Hadith Asemani Kenari; Seyyed Mohammad Tabataba'i
Abstract
For a long time, the only solution to ending disputes between countries was war on the battlefield and military option. In the midst of these wars, the most important military strategies were born and often used in other battles. But over time, states have found that warfare is a very costly activity, ...
Read More
For a long time, the only solution to ending disputes between countries was war on the battlefield and military option. In the midst of these wars, the most important military strategies were born and often used in other battles. But over time, states have found that warfare is a very costly activity, with massive casualties and financial losses. Therefore, conversation and peaceful solutions in form of Diplomacy was seriously placed in state's agenda. However, none of these ways (Strategy and Diplomacy) could alone bring lasting peace to the world. Therefore, the necessity of the emergence and importance of Military Diplomacy was more determined. The present paper seeks to examine the implications of military diplomacy as a new approach in explaining the strategic issues and to deal the role of this approach in foreign policy of the countries". The main hypothesis is that "military diplomacy is a new way for providing the military power to achieve peaceful purposes, avoid the military violence and increase deterrence," which has become a tool for achieving foreign policy goals, especially for the great powers. The studies have shown that "the adoption of such an approach will increase the ability of countries to pursue foreign policy goals and, consequently, increase their power and their role in international developments.
Somaye Hamidi; Hashem Ghaderi
Abstract
Opinion on the concept of state has a deep root in the history of western political thought. Although there have been brief and marginal studies in this area in ancient Greece, we notice more attention to the concept of state and its coordinates since the Renaissance. Germany, during eighteenth century, ...
Read More
Opinion on the concept of state has a deep root in the history of western political thought. Although there have been brief and marginal studies in this area in ancient Greece, we notice more attention to the concept of state and its coordinates since the Renaissance. Germany, during eighteenth century, is one of the most important arenas on this concept. As one of its thinkers and contemporary of Hegel, Schopenhauer has also paid attention to the issue of state during his discussions. The problem of the present study is the nature of state in Schopenhauer's political thought. The hypothesis of the present paper is that Schopenhauer's theory of state as opposed to Hegelian thought, rejects the totalitarian and the Hegelian ideal state on one hand, and, based on the rule of the concept of evil and how he views metaphysics in its philosophical apparatus on the other hand, takes on a minimalist and protective nature.
Political Sociology
Nejat Mohammadifar; Ehsan Kazemi
Abstract
Imagining government as a powerful and all-encompassing institution which effectively controls a geopolitical area has affected the basic role of this institution in the development discourse. Because the government is considered as the main basis of political, economic and social order, its representative ...
Read More
Imagining government as a powerful and all-encompassing institution which effectively controls a geopolitical area has affected the basic role of this institution in the development discourse. Because the government is considered as the main basis of political, economic and social order, its representative role is significant. Today, many thinkers and international organizations believe that the government still plays an essential role in advancing the process of development and poverty reduction but the problem is that always some governments have not been able or willing to play the expected roles. Many governments, due to various social, political, economic and structural reasons do not have the ability and capacities necessary for carring out development and poverty reduction, or basically do not show much political desire and will in this regard. Since the 1990s, those states that their governments lack the necessary ability to perform normal functions and lead their society to development have been known as fragile states. This is a concept that is more related to developing countries. On the basis of this, the main question of the current research is "what are the criteria for evaluating the capacity and willingness of fragile states in planning for development and poverty reduction?" The research method used in this research is systematic review and information are collected using library tools and internet resources. The theoretical framework of the research is based on Torres and Anderson (2004). From the point of view of Torres and Anderson, the development capacities of a government include the foundations of government authority, administrative capacity and efficiency, economic efficiency and the effective exercise of political power. A government that lacks these capacities or has these features just to a limited extent will lose its capacity and ability to advance development and reduce poverty to a large extent. In addition, from thier point of view, along with these features, the political