Abdolnaeim Shahriari; Leila Raeisi
Abstract
Today states have a vast network of international relations and have thus far managed to establish comprehensive mechanisms in some sectors of their relations. However, in the realm of foreign investment they have failed to establish such universal framework. In this regard, main questions are: whether ...
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Today states have a vast network of international relations and have thus far managed to establish comprehensive mechanisms in some sectors of their relations. However, in the realm of foreign investment they have failed to establish such universal framework. In this regard, main questions are: whether negotiation can lead to a universal agreement as to the conclusion of a universal treaty on foreign investment? What are the main challenges and obstacles facing this path? Generally speaking, if these negotiations are conducted in a systematic and harmonious manner along with clear definition of fundamental concepts as well as determination of the sensitive issues, then one could hope to be moving toward the said objective. However, the challenges and obstacles facing this path should not be neglected; several issues such as cultural and ideological differences, the atmosphere of negotiations, bureaucracy, differences in monetary currencies, all constitute examples of such challenges. Nevertheless, a general framework which can embrace the conflicting interests of states can lead to the conclusion of a universal treaty on foreign investment. In this respect, ensuring an acceptable transparency in the pre-negotiation stage and during the negotiations could eliminate the ambiguities which might exist in fundamental issues facing the foreign investment and will, therefore, help states proceed towards establishment of a universal mechanism for coordinating the system which governs worldwide investment and hence, further improvement in international economy.
Aliashraf Nazari; Borhan Salimi
Abstract
Purpose: In recent decades, the far-right populist parties and movements, after a recess (in Germany and Italy between the two world wars), have returned to the political scene of European democracy. Return of populism to the political scene of Western Europe in the form of far-right movements rooted ...
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Purpose: In recent decades, the far-right populist parties and movements, after a recess (in Germany and Italy between the two world wars), have returned to the political scene of European democracy. Return of populism to the political scene of Western Europe in the form of far-right movements rooted in the failure of the traditional parties in a sufficient and adequate response to issues such as globalization, economy and culture, speed and direction of integration in Europe, the issue of migration and immigration, the decline of ideologies, decreased interest in political participation and cynicism and distrust of citizens to politicians. Findings: In recent decades, Far-right parties not only have been able to present tangibly in the political life of their communities, but also have attained great successes in electoral processes. Extreme right-wing populism in recent decades is only a model of populism in political sociology. The elements and features of this model of populism are a romantic concepttion of the people, a charismatic leader, pessimistic view of democratic institutions such as political parties and parliament (the inability of these institutions in the realization of the will and sovereignty of the people), plain language, propaganda, political rhetoric, criticizing the ruling elite, conspiracy theory in speech and political literature, and the lack of a coherent program in various aspects. This model of right-wing populism can have significant consequences. It can lead to the serious obstacles to the process of integration of Muslim immigrants in French society. On the other hand, the strengthening of radical Islamism can lead to the spread of terrorist activities. Design/Methodology/Approach: In this paper, we use interpretive and analytical-theoretical method to discuss the French National Front as the most prominent representative of the extreme right in this country's political scene. Originality/Value: The main finding of this paper is that through new forms of communication, populist parties have been able to communicate with citizens and their representatives. Despair of traditional policies has drawn citizens’ attention to populist parties and movements. The combination of demagogic promises and slogans such as complete and real democracy, extremely hostile attitude to the ruling parties and immigration restrictations have shaped these parties and movements.
Aliashraf Nazari; Borhan Salimi
Abstract
The Gülen movement as a religious movement rose in the early 1970s and has enormous resources, millions of fans and thousands of educational institutions, culture and numerous media outlets in Turkey and worldwide. In recent decades elements such as democracy, tolerance, inter-religious dialogue ...
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The Gülen movement as a religious movement rose in the early 1970s and has enormous resources, millions of fans and thousands of educational institutions, culture and numerous media outlets in Turkey and worldwide. In recent decades elements such as democracy, tolerance, inter-religious dialogue and market economy have been included in the discourse of the Gülen movement. Different researchers’ emphasis on civil and modern elements of movement caused the ignoring of its undemocratic and deeply political layers. In the past decade, these features have created major challenges for the Turkish government and the coup in July 2016 has been one of the main examples. The main question of this paper is whether the movement can be a democratic and non-political Islamic movement. The hypothesis is that statist understanding of Islam, and the government's lack of preference for the rights of the individual, elitist tendencies, extreme centralization of organization, hierarchical structure, top-down decisions and absolute obedience and lack of accountability of the movement against criticism reveal the repressive policy, the authoritarianism and undemocratic nature of this movement.
Tahmaseb Alipouriani; Mokhtar Nouri
Abstract
The institution of the modern state, based on the liberal doctrine of social contract, has been questioned in the age of globalization by the formation of paradigmatic transformations of political thought from different think tanks. This kind of criticism of liberal discourse encompasses a range of critical ...
