, this approach will prove because the Seljuks in the beginning of his rule paved by sword and dominance on Iran, have not has non-Iranian origin and despite the deployment of Iranian bureaucrats, administrative elite lost their lives in a power struggle. Design/Methodology/Approach: In the structure of political power and its relations with society and the nature of government in Nizam al-Mulk era can be rotated on the principle of centralization of power mostly nature's owner named Malik- al roqab. The problem of my article is: Why and by affected of which Components created the socio-cultural and political power relations with productive forces of society in the era of Nizam al-Mulk? Discuss the issue and approach research questions based on the pattern of historical sociology. Our goal in this context is relation between reason on the behavior and performance of the state of Nizam al-Mulk with the theoretical approach as a takeover of government affairs. The objective is to evaluate the performance of the network and power relations, and behaviors by examining the behavior of ruling the state of Nizam al-Mulk by using of micro analysis. Findings: 1. they were dominated a model of production which were based on nomadic life, developed land authorization pattern, dropped the possibility of accumulation of capital and its circulation in spite of economic development and expansion of land under significant. So, there were not stages of evolution and mutations at this point in history. In fact, all of great events that occurred only within a closed circle which was controlled by government. Government was strengthen by adopting and Arbab- Farmhouse in economic, social and political scene. Centralized state caused by Nizam al-Mulk took advantage of the situation to institutionalize its dominance but for transition to constitutional change didn't occur a mutation making 2. At Nizam al-Mulk period, despite of traditional distribution of power in the subsidiary states of Empire reproduced the absolute nature of the state and its model of soverign sustained in the administration scene. The main factor which rebuilds it was the emphysis on Justice Component means preserving the existing balance of power around Sultan. The balance of justice asserts that anyone stay in their place. Originality/ Value: this article concluded that historical sociology of state and ite relation with social structure and production model at Nizam-al Molk era showed us that some elements prevented in evaloution of economical structure despite of huge action and acts in this sphere. Primacy of justices on freedom have the main role of Prevent the development and mutation.
Mandana Tishehyar
Abstract
Purpose: The East Asian region includes countries that mostly became independent after the Second World War and were established as newborn countries. Although the traditions of governance in most of these countries are as long as history, these nation-states have followed the policies of political development ...
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Purpose: The East Asian region includes countries that mostly became independent after the Second World War and were established as newborn countries. Although the traditions of governance in most of these countries are as long as history, these nation-states have followed the policies of political development as a part of their developmental policies in general during the last decades. While the Western models of development offered a typical pattern for developing political institutions, the East Asian countries, however, have applied their own models of political development in the political structures of their societies. These models are mostly rooted in the Oriental traditions of governance, and they construct a political identity for the citizens, agents and political elites based on cultural and social values.
The main purpose of this research is to analyze the model of political development of the state in South Korea based on political development theories. The question is how South Korean policy-makers have made a unique model of development based on cultural, social, economic and political heritages of this country.
Design/Methodology/Approach: The author will also examine the level of political development of the state in this country based on the criteria of classical theories of political development, such as the role of political elites, urbanization, literacy level, sociocultural features, the economic situation, foreign pressures and the like.
Findings: One of the most important elements that played a key role in shaping the political structure of government in South Korea is regionalization of politics in this country. The author has tried to explain the impact of this phenomenon in the process of political development of the state in South Korea.
Another factor, which has a certain degree of influence on the political culture of the South Korean society, especially among political activists and policy-makers, is the teachings of Confucius. As the mentor of millions of East Asian people, Confucius argues that people should obey the governors and the rules must be responsible for bringing peace and stability to the society. This idea was accepted by many rulers throughout history and prepared a suitable ground for creating semi-authoritarian states ruling over this region for centuries. Still, we can witness the impact of such an approach on the South Korean society. In fact, the influence of the political traditions of governance in the South Korean society is undeniable.
The impression of political competitions between the East and the West blocs during the Cold War and the South Korean tendency toward the Western bloc is also evident in the political development policies of the state in this country.
Value: Regarding the above-mentioned elements, the author argues that the historical features and political culture of the South Korean society have played an important role in the foundation of the structure of political development of the state in this country.
Ehsan Lashgari Tafreshi
Abstract
After the coming of the Pahlavi regime, with the formation of nation-state in Iran, centralized governance apparatus was only continuation pattern in governing in the contemporary era. For understanding the reasons of continuity the centralized governance pattern in Iran, there have been raised many ...
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After the coming of the Pahlavi regime, with the formation of nation-state in Iran, centralized governance apparatus was only continuation pattern in governing in the contemporary era. For understanding the reasons of continuity the centralized governance pattern in Iran, there have been raised many debates in the field of sociology and political science. But political processes, including the feature of governance, also affect by geographical situation and any emerging phenomenon in a country, including the features governance is basically influenced by the natural and human dimensions of country. In this regard, political geography views are against theories that believe that evolution of societies pass through the same stages. In this paper, with the descriptive-analytical approach, have been struggled to explain the most important geographic indices for continuity of centralized apparatus in Iran. A new perspective has been posed on the causes of the centralized governance emergence in Iran. Findings research reveals that the slowdown of the spatial and structural distribution of power in Iran produced from geographical factors such as increasing the share of oil revenues in generating public expenditure and developing the rendering government. Also, Inappropriate dispersal of biological resources and ecological needs has been caused more need for greater role the government in improving the viability of unplanned areas.
he.shahriari@gmail.com he.shahriari@gmail.com
Abstract
Characteristics of state in Iran has attracted some of political scientists’ attraction since past times; therefore, various theories, including Patrimonial, Neo-Patrimonial, Sultanism, Absolutism, Rentier, Quasi-Modernity, Eastern Despotism, etc., have been proposed to examine the characteristics ...