will for development and poverty reduction must exist at the top of the government. In other word there should be an explicit political statement that shows the commitment and desire of a government to advance development and poverty reduction programs. As well, in this direction, attention should be paid to the existence of strategies, tools and motivations for implementation, so that services are provided in the best possible way and has the character of inclusiveness. Finally, Torres and Anderson (2004) present a fourfold typology of governments (weak willingness and capacity governments, strong willingness and weak capacity governments, strong willingness and capacity governments, and weak willingness and strong capacity governments) that can be used to identify the criteria for evaluating the capacity of fragile states in development planning and poverty reduction. The results of the research findings show that governments in fragile states could have a proper planning in order to improve development capacities and reduce poverty by strengthening the foundations of authority, effective exercise of political power, efficiency in macroeconomic management, administrative capacity for implementation, along with the political commitment to reduce poverty and provide comprehensive services. Based on this, the governments that have weak political desire and will, even if they have the necessary capacities for development and poverty reduction, will not succeed. Similarly, those states that have a strong political desire and will but lack the necessary capacities, will not be successful. In transition countries, where governments are usually more fragile, rapid changes may lead to instability. Therefore, it should be emphasized on gradual reforms and more accountability of governments in these countries. As the Iraq experience clearly shows, dramatic changes—including a sudden move toward fully competitive elections—in countries with weak cohesion, fragile institutions, and a history of intergroup hostility can be highly explosive and undermine the entire reform agenda. So, it is better to give priority to solidarity and security and gradually carry out broader reforms in the field of development and poverty reduction so that do not explicitly threaten the status quo. Limits such as increasing transparency and carrying out budgeting methods, strengthening non-governmental organizations, creating a strong civil society, strengthening public cohesion and trust, increasing income and reducing unemployment, improving the rule of law and the government's capacity to judge and implement it can improve relations between governments and people and provide the basis for other actions. It seems that the biggest determining factors eventually are the government, its leadership, policies and institutions; This does not mean ignoring the role of the society as sustainable development requires roles of both government and society. The development-seeking government and the development-seeking society, with their desire and high capacities for development, are the key to success in the advancing development and poverty reduction.
Homayoun Habibi; Khodayar Saeedvaziri
Abstract
Blockchain, as a new technology that has created the third generation of the internet or WEB3.0 in combination with the internet, has caused significant impacts on various dimensions of social life, including governance, and it can boldly be said that what we have seen from its effects on Westphalian ...
Read More
Blockchain, as a new technology that has created the third generation of the internet or WEB3.0 in combination with the internet, has caused significant impacts on various dimensions of social life, including governance, and it can boldly be said that what we have seen from its effects on Westphalian sovereignties is just the tip of the iceberg. Blockchain, with the help of its seemingly simple features of consensus, decentralization, and anonymity of users, has created a revolution in the communication among citizens worldwide, bringing what Mc Luhan called the global village closer to reality, beyond the control of governments. In this article, with a library method, we seek to find answers to questions about the opportunities and challenges that this new phenomenon has created and will create for governments.In fact, we are witnessing the governments weakening in the face of emerging phenomenon of blockchain, as part of the exercise of government is being taken over by individuals without the need for the government and using the blockchain platform. Governments also have no longer control and supervision over individuals operating within their own jurisdiction and doing so without revealing their identities because the design of blockchain allows users to operate under aliases and not to disclose personal information such as their name or email to use blockchain-based software.Behind this technological influence, naturally, as with any other technology that embraces social and political changes, there is a particular philosophy and worldview, and the main core of this idea in the use of blockchain to challenge governance should be considered as a philosophy called crypto anarchism, which was born over a decade ago before the birth of blockchain technology. The goal of this idea is to eliminate the need for intermediaries and regulators in the economic relations of