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The institution of the modern state, based on the liberal doctrine of social contract, has been questioned in the age of globalization by the formation of paradigmatic transformations of political thought from different think tanks. This kind of criticism of liberal discourse encompasses a range of critical thinkers such as Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida Giorgo Agamben, Jacques Rancière and others. But the critique of the state by contemporary thinkers is not confined to this category of thinkers, but communitarianism, with its thinkers such as Al-Sadir McIntyre, can be regarded as one of these critical schools of thought in the paradigm of contemporary political philosophy with a critical look at the most important liberal propositions of modern times such as individualism, state neutrality, universality of this kind of thinking and an emphasis on concepts such as communitarianism, virtue, state moral interventionism, and contextualization. The focus of this article will be to examine McIntyre's critical attitude towards the issue of "state neutrality." The question is, "What is Al-Sadir McIntyre's view of the institution of government? And what is his position on the neutrality of the state in liberal thought? "It is assumed that “First of all, McIntyre has no endorsing view of modern government and its grand narrative, and is in favor of communism. It also denies the impartiality of the state in liberal thought and advocates the rule-based interventionism of the state to moralize citizens ". Macintyre is a new Aristotelian thinker who emphasizes the restoration of virtue and prosperity in the modern age as it was in the classical Greek era.
Politics and International Relations
Hasan Sadeghian; Arastoo Fadaei
Abstract
Today, political analysts consider that the concept of "smart power" has developed as a result of the combination of "soft power - hard power". The case study of the current research confirms this claim; This means that Turkey, during the last two decades, to advance its goals and realize its interests, ...
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Today, political analysts consider that the concept of "smart power" has developed as a result of the combination of "soft power - hard power". The case study of the current research confirms this claim; This means that Turkey, during the last two decades, to advance its goals and realize its interests, has combined soft and hard power mechanisms such as the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency, the Public Diplomacy Coordinating Organization, the Yunus Emre Institute, the Radio Organization and Turkish State Television, Anadolu Agency, Organization of Turks Abroad and Related Communities, International Organization of Turkish Culture, Turkish Red Crescent, the Office of Religious Affairs, Turkish Education Foundation, etc. It is a powerful presence and gaining national, regional, and international authority, on the other hand, in the discussion of public diplomacy, beyond these motives, the provision of religious, humanitarian, ethnic, and security goals has been prioritized.In other words, Turkey's soft power has been effective in its various dimensions during the last two decades and has paved the way for the holders of this power [the Justice and Development Party governments] to have both authority, interests, security, and a kind of Cover the self-concept and the deepening of religious and ideological attitudes with the clothes of realization. So that the leaders of this country, realize this in choosing the field, apart from being in the peripheral regions, they also think about distant regions; Therefore, Turkey is one of the countries in the region that has paid attention to almost all cultural climates in the field of Islam and Muslims. Central Asia, the Caucasus and Transcaucasia, Southwest Asia, the Balkans, the Crimean Islands and beyond, the Horn of Africa, etc., have generally been exposed to the presence and cultural movements of Turkey in recent years.However, the source and origin of Turkey's soft power should be sought in the deep social, political, and economic developments of this country. This in turn is based on an effective combination of political strategies of the ruling political structures, which intensified the focus of politics on the individual, companies, and civil society organizations. This development included redefining the Turkish political language, giving a new role to business organizations and non-governmental organizations, and reanalyzing the relationship between Islam and democracy.It is obvious that along with the economic and social changes in the domestic sphere, the emergence and occurrence of important changes in the international scene, such as "the end of the Cold War and consequently the end of the bipolar system", and "Turkey's membership proposal in the European Union" are an opportunity. It provided new possibilities for Turkey, the most important of which was openness from the perspective of foreign policy and trade policy. Turkey's soft power discourse parallels the rise and fall of Turkey's foreign policy; Therefore, it has gone through different periods.So in the last two decades, when we are facing the single rule of the Justice and Development Party, Turkey's soft power has been influenced by the ups and downs of foreign policy. In other words, according to the political nature of the Justice and Development Party government and the process of domestic, regional, and international political developments, the weight and importance of the aforementioned mechanisms in securing national interests have been different. For example, in the first decade of the Justice and Development Party's rule, i.e. from 2003 to 2013, the role of soft power mechanisms such as Tika and Yunus Emre in smoothing the path of progress and development was much greater. But in the second decade, that is, from 2013 until now, with the beginning of the crises in the Middle East region and Turkish campaigns in areas of Syria and Iraq and the emergence of internal political problems in Turkey such as the Gezi Park crisis and the failed coup of 2016, the role and importance of mechanisms It has become more difficult to secure national interests. The presence and role of Turkish military forces in Syria, Iraq, Libya, Karabagh, and recently in Afghanistan confirms this claim.So, with the reduction of Turkey's decisive foreign policy and the reduction of international credibility, which served the political program of the Justice and Development Party, the credibility and importance of the