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Characteristics of state in Iran has attracted some of political scientists’ attraction since past times; therefore, various theories, including Patrimonial, Neo-Patrimonial, Sultanism, Absolutism, Rentier, Quasi-Modernity, Eastern Despotism, etc., have been proposed to examine the characteristics and features of contemporary states in Iran. Most of the theories about the features of the state in contemporary Iran are mainly general, theoretical and qualitative, each dealing with the characteristics of the state in contemporary Iran from a particular angle or point of view. Contrary to other theories and works, which are largely general and based on the levels of theoretical analysis, the present paper seeks to begin with the question of what constituted the structural features of government after the Islamic Revolution (until the early 1990s). In this regard, this paper attempts to respond to this by proposing a case study of the relationship between the growth of the new middle class and the process of democracy development in Iran after the Islamic Revolution, on one hand, and the role of the state in influencing this relationship on the other hand. The process and findings of this survey, which are mainly exploratory and structured, show that the government in Iran after the Islamic Revolution has both rentier and ideological features.
Elham Rasooli Saniabadi
Abstract
Most of the foreign policy analysts believe that president Obama has neglected the importance of Middle East region in the US foreign policy. They argue that the most important sign of this ignorance is non military intervention in Middle East region’s revolutionary states by the US. But contrary ...
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Most of the foreign policy analysts believe that president Obama has neglected the importance of Middle East region in the US foreign policy. They argue that the most important sign of this ignorance is non military intervention in Middle East region’s revolutionary states by the US. But contrary to this viewpoint the main assumption of this essay on the basis of the sociological approaches of International Relations is that president Obama as the rational actor as the result of complex learning instead of simple learning tried to socialize the revolutionary states in Middle East region on the basis of convincing and explaining but not military intervention. The first part of this paper talks about socialization and the second part about hegemon and revolutionary states. The third part is about the foreign policy of the United States in the period of president Obama. This paper ends with a conclusion. Data and information in this paper are gathered from different essays and the internet. This paper assumes that socialization in international relations is very important and foreign policy analysts and theorists of international relations should attend to this subject.
nayere dalir
Abstract
The views of Khadjeh Nezam al-Mulk have always been significant among the intellectual experts of political schools of thought, particularly the views in relation to organizing governmental relationship with people, all of which considerably affected the formation of the beliefs of future scholars. The ...
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The views of Khadjeh Nezam al-Mulk have always been significant among the intellectual experts of political schools of thought, particularly the views in relation to organizing governmental relationship with people, all of which considerably affected the formation of the beliefs of future scholars. The question is how and at which level Khadje Nezam al-Mulk has categorized these mutual relations of the governors and people? In response, this theory has been brought forward by the author of Seyr al-Muluk, using the “justice seeking” approach in three different levels explaining the relations of the governor and people. This categorization has taken into consideration their encounter with the Almighty God as the paradigm of Islamic ideology. First categorization is “choosing based on destiny decided by God” or “taghdiraat” in Arabic. The 2nd one is pragmatism, which relates to worldly responsibilities, and finally the 3rd categorization is accountability approach in regard to hereafter. In this research, through using the methods of “historical explanations” and the “textual interpretation” approaches, there will be a systematic review of the characteristics of each level of the categorization. The biggest challenge to all the levels will be the deep reliance of Khadjeh Nizam al-Mulk on the theory of “distribution of justice”, disregarding the theoretical lacuna of “power” on his writings most of which can be justified by the concepts of “requirements of the time” and the “authoritative power” of kings/governors.
Mohammad Radmard
Abstract
The second Pahlavi state has been the subject for many works so far. But in the meantime, less research has discussed the nature and form of the political system of this period. Now that, according to some scholars, economic development has been on the government's agenda during this period; by emphasizing ...
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The second Pahlavi state has been the subject for many works so far. But in the meantime, less research has discussed the nature and form of the political system of this period. Now that, according to some scholars, economic development has been on the government's agenda during this period; by emphasizing the issue of modernization, the form of the political system in this period of contemporary Iranian history can be examined. Edward Schiles is one of the thinkers who has categorized political systems from the perspective of development and with an emphasis on political development. Schills divides political systems into five categories: political democracy, guided democracy, modernist oligarchy, totalitarian oligarchy, and traditional oligarchy. Accordingly, the research question is which type of political system can be considered in line with the realities of the second Pahlavi state? It seems that in the context of the division of Schiles, the second Pahlavi state (1372-1357) should be considered as a modernist oligarchy. Thus, this research, while expressing the salient features of modern oligarchic systems from Schiles' point of view, tries to adapt the prevailing realities of the second Pahlavi period (1357-1332) to it. The application of this theory in this historical period can well show the ratio and degree of cooperation and accompaniment of dictatorship and modernization in some periods of a country's history and its cost-benefit. This research uses descriptive-analytical method and data is collected in a library.