citizens and to avoid any kind of dependency on them as much as possible. According to the power-averse cryptographers, this idea can be implemented by a decentralized and independent blockchain system.However, the degree of decentralization and the change in the concept of governance depends on how much and in what way this technology is utilized. In this regard, cryptocurrencies as one of the blockchain-based tools have provided an opportunity to create an independent economic system free from government and political borders that is impossible for governments to supervise and reduce their power to control monetary and fiscal policies as well as taxation.Amid all this, like any other technology, this technology has had unwanted consequences besides desirable results, including the reduction of the control of regulatory bodies on organized crimes like financing terrorism and money laundering, which have been facilitated by the use of cryptocurrencies and blockchain technology, and the support of criminals and terrorists. We have also witnessed an increase in organized financial crimes such as money laundering. For instance, in January 2014, the Federal Court of New York charged one of the most famous figures in the Bitcoin ecosystem, Charlie Shrem, with money laundering, accusing him of providing Bitcoins to users of an online underground market called "Silk Road", where various illegal items such as drugs, weapons, human trafficking, etc. were traded, and Shrem was the exchange broker for cryptocurrencies in this market.All of the above has led most international and national financial institutions to seek management and control of the space created around cryptocurrencies and, more broadly, the control of blockchain technology.In December 2013, the European Banking Authority issued a public warning to consumers and the general public stating that unregulated digital currencies pose various risks, including the potential loss of funds by users, as long as there are no regulations in place to protect them. Many other international and regional entities have also taken this path.In general, it should be said that although the weakening of borders and territorial sovereignty began with the expansion of the internet, the creation of blockchain technology should be considered a revolutionary movement against Westphalian sovereignty. Today, the issue is not just about performing certain tasks without regard to borders, but also about addressing many of society's needs through this method. When we consider the fact that we are still at the beginning of a long road in blockchain technology, we can envision the future in line with the ideals of crypto anarchism ideologues. Today, we are witnessing a growing movement towards the development of blockchain-based activities in both the private and government sectors. However, there are also challenges and difficulties on the path towards progress in this field, including the ongoing North-South gap in access to information technology and necessary infrastructure among countries. Ultimately, we must recognize that although blockchain has had a tremendous impact on challenging sovereignty, and it is predicted that this impact will only increase in the future, even the success of what is considered ideal by blockchain developers does not undermine sovereignty, but only affects effective governance.
Vahid Sinaee; Abol-Ghasem Shahriari
Abstract
The outbreak of World War II and the occupation of Iran on the pretext of the presence of German troops in this country had unfortunate consequences. The end of Reza Shah Administration meant the beginning of a new era in which absolute authority did not exist anymore. The deterioration of conditions ...
Read More
The outbreak of World War II and the occupation of Iran on the pretext of the presence of German troops in this country had unfortunate consequences. The end of Reza Shah Administration meant the beginning of a new era in which absolute authority did not exist anymore. The deterioration of conditions in the country prompted Iranian thinkers to speculate about Iran for the post-Shah era. One of these thinkers was Ahmad Kasravi. According to his many years of experience in the Iranian politics and his life experiences, Kasravi achieved to reconstruct the theory of government in post-Reza Shah Period. Hence; this article will examine the nature and specifics of post-Reza Shah Administration in Ahmad Kasravi’ thought. In order to answer this question using qualitative content analysis method, Kasravi's writings have been investigated from 1942 to 1945. The findings indicate that Kasravi, considering the existing conditions and pursuing a realistic approach, selected an elitist government and recalling what occurred during Iran’s Constitutional period and Reza Shah reign, he believes that neutrality in foreign relations, formation of an independent army, trying to inform people and considering Iran’s cultural conditions in legislation are this elitist government’ duties.
Political Thought
Mohammad Amir Ahmadzadeh; Farhad Baradar shad
Abstract
During the constitutional period changes, a new force emerged that and played an important role in the awakening of the people, familiarization with the West, and the publishing of the press, and also thought for a way out of the upcoming deadlocks. Iranian intellectuals came to understand Iran's backwardness ...