discourse of soft power has been greatly weakened, and in a way, it has witnessed a shift in discourse, which means the decline of soft power and We are witnessing the emergence of hard power, in which the role of mechanisms such as the Red Crescent, the Crisis Management Organization, and the Armed Forces have increased exponentially. Regional changes and the failure of developmental policies in West Asia, the increase of radicalism and terrorism, the involvement of foreign powers, and the need to deal with increasing combined threats, etc., are the necessary reasons for the use of hard power at the disposal of Ankara. Contract. Turkey's activity in this sense is mainly based on four pillars:- Presidential system with extensive executive power and centralized decision-making process;- a domestic defense industry that increasingly meets the needs of the armed forces locally;- Trying to have strategic autonomy as a great regional power;- A professional army with a long history in multi-front combined wars. (found)The theoretical framework of the current research is based on the theory of "soft power" (theoretical framework) and in terms of methodology, the "process tracing" method has been used from the subsets of case analysis. (Method) In general Four types of "mechanism" definitions have been presented, each of which is concerned with [mostly political-social] issues from a specific dimension:Mechanism as the cause of an effect [the effect of choosing a certain set of preferences and requirements on social outcomes]; 2. mechanism as a mediating process, event, or variable [discovering the nature, substance, or internal structure]; 3. Mechanism as an indeterminate causal process [causal sequences linking events; causal patterns that occur repeatedly and are easily recognized, but operate under generally unknown conditions or with unknown results]; 4. The mechanism is an intangible thing that creates the result [events that change the relationships between some elements and components of the set; A set of interconnected components or elements that create an effect that does not exist by itself in any of the elements alone].In the current study, the definition of the fourth type, that is, "mechanism as an intangible thing that creates the result"; has been exploited. In this way, the main hypothesis is that Turkey's soft power supply mechanisms are considered as a set of interconnected components or elements that create an effect that by itself Does not exist in any of the elements alone. In other words, mechanisms such as Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency, Public Diplomacy Coordinating Organization, Yunus Emre Institute, Turkish State Radio and Television Organization, Anadolu Agency, Organization of Turks Abroad and Related Communities, International Organization of Turkish Culture, Administration of the Office of Religious Affairs, Maarif Foundation, Red Crescent, Armed Forces, etc. are an interconnected and at the same time separate complex that the realization of Turkey's soft power depends on their individual and collective actions.
Abbas Keshavarz Shokri
Abstract
The main question of this paper is that why capitalist welfare state faces crisis. This question will be discussed from Claus Offe’s point of view. The method of this research is documentary research. Therefore Claus Offe and other main theorists’ books and articles, like Martin Carnoy, ...
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The main question of this paper is that why capitalist welfare state faces crisis. This question will be discussed from Claus Offe’s point of view. The method of this research is documentary research. Therefore Claus Offe and other main theorists’ books and articles, like Martin Carnoy, John Keane, Clyde Barrow and Leon Lindberg are used for explaining Claus Offe’s opinions. For Offe, in capitalist societies the state develops in response to periodic crises arising from the basic contradiction in capitalist production: the increasing socialization of production and continuing private appropriation. These crises give rise to development of adaptive mechanisms both internal to the market (oligopolization and monopolization) and through expanded state functions. Offe sees the state as a mediator of capitalist crises or as a crisis manager. In this context, he addresses two fundamental issues: First, what is the relationship of the state to dominant capitalist class, that how it is guaranteed that the state will represent the social interest of capital, while at the same time appearing to be a neutral arbitrator of competition among capitals and between capital and labor. Second, what are the limits imposed on the state's crisis-management functions by inherent necessity to reproduce capitalist relations of production. Findings of this article are that: Claus Offe rejects two principal theories of the class nature of the state: instrumentalism and structuralism. Offe believes that any particular state policy, serves a particular interest of the state, rather than the class interest as a whole. The capitalist state must and will fulfill four functions to reproduce itself. This is what guarantees its class-specific selectiveness. These four functions are: First, the state cannot order production or control it. State cannot initiate noncumulative production in private enterprises. Second, the actors of the state apparatus depend for their survival upon resources derived from the private accumulation process. Third, the state therefore not only has the authority but the mandate to sustain and create conditions of accumulation. Finally, the state has to conceal and deny the three above functions. These contradictory functions will lead to crisis of the state. Offe's capitalist state cannot resolve economic crises in a permanent way. Although called upon to intervene in the capital accumulation process in a way that will preserve capitalist relations of production and willing – through its own institutional interest - but to do so, it is beset by the interests of individual capitalist obstructing this intervention, and by the demands of the working class and other labor constituencies on whom it relies for its source of power. The state is constantly trying to fulfill its capital accumulation function while maintaining its legitimacy. The contradiction – the functional need to pursue systematic needs of an economic and power structure which successfully resists the fulfillment of those needs - explains why reformist policies of the capitalist state seem to display the cyclical pattern of motion in which no point of balance, compromise or equilibrium is arrived at.