Seyed Ali Mahmoudi
Abstract
The subject of this article is about the decision of Ban Ki-Moon, the former secretary general of the United Nations in relation to the threat of Saudi Arabia to stop all its financial support to the United Nations, if the secretary general does not remove Saudi-led Coalition from the annex I of his ...
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The subject of this article is about the decision of Ban Ki-Moon, the former secretary general of the United Nations in relation to the threat of Saudi Arabia to stop all its financial support to the United Nations, if the secretary general does not remove Saudi-led Coalition from the annex I of his annual report (2016) to Security Council. In his report, the secretary general explained the fact of killing and disabling children, and military attacks to schools and hospitals in Yemen by coalition. My attempt is to evaluate the decision of the secretary general on this issue by using conceptual analysis and critical evaluation as a methodology, regarding a dilemma of the moral interference on the basis of deontological ethics. In fact the secretary general confronted a dilemma concerning two options in this regard: first removing coalition from the report and preventing Saudis to stop their support to the United Nations; second, avoidance of removing coalition and confronting execution of the threat of this country. He chose the first option. Based upon deontological ethics, in my view, assessment of the decision of secretary general indicates that although he has committed immoral deed by removing the name of coalition from the report, nevertheless through preventing Saudi Arabia from executing its threat, his decision is in conformity with deontological ethics. Conversely, measures taken by Saudi Arabia and other member states of coalition using pressure and threat against the United Nations indicate immoral behavior, in addition to their individualist acts and disintegration of these countries regarding their international obligations as the members of the United Nations.
Ali Mashhadi
Abstract
n the case of the relationship between government and environmental obligations there are different views in public law theory. At least three approaches can be mentioned in the context of general task to which principle 50 of constitution refers. The first approach is based on the centrality of the ...
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n the case of the relationship between government and environmental obligations there are different views in public law theory. At least three approaches can be mentioned in the context of general task to which principle 50 of constitution refers. The first approach is based on the centrality of the state in protecting the environment and ensuring the right to a healthy environment (State-centric approach). This approach assumes that the market and the private sector are incapable of protecting the environment. So it is only the state that has the primary responsibility for protection of the environment as a general task. The second approach relates to the absence of the state in protecting the environment (Approach without government). In fact the emergence of this approach is because of the inability of the government to protect the environment. According to this approach the government cannot protect the environment propperly and experience has shown that some governments have become one of the violators of environmental law. And at last the participation approach is based on the idea of cooperation between the state and non-state actors and the citizens in the area of environmental protection and implementation of the related policies. In this paper, different aspects of this issue in the context of public law are analyzed. The basic assumption of this article is based on the belief that the environmental protection requires the government’s cooperation with citizens.
Political Thought
Kioomars Ashtarian
Abstract
Analyzing the structure of Constitutional law in the Islamic Republic of Iran can be used to identify the capacities of amending the Constitution and redefining the Iranian governance system. This article, with an institutional-normative approach, seeks to show the theoretical capacities of the constitutional ...
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Analyzing the structure of Constitutional law in the Islamic Republic of Iran can be used to identify the capacities of amending the Constitution and redefining the Iranian governance system. This article, with an institutional-normative approach, seeks to show the theoretical capacities of the constitutional movement on the one hand and the capacities of Mantaghato-laugh (Free area of Islamic regulation) on the other hand to review the Constitution of the Islamic Republic. In Iranian governance, the distortion of the national division of institutional tasks in the form of bureaucratic-tribal monarchy has been widespread in the governance structure. As such, the structural differentiation of social spaces, which leads to the logical separation of religion from public policies, has been ignored. This is while the concept of a “Free area of Islamic regulation” gives general directions to public policies that can return powers and duties to the people, to the government, and the parliament without compromising the legitimacy of the political regime. This article has several theoretical pillars that are used synthetically in connection with the main finding of the article. 1) order and power, 2) separation of powers, 3) legitimacy, 4) unity of religion and politics, and 5) constitutional orientation of public policy making. The main point of the article is that the theoretical capacities of these 5 pillars can be useful for analyzing the structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran's Constitution and revising it. First, with a normative approach, we have discussed the right to exercise power and the separation of powers (the first and second theoretical pillars). The fact that the constitution guides the operation of political societies is born from the idea that the government must protect the fundamental rights of individuals. The fundamental rights have a technical dimension that organizes the exercise of power and therefore creates limitations for the exercise of power. That is why separation of powers is considered a tool against abuse of power, prevention of tyranny, and a factor of national self-actualization, and according to Montesquieu, there will be no freedom without separation of powers. In terms of the third theoretical pillar of this article, it has been discussed that the relation of legitimacy and efficiency are closely intertwined in Iranian governance. In the Constitution, there are several principles that not only determine the direction of the policy-making systems but also lay the foundations of an interventionist government with full responsibility for the welfare of the citizens. As a result, public policies take into account the legitimacy of the political system, and in practice, the legitimacy of the political regime depends on its efficiency. This phenomenon has found an ideological facet in the shadow of the theory of Unity of religion and politics. With regards to the relationship between religion and politics in the Islamic Republic (the fourth pillar of the article), we are facing two aspects of political jurisprudence theory and legal tradition, which appear to be aligned but at the same time can be contradictory. On the one hand, legitimacy refers to the divine sovereignty over the world, and it is embodied in the Islamic Republic's Constitution. On the other hand, for some “official” theorists of the last two decades, this divine sovereignty has led to the acceptance of an approach called the theory of “discovery” and “designation”, which we call "revelation legitimacy". This revolutionist approach, in its essence, makes the legal processes of the constitution irrelevant, which means that at first, it reduces the role of experts to a passive role in the designation of Leader. The fifth pillar of the article deals with the "basic rules of public policies" and the issues of political structure related to public policies. The importance of this article is that it allows freedom of public policy-making to the citizens.