Read More
During the constitutional period changes, a new force emerged that and played an important role in the awakening of the people, familiarization with the West, and the publishing of the press, and also thought for a way out of the upcoming deadlocks. Iranian intellectuals came to understand Iran's backwardness through familiarity with the ideas of the new world, and by proposing and publishing new issues in Iranian society, they established different poles of thought that led to the mixing and even opposition of tradition and modernity. The epistemology of the reforms and the explanation of this new reading from thought to the fulfillment of an important precondition is stopped, and that is the knowledge of intellectuals and the fundamental components of their thought. This research, with a thought-oriented approach and documentary content analysis method, deals with the purposeful rereading of the works of Afrasiab Azad, the founder of Hezb Khuda and a traditionalist intellectual of the constitutional and Pahlavi periods, and by evaluating it through the logic of Skinner's contextual approach, In search of an answer to this central question, how is the position of nationalism in the works of Afrasiab Azad and its metamorphosis compared to his contemporaries and contemporaries, and how does this flow contribute to the establishment of the Pahlavi government? Free thoughts are evaluated in the context of the modernist thought of contemporary thinkers.The documents of Afrasiab Azad are available in the sources of purchase documents and in the form of about a thousand files in the repository of documents and national archives. A small number of documents attributed to Afrasiab Azad are available in the Library of the Islamic Council and the Astan Quds Razavi Document Center and have been indexed. An autopsy of a political gathering related to the bread riot in December 1942/Azar 1321 in Tehran has quoted an article about Afrasiab Azad's speech in this context. He has also mentioned the effect of modernization and de-religion in the chapter of westernized plays in relation to the conditions of this art in the first Pahlavi period and the important role of Afrasiab Azad as one of the initiators of the play. The purpose of this study is to put Azad's key concepts in the cultural and discourse contexts from which they were formed with Skinner's method, so that the advantage and validity of his thought can be put to the test. The aim of Skinner's methodology is to enable us to recover the historical identity and genealogy of each such intellectual history text. The guide to the content analysis of the data in this research based on this approach is, on the one hand, the internal logic of the intellectuals' thought system as a whole and a text, and on the other hand, measuring it with the external logic and comparing it with contemporary publications and press - including the magazine Iranshahr, Kaveh and Aindeh- will take place and the focal point is to pay attention to the recognition of opinions and goals, ideas and the thought system of Afrasiab Azad.The findings of the research aim to prove the hypothesis that the association of intellectuals from the intellectual spectrum of Afrasiab Azad led to the expansion of the acceptance of the discourse of authoritarian nationalism and the theorization of the legitimacy of the first Pahlavi government. With the reduction of modern components in the eyes of Azad in the atmosphere of political and intellectual obstruction of the Reza Shahi era, his influential social and political positions declined. In his works and publications, Afrasiab Azad was introduced as an orator, a freedom-seeker and a modernist of the post-constitutional era, who was later introduced as a writer, lawyer and playwright of the political and social genre. He used the ideas of modernism in his opinions to seek transformation along with the tradition and he believed in a form of moderate or reductionist modernism, which at the same time accepted the new concepts of antiquity and nationalism, and religion as well. He saw the base of social mobility and ethnic solidarity in the special political and social conditions of the post-constitutional period. This approach was interpreted and propagated in the service of authoritarian nationalism at the level of the government superstructure and the national unity of ethnicities and religions at the level of the people and the subalterns in order to gain legitimacy. Gradually, the modern ideas were transformed in his opinions and works and with the establishment of Pahlavi I, he only focused on describing and theorizing the existing conditions and the failure of the primary elements. The reduction and transformation of these ideas and accompanying the first Pahlavi government by Afrasiab Azad during the political and intellectual blockage of the Reza Shahi era, turned him into a messenger of the government's official discourse and led to the loss of his influential social and political base and the decline of his role. In the society of writers, a new idea was created.