Ahmad Khaleghi Damghani; Hamid Malekzade
Abstract
For centuries one of the most important issues studied by philosophers and political theorists relating to the concept of state should be investigated in relation with the matter of education and politics. This issue has been, in a way, the first theoretical conjuncture regarding the politics in the ...
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For centuries one of the most important issues studied by philosophers and political theorists relating to the concept of state should be investigated in relation with the matter of education and politics. This issue has been, in a way, the first theoretical conjuncture regarding the politics in the ancient Greek, and studying state and related issued is still of much importance; this is up to the point which every question regarding the quiddity of state, politics, and concepts where these notions necessitate is the question on the qualities related to the education in a political society. In another words, every form of political dominance is directly related to the claims regarding state’s intervention in existing educational procedures in a society. I begin this article by an explanation on the quiddity of politics and also the relationship of politics to each one of us as its main subjects. Accordingly, I will try to explain the way what is known as community beyond the state is formed, as bedrock consisted of, in a way, spontaneous people, and the intervention of politics to orient this spontaneous being togetherness regarding authorities special recalling. At the end of this article, I will explain that why we should consider education as the most justifying factor of different forms of political authority, and a main factor in interventionist claims of the state in public daily life. This article is a discussion on political ontology which investigates the way ontological coordinates of politics take shape. The latter claim should be studied in relation to which relationship the authors of this article make between the meaning and politics. In a more accurate way for us, and regarding Edmund Husserl’s literature, meaning is politics objectivity. A space where everything in it, everything becomes political, is at last the meaning. It’s the very point where the study of power becomes a subordinate study. In order to explain this issue, we have provided a detailed discussion on political ontology of Carl Schmitt, Chantal Mouffe and Jacques Lacan. We hope this study can identify motif (origins) of the concept of the political, and after the conclusion it can show how education, fantasy in Zizek’s reading of Lacan, can provide the bedrock for special horizontal facilities in order to uncover the world, meaning in Husserl’s words, and through which it provides the antagonism (in Schmitt and Mouffe’s words). Through the use of possibility of shaping an inter-subjective and spontaneous understanding through the reductive actions of pure egos to the world (Husserl), we were interested to show that there is a form of being among each-otherness regarding the meaning that the main invigorator of antagonist identities in inter-subjectivity is imaginable without state’s intervention and politics. In this regard we’ve tried to consider the politics an objective issue (in a Hegelian sense) that takes the place of an external intervener confronting the reductive spontaneous-ness of the inter-subjectivity.
Hadi Sadeghi Aval; Hossein Mohseni
Abstract
From ancient times to the present, one of the great ideals of humanity, has been the ideal of peace and how to achieve it. For this purpose, have been used important tools such as rationalism, ethics and human communication. In the midst, prophets and religious missionaries have played a great role in ...
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From ancient times to the present, one of the great ideals of humanity, has been the ideal of peace and how to achieve it. For this purpose, have been used important tools such as rationalism, ethics and human communication. In the midst, prophets and religious missionaries have played a great role in drawing the idea of peace and directly or indirectly, or they themselves have pursued peace and altruism in the form of religious states or by linking religion and politics, they have led political rulers to avoid war and violence. Due to this issue, this study seeks to investigate this fundamental issue that Mani, who was one of the prophets of ancient Iran, how in his field of thought and action, emphasized the issue of peace and altruism in ancient Iran and in the structure of ancient states. Research findings that have been collected in a descriptive / analytical method, shows that Mani by promoting his religious beliefs, seeks to create a kind of state or religious rule that provides the metaphor of peace and altruism for human beings In order to achieve this goal, Mani uses various strategies such as interacting with other religions or drawing the beauty of peace and altruism with painting and music and he even believes that the ultimate struggle between good and evil is altruism and virtuous peace.
Ehsan Mozdkhah; Somayeh Hamidi
Abstract
Diversification of economic models is an Inevitable Necessity for Countries with one-sided political economy. Essentially, economic diversity allows governments to turn threats into opportunities and to use economic variables in the Power manufacturing. For this purpose, one of the countries that has ...