majid ostovar
Abstract
This article is aimed to explain transition to democracy by using some concepts of the theory of government elites, especially the notion of "transitional situations in Iran. From such a theoretical perspective one major question arises: what is the role of the government elites and the political field ...
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This article is aimed to explain transition to democracy by using some concepts of the theory of government elites, especially the notion of "transitional situations in Iran. From such a theoretical perspective one major question arises: what is the role of the government elites and the political field in the transition to democracy in Iran? In order to answer this question, we examined the hypothesis that the process of successful transition to democracy in Iran not only requires political elites who, in terms of structural solidarity and value correlation, are in opposition to the transition from the least harmony, but require a political field in which there exists a number of diverse civil, political, and economic institutions and parties and media. Therefore, from the perspective of the role of the government elites by studying the transition to democracy in the Islamic Republic and discussing the state of transition, its characteristics and factors, the present research tries to explain the relationship between the nature of the government elites and the political field and the transition to democracy in Iran. It tries to present an explanation of the different paths and outcomes of the transition. Thus the research shows that the transitional situation in Iran involves the consolidation of government elites and in order to achieve this, while reviewing the performance of the government elites in Iran, it highlights the main obstacles of the transition to democracy in Iran, and discusses about the ideological government, mass society, and the rentier economy structure.
Morteza Hasaninasab
Abstract
The main question of the present study is why the scholars of the Baghdad school, unlike their predecessors, allowed people to cooperate with tyrant sultan. The significance of this research goes back to the important evolution that has taken place in Imamiyya's political jurisprudence, namely, the conversion ...
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The main question of the present study is why the scholars of the Baghdad school, unlike their predecessors, allowed people to cooperate with tyrant sultan. The significance of this research goes back to the important evolution that has taken place in Imamiyya's political jurisprudence, namely, the conversion of the fatwa of the sanctity of cooperation with tyrant Sultan to the authorization and necessity of cooperation with it. The study first examined the views of the jurisprudents before the Baghdad school, and it was concluded that they regarded the state as the exclusive right of the innocent Imam and favored cooperation with the ruler of oppression. Subsequently, the conditions of the jurisprudents time of Baghdad work era have been analyzed to determine the factors that have revised their earlier jurisprudence and legitimized cooperation with tyrant sultan. The present study examines this shift in the views of Shiite scholars with Skinner's hermeneutics and identifies its causes. The result is that the changing norms of the sanctity of cooperation with the tyrant Sultan and its conversion to license, and even the necessity of cooperation by the Imamiyya scholars of Baghdad school, have been due to the changing conditions prevailing in Islamic society and an opportunity for Buyids to strengthen the Shiite religion and the status of Shiites. This study provides a background for future researches on the relationship of the change of jurisprudential fatwas in politics with the prevailing scientific, social and political conditions.
Zahir Alimoradi
Abstract
The decentralized organization pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran provinces, along with a variety of public services and climatic, ethnic, cultural and religious differences, have made the country encounter a number of problems. It is evident to everyone that decentralization is one of the most ...
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The decentralized organization pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran provinces, along with a variety of public services and climatic, ethnic, cultural and religious differences, have made the country encounter a number of problems. It is evident to everyone that decentralization is one of the most effective actions for the development of countries; however, the implementation of decentralization policies has not been successful in Iran’s provinces. In this research, the realization of local self-government is regarded as an aim for decentralization at the provincial level in order to scientifically identify the consequences of decentralization in the provinces. International status, geopolitical situation, unbalanced development and ethnic and religious variety have made Iran a special case of decentralization; hence, this study was carried out using a hybrid method. After studying the research background, 16 interviews with semi-structured elites were carried out. By analyzing the results of the interviews through content analysis method, seven outcomes of the Provincial Self-Governance include: "General Prosperity", "Income Sustainability", "Partnership", "Economic Agility", "Rule of Law", "Efficiency in Servicing", and "Separatism" was extracted from 20 categories, 112 concepts and 353 primary codes. Then, the model test by modeling the structural equations showed that the local self-government of the provinces has positive consequences in the social and economic spheres, as well as weakening separatism, terrorist activities, foreign interference and strengthening the Iranian-Islamic identity.
Ahmad Golmohammadi
Abstract
Abstract In past decades of Iran, we have been witnessed a controversial disputes over nature of the state and its functions. After Islamic revolution, a new kind of statism was established upon a vague idea of the state. This vague and even contradictory idea of the state influenced reconstruction process ...
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Abstract In past decades of Iran, we have been witnessed a controversial disputes over nature of the state and its functions. After Islamic revolution, a new kind of statism was established upon a vague idea of the state. This vague and even contradictory idea of the state influenced reconstruction process of political system through defining institutions and organizations, and also policymaking processes. This ambiguity not only has resulted in some undesirable social, economic and cultural consequences but also has made difficult any critical evaluation of such institutionalization and policy making. Because of some ambiguity in defining of what is the state and what it must do, criticizing and evaluating of the state in Iran is difficult. Considering very important role of the state in social life and such enduring disputes, purpose of this article is conceptualizing the state according Weber’s outstanding definition: the organization which monopolizes legitimate violence over a given territory. In other words, it aims to argument for Weberian definition of the state through analyzing this definition. Methodologically, we use thematic analysis method for identifying essential features (or necessary conditions) of the state as a kind of institution. Based on such analysis, this article’s finding is that the state is a “special political institution”. Accordingly, first of all, the state is a kind of institution like other institutions that societies construct and reconstruct for guarding and improving social life through defining and enforcing rules. Secondly, this institution is not just an institution but a political institution that principally and mainly deals with political power. Being a political institution distinguishes the state from other social institutions that are not political. Moreover, this political institution is a special kind that deals with political power in a special manner. This feature distinguishes the state from other political institutions like gangs. Alternatively, the state uses political power or violence territorially (or in a given territory), exclusively (by trying to prevent others from any kind of using violence) and legitimately (by claiming such legitimacy). So, firstly and principally, the state is a political institution not an economic or cultural. Such findings may be very important for settling down controversial disputes over functions of the state in societies like Iran and especially for arguments against defenders of such vague statism. By resorting to such conceptualization, we can reveal ambiguities and even contradictions in official positions concerning nature of the state and its functions in Iran. In more concrete level, such a perspective will be helpful for evaluating and criticizing general and special policies originated from such a vague statism. For example, from this perspective, we can criticize economic and cultural policies that takes its legitimacy from a vague and even contradictory definition of the state. In addition, introducing this idea of the state will have cultural effects and will provide a very useful different perspective for ordinary people. If we accept that the state is first of all and principally a political institution for securing security by ordering force and political power using, legitimating of statism will be more difficult.
Abolfazl Delavari
Abstract
Purpose: Political instability is an issue that has always been attracted attention rulers and scholars. in recent decades to research on this subject has been developed. In Iran, the studies and researches on this topic are increasingly expending. However, this studies and research are not yet accurate ...
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Purpose: Political instability is an issue that has always been attracted attention rulers and scholars. in recent decades to research on this subject has been developed. In Iran, the studies and researches on this topic are increasingly expending. However, this studies and research are not yet accurate and methodically adequate. In additional, descriptive and explanatory theoretical framework or model that applied in this research are very old and inappropriate. For example, in most of these studies Saunders model used to belong to 197o. However, in recent decades has been occurred Significant changes in the socio - political sphere and patterns of political instability in the world. In addition, after revolutionary Iran's political opening and complicated political conflicts have increased the need for this type of studies. This paper is based on the premise that systematic and exact study of political instability require critical encounter with existing literature and to rethink the concepts, indicators, model and tools of measurement and analysis. Therefore the purpose of this article is to describe aspects of political instability.Design/Methodology/Approach: In this article in one hand criticized the concepts and indicators of political instability based on the inductive model (Ideal Type of political stability and instability). On the other hand, attempted to provide clarified concepts and useful indicators for assessing political instability based on the evidences of recent changes in the internal and external political environment. Therefore, in this Article we useful both axiomatic and Quasi experimental Methods.Findings: In this article, distinction political instability from synonym concept and categories such as political dynamic, political changes, political disorder, and political collapse. This article shows that a comprehensive and updated descriptive model of political instability must to be contains not only the indicators of of challenges and changes in Government and political regime but also political leaders and actors Such as rapid changes in political norms, attitudes and policies. Also in this model political instabilities have been separated and classified based on criteria such as type (violent or nonviolent), source (internal or external of polity or country) and target (structures or norms or actors or policies) of destabilizing evidences. And in measurement of level and dimensions of political instability we must attention on severity, extent. and frequency of destabilizing events.Originality/Value: This article concluded that political instability has both objective and subjective aspect. In measuring and explaining of political instability we must consider both of objective factors (such as political perceptions and culture, historical backgrounds and experiences of the political actors) and subjective factor (such as socio economic cleavage and political conflict) . We also must consider the changes and processes such as globalization, virtualization and mediatization of politics.
Hamid Sajjadi
Abstract
In Iran, a major part of the supporting measures of government to prevent social problems and support vulnerable groups and persons with disabilities, is offered through the Social Welfare Organization. Despite attracting the cooperation of civil society organizations in support of the disadvantaged ...