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Diversification of economic models is an Inevitable Necessity for Countries with one-sided political economy. Essentially, economic diversity allows governments to turn threats into opportunities and to use economic variables in the Power manufacturing. For this purpose, one of the countries that has used diversification in the economy in the framework of the knowledge-based economy model is Qatar. Emphasizing the convergence between government, industry and academia in a systemic cycle, the country seeks to increase its political power while changing approach to the hydrocarbon political economy, and as an adaptive actor has multiple options for empowerment and lays the groundwork. Become a modern developmental government. The Purpose of this article is to answer the question to what extent does the knowledge-based economy, as a new and empowering approach to economics and politics, play a role in creating a compatible development-oriented government in Qatar? The research hypothesis is that Qatar government, Will emphasizing the knowledge-based economy, Economic diversification approach and the model of Niche Diplomacy in Foreign Policy to build a Developmental State has followed. To test this hypothesis, the subject is placed in the conceptual context of knowledge-based economics theory. The method of data collection is library and the method of research descriptive-analytical. Based on the hypothesis test, the research findings show that Qatar has adopted a new developmental ecosystem to produce power and wealth simultaneously with the knowledge-based economy approach.The Persian Gulf region has always had many valuable natural reserves such as oil and gas due to its geo-economic position, and the countries of the region have a hydrocarbon political economy due to these geo-economic drivers. In recent years, some countries in the region, such as Qatar, in order to diversify their economic models, transition from a single-product economy and reduce the vulnerability factor, have developed new strategies and perspectives for the development and change of economic approaches, and are trying to apply the knowledge-based economy model as a model and the new alternative has been a development with international perspectives. The focus of Qatar's leaders and internal institutions to change the approach of a single-product and oil political economy to a knowledge-based economy that includes cooperation between industry, academic institutions and the government has been established in the country's upstream documents and visions, such as the Qatar National Vision 2030 document. The path of development in a region with chaos and tension and emerging as an effective regional and international order-making power has been taken into consideration from this point of view.MethodologyThe present Article through an analytical process method, and Data collected based on the library one.Result and DiscussionConsidering the problem of improving the potential of their political economy, Qatari statesmen have offered programs based on good governance model and participation at regional levels as a peace-making mediator, in order to generate wealth in the economy, produce power in foreign policy and apply an adaptive model. Qatar, as a small state with great international ambitions to diversify its economy and become a regional power and an emerging global power, has followed such an approach, and this approach has paved the path of Qatar's development, which is drawn according to the 2030 vision.ConclusionThe findings show that the patterns of political economy are evolving and based on those countries have achieved new models of development. Today, Qatar in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East region has created a new level of development for the transformation of the State institution by emphasizing the knowledge-based political economy. Qatar, as a small state with great international ambitions to diversify its economy and become a regional power and an emerging global power, has followed such an approach, and this approach has paved the path of Qatar's development, which is drawn according to the 2030 vision. The approach of Qatar's knowledge-based economy, along with generating wealth in the field of economy, includes political activism in regional and international foreign policy.
farjad nateghi; ebrahim towfigh
Abstract
In this essay we have studied the emergence and genesis of the Nationalization of the Iran Oil Industry Movement from a sociological point of view. We have also analyzed the formation of The National Movement through new power relations among the internal forces of State, Society and International Capitalism. ...
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In this essay we have studied the emergence and genesis of the Nationalization of the Iran Oil Industry Movement from a sociological point of view. We have also analyzed the formation of The National Movement through new power relations among the internal forces of State, Society and International Capitalism. In doing so, Deleuze’s genealogy has been deployed to construct a framework to evaluate the issue critically. Firstly, we consider the subjective position of social forces, the relation between these forces, deformation of the old political order and re-formation of a new state amongst the contemporary discursive metamorphosis and the context in which the events of this movement occurred. Secondly, the peasants’ and laborers’ claims and regional desires to alter the power relationships and riddance from social subjugation have been analyzed genealogically. The multiple and fragmented origins of The National Movement, resulted from the relations between sociopolitical forces containing the multitude, the central state and world powers, have been scrutinized throughout this study. Furthermore we evaluate the convergences and divergences of The National State and The National Movement in the framework of the relation between institution and movement. The results of this study show that “The National Movement” at the beginning of the 50s emerged out of a rupture from the social forces liberation movement of the first half of the 40s, but the domination of the politics of representation over the affirmative metamorphosis of these forces undermined the potentials of the movement for altering the sociopolitical structures.
Hadi Ajili; Nejla Bankian
Abstract
The aim of this paper is to describe the developments which have taken place in the power structure and following that we investigate the impact of such developments on the formation of the competition state. Indeed, in a new power structure, states are no longer considered as the main actors and the ...