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In Iran, a major part of the supporting measures of government to prevent social problems and support vulnerable groups and persons with disabilities, is offered through the Social Welfare Organization. Despite attracting the cooperation of civil society organizations in support of the disadvantaged people and a wide range of agreements with other institutions, along with various services offered to the target population, Iran’s Welfare Organization still faces major shortcomings in achieving its goals. These challenges become more acute in the face of growing social damages. Therefore, evaluation of the management model of the Welfare Organization in order to address deficiencies and overcome the challenges is essential. In the present study, applying a qualitative method, the data are collected via interviewing and studying documents and evidences. Then, having adopted the thematic analysis method, the data were described, organized and analyzed. During the analysis of findings, eight categories related to the performance of Welfare Organization were identified. The extracted categories were drawn and presented in the form of a paradigmatic model as the functional challenges of the Welfare Organization of Iran. In the end, proposed strategies were presented in the form of three broad concepts of ‘the need to shift the approach, focusing on monitoring and surveillance and strengthening civil institutions and outsourcing.
Elaheh Sadeghi
Abstract
Gender policy in contemporary Iran has experienced many fluctuations, but it has generally brought about significant changes in the status of women. The question of this article is focused on political factors, especially the role of state, in these changes. Using a historical–comparative method, ...
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Gender policy in contemporary Iran has experienced many fluctuations, but it has generally brought about significant changes in the status of women. The question of this article is focused on political factors, especially the role of state, in these changes. Using a historical–comparative method, the present research shows that gender policy in contemporary Iran was influenced by three variables: the strength of the women’s movement, the state’s tendencies, and other positions of social forces. Moreover, gender policy has emerged under three distinct paradigms. First, the conservative paradigm, which stemmed from the weakness of the women’s movement concomitant with the traditionalist state as well as the resistance of conservative forces, has not succeeded to make considerable changes to the status of women. This paradigm can be seen in the years preceding the constitutional movement (1891–1905), during 1941–1951 (the 1320s Solar Hijri), and in some periods following the Islamic Revolution (1981–1988). The second paradigm, called authoritarian reform, resulted from the weakness of the women’s movement concomitant with the authoritarian state as well as the diminished resistance of conservative forces. This paradigm, seen in the years 1921–1941 and 1963–1978, caused significant changes in the legal status of women. Not accompanied by the participation of women, these changes could not firmly entrench themselves and at times relapsed into the previous stage. Third, the paradigm of democratic reform resulted from the women’s movement concomitant with the reformist state as well as the balance between modern and traditional social forces. This paradigm emerged in the early years following the constitutional movement and in the two post-Revolutionary periods known as construction and reformist, introducing relatively profound and lasting changes to the status of women.
Alireza Samiee Esfahani
Abstract
The main goal of the upcoming research is to analyze and read a piece of the history of "dominance and change" in Iran in the two decades of 1340 and 1350 AD, which in practice can be said to be a representation or a comprehensive mirror of the totality of state-society relations in the history of Iran. ...
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The main goal of the upcoming research is to analyze and read a piece of the history of "dominance and change" in Iran in the two decades of 1340 and 1350 AD, which in practice can be said to be a representation or a comprehensive mirror of the totality of state-society relations in the history of Iran. It is contemporary. Investigating the capacity of enforcing “Social control” and finally the ability and will of "social transformation" and the obstacles facing it, based on the theory of “limited State” or government within society" Jul. S. Migdal, is at the center of the discussion of this article. According to Migdal, in order to have a correct and accurate understanding of the government in the third world, one must avoid the transcendental approach and the myth of the "perfect" government desired by the statists, which puts the government in front of the society and is based on the algebraic zero-sum game between the government and society is, he avoided and paid attention to the approach of the government is a part or a piece of society. In clearer words, this view requires changing the focus of analysis from the government as an independent bureaucratic organization (structural view) to a "process oriented" view of the government in society. With this description, the main question of the research is why the politics of Mohammadreza Shah Pahlavi's social transformation in the form of the White Revolution (in the 40's and 50's) did not reach the desired result and finally the second Pahlavi faced a crisis of dominance? The findings of the research show that despite having a relatively high level of social control, the second Pahlavi government could not provide a more attractive and efficient survival strategy for the social forces and the necessary resources to support to mobilize the desired social transformation policy, therefore, it inevitably turned to the survival policy.
The State
Majid Ostovar
Abstract
Although Iran's contact with developments in the Western world can be found in the European travelogues of Iranians during the “Safavid” and “Qajar” periods, But Iranians' dealings with the West go back to the Iran-Russia War.When Iran's military forces were defeated by Russia, ...