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The aim of this paper is to describe the developments which have taken place in the power structure and following that we investigate the impact of such developments on the formation of the competition state. Indeed, in a new power structure, states are no longer considered as the main actors and the only source of political authority, but we have witnessed the emergence of non-state actors which have the significant effects on political outcomes and decisions. Thus, the power structure has been shifting away from the state-oriented approach to power privatization. Moreover, the emergence of the concept of competitiveness is another aspect of the transformation of the power structure. In fact, the competitiveness has been considered as a fundamental target for all states. Hence, the distribution or privatization of power and highlighting the competitiveness in a world politics can affect privatization, marketization and competitiveness of states. Therefore, we have witnessed the formation of a novel state which is known as the competition state. Actually, the competition state is a kind of state which pursues the policies such as privatization, deregulation, encouraging of the innovation and setting up of the companies for Maximization of profits. At the end of the day, we can contend that as a result of pluralization of power in a global system, states are also required to be pluralist.
faez dinparast; zahra Ramezani
Abstract
The present paper aims to answer the question: Why instability erupted within the political scene of Egypt in context of so called Arab spring revolutions from January 2011 up the coup in June 2013. According to Charles Tilly’s social movement theory, the present study claims that those instabilities ...
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The present paper aims to answer the question: Why instability erupted within the political scene of Egypt in context of so called Arab spring revolutions from January 2011 up the coup in June 2013. According to Charles Tilly’s social movement theory, the present study claims that those instabilities were results of weak and brittle coalitions which were formed between political groups in Egypt. The study hypothesis was analyzed through the game theory. Muslim brotherhood, Salafi forces, Liberal-Secular forces and Egyptian Army were identified as four main players within the political scene in Egypt according to Tilly’s theory. The relationships between those main political players were analyzed using the game theory concept based on two strategies of “making coalition” or “avoiding coalition”. From the total 17 resulting calculated scenarios (4 players each with two strategies), 12 acceptable scenarios were identified. The results showed that the political situation will tend to move towards stability if the military and secular forces form a coalition. This result can be linked to two after coup periods between 2013 and the present time. Also our findings based on game theory and Nash’s equilibrium theory suggests that Egypt needs a triangle of political forces to prevail the arena in order to achieve a stable situation. Since the weights of stability condition for three tier coalition of brotherhood-secular-army, or salafi-brotherhood-army or secular-brotherhood-Salafi are almost identical, it can be stated that political stability in Egypt is more depending on the number of forces which enter a coalition than the type of players which form the coalition.
Hamid Reza Rahmanizade Dehkordi
Abstract
Political decisions usually affect a large number of people but the point is to what extent these decisions are justified and verified, and to what extent, they have gone through the correct decision-making mechanisms. The negative consequences of some of these decisions have been motivating many researchers ...
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Political decisions usually affect a large number of people but the point is to what extent these decisions are justified and verified, and to what extent, they have gone through the correct decision-making mechanisms. The negative consequences of some of these decisions have been motivating many researchers to figure out where the problem comes from. However, the problem is that most of these researchers have seen them in a suspended, abstract, and isolated way. The purpose of this article is, first of all, to provide criteria for evaluating these decisions, and in the next step, to identify the most important challenges of the government's political decision-making. In the third step, it tries to provide examples of these challenges with regard to the provided indicators, and then to show the relationship which they are related to the issue of "accountability" and their ultimate relationship with the gap between the government - the nation, and the weakness of the civil society. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and gathering data is based on documents, finally, statistical samples have been used to examine the process of several important political decisions. The specific finding of this article is that political decision-making is a multifaceted and complex phenomenon whose transparency, verification, and justification are closely related to the question of accountability and finally democratic mechanisms, and the existence of strong civil forces and political parties.
Seyed Shamsedin Sadeghi; Masoud Naderi
Abstract
Purpose: After World War II, what was considered as security generator was the existence of high military capacity. With the collapse of soviet, various levels of security appeared which did not reduce security studies to military dimension. Today, multiple issues of security have significant position ...
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Purpose: After World War II, what was considered as security generator was the existence of high military capacity. With the collapse of soviet, various levels of security appeared which did not reduce security studies to military dimension. Today, multiple issues of security have significant position in contemporary world and is interesting to many researchers. To understand the security issue and take action to ensure it, we must have numerous looks at it.
Also, due to various changes in the era of globalization that is the era of change and variation, it is possible that cases and issues that are considered common and normal, in near future, enter into the area of security cases and be considered a security gap that accurate recognition of them is very difficult in order to achieve national and international goals. In Iran like all countries, security is composed of various dimensions. For this reason it is said that the areas of threat will be very different.
Therefore, the purpose of this study is to survey the most important challenges facing the Islamic Republic of Iran in the 21st century and then to survey the role of these challenges on the national security of Iran. By analysis of available information, we can discover the reasons of their increasing importance and the way of their effect on national security. A topic that is discussed in this study is the existence of situations that each one of them is involved securitization capability and thus imposing costs on the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Methodology: The research method in this study has been based on positive paradigm and analytical-explanatory approach (Copenhagen School and its broad vision) to assess the challenges and their impact. The reason of choosing Copenhagen School as framework of this research is that this school, due to its security view to issues, provides context in which various security discourses can be discussed. Also, it should be noted that in the era of globalization, following the complexity of the threats, various security levels have been complicated and according to the researchers, this school has the ability to cover the various levels, as well.