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Although Iran's contact with developments in the Western world can be found in the European travelogues of Iranians during the “Safavid” and “Qajar” periods, But Iranians' dealings with the West go back to the Iran-Russia War.When Iran's military forces were defeated by Russia, “Abbas Mirza”, the war commander and Qajar crown prince, decided to increase Iran's military power by hiring military, medical and technical experts from Europe and sending a number of Iranian students to the West. As a result, from the beginning of the 19th century, reforming the educational system and importing technology and hiring military experts from Europe were the first actions of the crown prince to modernize Iran. So, from the beginning of the 19th century, reforming the educational system and importing technology and hiring military experts were among the first actions of the Crown Prince for modernization in Iran. The link between Iran's modernization and westernization created consequences and opposition in the country, and the traditional and religious system of education in Iran did not reflect it, and Iran's modernization faced complex obstacles. After “Abbas Mirza”, the other efforts of Iranian reformers in modernizing and reforming education in Iran continued with the establishment of “Daral-Funu”, School of Political Sciences, Missionary and “Rushdieh” schools until the formation of the constitution in 1906. But Iran could not benefit from a modern government and a coherent education system. This goal was postponed until the establishment of an absolute government during Reza Shah's period, and it was with the emergence of his government that the modernization of Iran in various dimensions with a focus on modern education became the fundamental goal of the new government.So far, many Researches have examined the performance of the first Pahlavi government and his modernization policies in Iran, but the studies have mainly focused on the government's identity building policy and less attention has been paid to the mutual effects of modernization and modern education in Iranian society. By examining the studies, the distinction and innovation of the current research is the explanation of modernization and education in the first Pahlavi government by relying on the theory of elitism. Based on this, the current research has tried to discuss and investigate the educational policies and measures of the first Pahlavi government, considering the cultural trends of modernization, such as the expansion of educational institutions and bureaucracy, nationalism and secularism. Therefore, the aim of the current research is to analyze the modernization and education in the first Pahlavi period and the fundamental change of Iranian society. The main question of the current research is; what changes did the performance of Reza Shah's government in the field of modernizing the educational system bring about in Iran? In order to investigate this issue, the current research has been investigated through descriptive and historical analysis. Historical analysis is a method that examines past records and documents to understand the past. In this research, by examining the actions and historical documents of the first Pahlavi government, an attempt has been made to analyze the modernization and educational policies of this period.As the findings of the research show, the constitutional failure in the formation of the centralized government of Iran was the basis for the emergence of the Pahlavi I absolute government and Reza Shah's authoritarian modernization in the country. Focusing on the political and military forces and the structure of the army, court and bureaucracy under modernization from above, his government started measures to transition Iran from traditional to capitalist and modern. One of the most important actions of this authoritarian modernization was the expansion of education in Iran. Accordingly, education in Iran during the first Pahlavi period was not only based on learning science, but had a dual function. On the one hand, the formation of citizens interested in the land of Iran in the direction of serving the country and loyalty to the king and the political system was considered, and on the other hand, the educational structure of the country in the service of modernizing the administrative apparatus in order to supply the strength of the newly established bureaucracy, nationalism, secularism and Westernization was placed. Although this view strengthened the central and inclusive government in Iran, the country's education system faced many challenges that continued for decades. The modern educational system, like the traditional educational system, relied on maintaining a large amount of information and strengthening memory and theoretical sciences that prepared citizens for administrative and managerial positions. As a result, since the beginning of the establishment of this educational system, we have witnessed quantity instead of quality and the efforts of graduates to gain status and prestige in the government and society.In such an arrangement, the cultivation of people with critical rationality and demanding citizenship is not considered, and the school, as a man-making factory, finds the task of making people in line with the ideological beliefs of the ruling regime. Emphasizing this demand, Reza Shah asked students and graduates to be obedient and patriotic people who serve the ideals of the political system. Because the first Pahlavi modernization lacked flexibility and acceptance of reforms from below, and with modernization from above, he followed educational policies in Iran and spread Pahlavi ideology in the society in this way. This ideological construction was indifferent to religious and local traditions and focused on the combination of Iranism and secularism in order to build a new Iran. On this basis, the new educational system was also used to build the ideology of modernization from above and did not pay attention to the educational functions and its compatibility with the local conditions of the Iranian society.
Mojtaba Maghsoudi
Abstract
War and peace are the reality of all ages of human societies, including multicultural societies centered on the institution of state. Whether peace is the product of state action or whether peace is a political reality and something that can be made or something that is unconscious and assumed, all these ...
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War and peace are the reality of all ages of human societies, including multicultural societies centered on the institution of state. Whether peace is the product of state action or whether peace is a political reality and something that can be made or something that is unconscious and assumed, all these questions try to examine the role of states in this context as the largest official political institution in peace. On each side of these questions, theorists and experts have been placed and have used various data and documents to base their assumptions. Some, perceiving peace as the absence of war, have considered states as the main agents of peace building in any society, and others have reduced the role of states in this regard by basing peace on the subconscious expansion of a particular culture. The role and responsibility of social forces, civic institutions and elites are emphasized.This article seeks to answer the question of what is the role of states in peacebuilding and reconciliation, especially in societies with cultural diversity? And what are the characteristics of these states? The article, in terms of nature and method, is descriptive-analytical research and the data collection tool is using the library method and the analysis of the findings in the framework of the qualitative analysis method is on the agenda. It emphasizes that addressing the issue of peace is not separate from addressing social-institutional responsibility and the continuation of the political fabric of states, and that despite the unique nature of any conflict, conciliatory states have a number of characteristics. Common such as; They have appropriate institutional capacities, inclusiveness, democracy and media, party and identity diversity, and a balanced economy.