Findings: These findings show that Islamic republic of Iran is faced with different types of security challenges of current era. These Challenges have military, political, economic, cultural and environmental dimensions and need urgent solution by statesmen. Therefore, government and governmental organizations must pay attention to new trends in security to reduce the amount of damages in the future.
Originality/Value: Since, so far, no research in this domain has dealt with the most important security challenges facing the Islamic Republic of Iran in the 21st century, we can say that innovation of this study is to investigate the most important security challenges that the Islamic Republic of Iran faces.
Morteza Manshadi; Behrooz Esmailzadegan
Volume 5, Issue 20 , March 2020, , Pages 171-219
Abstract
In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development ...
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In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development and the second group that seeks the agent outside the domain of state. The question is which of the two theories have been more successful in their claims according to their historical results. The claim and hypothesis of this study is that the theories of the second group, in the search for ways of direct development of the state, eventually hinder reform, engage in direct conflict with the state, and lead the process of society's transformation to a revolution or a repressive state. To justify this claim, this article will look at the history of Iranian intellectual development theories after the Constitution. The research method in this paper is "Inference based on the best explanation ", abbreviated as IBE. It seems that in the first two constitutional and Pahlavi periods, statism and in the second Pahlavi and Islamic Republic era anti-statism were dominant. During the Second Pahlavi era and the Islamic Republic, two types of ideas were produced that were common to anti-statism and the main criticisms included: Theories of return to self and backwardness degeneration. Both are equally guilty of delaying the creation of a proper relationship between the state and the nation in the light of upholding up-to-date citizen rights and maintaining the sovereignty of the state.
Ghorban-Ali Ghorbanzadeh Savar; Sajjad Omidpour
Abstract
Each of the different classes of society makes a role in determining the country`s destiny and the formation of transformations. The intellectual class is including society classes too, and this not except from the general rule. Also, in Iran, one of the most effective elements is the intellectual class. ...
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Each of the different classes of society makes a role in determining the country`s destiny and the formation of transformations. The intellectual class is including society classes too, and this not except from the general rule. Also, in Iran, one of the most effective elements is the intellectual class. First generation intellectuals of Iran, as the vanguard of intellectual stream, started to thinking around country`s decline and cause of this situation analyzed in the form of relation of government`s power to society, restrictions of the government`s power and the power structure. According to this point, the aim of this study is expression of claims of first generation intellectuals of Iran and in response to question that what were the main claims of intellectuals? To considering the main demands of this intellectuals, regarding to the method of a qualitative and analysis-describe, we assume restrictions of Monarchy power for people`s rights along with constitutional State. This claims told in shape of criticism of autocratic absolute Monarchy and supporting constitutional Monarchy that is features of conceptual system of the liberalization. as we know, The liberalization insists on the restrictions of government`s power and the conversion of absolute Monarchy to Constitutionalism for people`s rights.
Masoud Raei Dahaghi; Alireza Asadpour Tehrani
Abstract
Due to the developments in social relations in modern societies, and in particular the importance of restrictions on the political power of governments, the rule of people and the protection of individual rights and public freedoms as the foundations of constitutionalism and constitutional rule, it seems ...
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Due to the developments in social relations in modern societies, and in particular the importance of restrictions on the political power of governments, the rule of people and the protection of individual rights and public freedoms as the foundations of constitutionalism and constitutional rule, it seems to be necessary to introduce a new category of basic laws that are more consistent with modern constitutional rights and constitutionalism. Thus, all classical categories of constitutional laws are briefly introduced and criticized, and then a new categorization of basic laws to the liberal constitution and republican constitution is proposed and explained. As a result of this division, the state can be liberal or republican, but in the present time, both types of modern states must be constitutional. Of course, the republican holds this supremacy over the liberal state, which governs the protection of public freedoms. This essay is based on a fundamental assumption: the emphasis on the constitutional positivist concept. Since, the classical classifications are based on the inductive method; accordingly, the same method has been used to criticize and propose the alternative.
Hamidreza Rahmanizadeh Dehkordi; Mohamad Medi Zanjani
Abstract
Purpose: There are various approaches to study the modern state in Iran including the Marxist approach, Patrimonial approach and the Oriental despotism approach. These approaches, however, often consider the modern state as a full-blown despotism and Reza Shah as an "oriental despot" or an autocrat who ...