Enayatollah Yazdani; Mostafa Qasemi
Abstract
Purpose: The aim of the present paper is to examin the features and characteristics of a failed state with emphasis on the failed state in Libya. The paper seeks to answer the following questions: "Under what conditions does a state end in failure? And what are the criteria of a failed state?" With regard ...
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Purpose: The aim of the present paper is to examin the features and characteristics of a failed state with emphasis on the failed state in Libya. The paper seeks to answer the following questions: "Under what conditions does a state end in failure? And what are the criteria of a failed state?" With regard to the situation in Libya after Gaddafi and the Libyan scene involved in multiple matters, the country can be regarded as a failed state. With the beginning of the Islamic awakening in Tunisia, crisis-prone countries such as Libya faced the awakening of the Muslims. In Libya, after 9 months of conflict between Gaddafi forces and the revolutionaries, the anti-government forces finally gained victory in August of 2011. Following the victory of the Libyan revolutionaries, a new stage began in the socio-political life of the country. At first, it seemed that the process of nation-state building in the country would be taken slowly and with slight ups and downs. However, despite such hope and earlier efforts, after the collapse of the Gaddafi government, not only a powerful state did not take the stage in Libya, two governments, two parliaments, two prime ministers and two ministers entered the scence. During these years, Libya has been torn in fighting between two groups, one of which claimed that they are the genuine revolutionary forces and the other claimed that they have been trying to restore the country to the path of revolution. In the true sense of the word, there is still no government in Libya, and the governments established after the revolution in this country have inherited the inefficiency of Gaddafi's failed state, and are now proceeding along the path of state failure. Considering the situation in post-Gaddafi Libya and many other factors, this country could be regarded as a failed state. Libya is now a country with a government so weak that is unable to provide even its own security. Design/Methodology/Approach: This paper is formed and based on the failed states theory, using the destructive method for exploring failed state indexes in order to examine the failed state in Libya in the post-Gaddafi era. Findings: The new achievement of this paper lies within the situation that when there is no ability to perform functions such as security, welfare, civil society, democracy and legitimacy, the government is in a state of bankruptcy and one is faced with a phenomenon known as a failed state. The situation in Libya is an example of such a state. Tribal tendencies, regionalism, weakness of state institutions, and insufficiencies in various areas such as proper military structure, consensus among the elites and the state, democratic culture and civil society, elites, religious scholars and leaders, control over lands, infrastructure for economic, and foreign intervention are all signs of a failed state in the country. Originality/Value: The failed state is a political body that has disintegrated to a point where basic conditions and responsibilities of a sovereign government no longer function properly. Loss of control, instability, inability to provide public services and interact with other states are the main characteristics of a failed state which is the case of Libya.
Ebrahim Eltejaei
Abstract
Purpose: Among the widespread views on the role of government in economy, an intermediate view introduces the most important priority for government as creation of institutional infrastructures. According to this view, the government has to create necessary institutional framework to facilitate markets ...
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Purpose: Among the widespread views on the role of government in economy, an intermediate view introduces the most important priority for government as creation of institutional infrastructures. According to this view, the government has to create necessary institutional framework to facilitate markets and private sectors’ operations. This important role is more vital for developing countries especially oil-dependent ones. A century ago, many obstacles against growth were visible in Iran. Among them, the most important ones were the lack of suitable institutional frameworks for market economy to operate efficiently. This paper is to investigate proceedings of Iranian government to establish institutional infrastructures during four decades since 1940. Methodology: This paper has a combined approach of historical and empirical analysis to identify the main proceedings of Iranian government to set up Economic Institutions during near four decades between 1940 and 1978.These years were concurrent to the beginning of economic development process at national levels. Findings: Investigations show that after unsuccessful, interrupted and sporadic efforts of statesmen during the 19th century and first quarter of 20th century, during the second quarter of 20th century, government volition formed to reconstruct and establish modern institutions and to spread them into national sphere. During the next three decades, the government focused on establishing new economic institutions. Among them, six proceedings are the most important: (i), Establishment of Plan Organization, (ii), Nationalization of oil industry, (iii), Land Reform, (iv), Establishment of Revaluation Loan Fund and Specialized Banks, (v), Establishment of the Tehran Stock Exchange and the Central Bank of Iran and finally, (vi), Implementing five long-run development and economic construction plans (including two 7 year plans and three 5 year plans). Value: This paper is to show the most important economic institutions established by the Iranian government at the mentioned period. This article showed that the government of Iran at the mentioned period proceeded to the establishment of important economic institutions each of which had their own sizable impact on Iran's economy. The main feature of these institutions is that, there were many arguments for and against them. It seems that among these institutions, land reform, nationalization of oil industry, establishment of Plan Organization and five long-run development and economic construction plans have got the most arguments for and against, respectively. Even today, many years after the birth of these institutions (although some of them have been transmuted), those arguments are continued. This paper's originality is to show the most important economic institutions established by the Iranian government at the mentioned period.