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Purpose: There are various approaches to study the modern state in Iran including the Marxist approach, Patrimonial approach and the Oriental despotism approach. These approaches, however, often consider the modern state as a full-blown despotism and Reza Shah as an "oriental despot" or an autocrat who imposed his will upon the society. The critics of Reza Shah claim that he was a dictator: He secularized laws, forced women to do away with the veil, and introduced Western-style dress for men. They state that during his time, there was hardly any political life in the form of opposition. The press was muzzled; the parliament rubber-stamped the king’s decisions, and some of his political rivals and confidantes were imprisoned, some eliminated. Religious protests were put down robustly, and Reza Shah was ruthless with tribal rebellions. Indeed, his style was very brusque. This study aims to show how a seemingly absolute and autocrat modern state, Reza Shah’s State, could be limited by a number of factors including the existence of strong social forces such as tribes, the state’s incapability to exert absolute force, and the intervention of foreign powers. In other words, there have been some social and economic contexts influencing the modern state. In this situation, the Shah could be forced to make a decision and take an action different from his own will. To prove this claim, this study gives some evidence from various sources, including foreign state documents, books, memories, diaries of foreign financial advisers such as Dr. Millspaugh, eyewitnesses who registered their observations etc. Design/Methodology/Approach: The structural approach is adapted to justify the modern state. In other words, it is shown that to understand the concrete reality of The Modern State, one should refer to the context (social forces, geographic situation, and intervention of foreign forces) and, moreover, one should refer to the state and its ability/inability to exerting absolute force in its territory. Findings: Our thesis can be summed up by one typical statement: Social, economic, and demographic situations (including social forces and geographically large countries with dispersed population), that is what is called as a context and some characteristics of the Modern State (including state inability to exert absolute force on the country), prevent the state from falling into full-blown despotism. The study has summarized the other approaches and compared them to the approach of the present paper for highlighting the different dimensions of this approach. Originality/Value: It is the researcher’s belief that this study throws a new light to the debates on Reza Shah’s state as the first modern state in Iran. The critics of this state assert that it was a full blown despotic state, and the defenders consider it as a reformer-dictator state that laid the foundation of modern Iran and transformed the chaotic and desperate conditions of the time. This study shows that, in spite of the fact that there were some suppressions, some structural impediments prevented the Shah to act on his own absolute will.
Hossein Masoudnia; Abdol Reza Alishahi
Abstract
Despite the AKP's pragmatic policies and broad reforms to the economic development of Turkey, Still in the process of democratization of the political structures of this country is faced with a profound crisis. On the other Hand, the main issue in this article is that Erdogan and the AKP authoritarianism, ...
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Despite the AKP's pragmatic policies and broad reforms to the economic development of Turkey, Still in the process of democratization of the political structures of this country is faced with a profound crisis. On the other Hand, the main issue in this article is that Erdogan and the AKP authoritarianism, with the accelerated process continues and in the meantime, spectrum of opposition in this country, especially the armed forces with radical tendencies Kemalist have serious opponents of Erdogan policies and his party, design and implementation of a unfinished coup d'etat conflicted with him. In fact, in this paper, the authors efforts on providing a rigorous and scientific response this questions that what is most important the way for the military coup in Turkey? and why the coup failed? what will be Ankara domestic and international policies oriented toward? The results are indicative of the fact that adopt and implement authoritarian policies by AKP developed social and political gaps in Turkey and this led coup by the military and other Erdogan opponents. But in spite authoritarian policy there are some structures coup plotters victory and overthrow Erdogan's government remain unfinished. As well, the research Methodology in this article is based on historical sociology.
Mohammad Javad Gholamreza Kashi; Sanaz Karami
Abstract
Purpose: The key problematic of this paper is to reach a solution to link three sources of reproduction of legitimacy in Iran: ancient Iranian tradition (Pre-Islamic), Islamic tradition and modern pattern which is based on people. It’s necessary to propose two presupposition: 1) Dictatorship or ...
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Purpose: The key problematic of this paper is to reach a solution to link three sources of reproduction of legitimacy in Iran: ancient Iranian tradition (Pre-Islamic), Islamic tradition and modern pattern which is based on people. It’s necessary to propose two presupposition: 1) Dictatorship or democracy are contradictory terms to describe surrounding countries. Such dualism of political systems prevents deep understanding of complexities of third world countries (developing countries). In order to better comprehend the circumstances which are neither fully democratic nor dictatorship, western theorists articulate terms such as transient regimes or semi-democratic or quasi-democratic regimes. Such naming again prompts a dualist mentality and centers understanding around the notion that if a country is not totally dictator, it is moving toward a democratic model and will soon be a democratic country. Such dual pattern has led to epistemological problems regarding understanding complicated situation of Islamic countries and therefore it has been difficult to face their problems practically. In fact, in Islamic countries complicated systems of traditional heritage are active and current changes do not mean that these systems are declining or weakening. Nevertheless, democratic and modern institutions exist too. Design/Methodology/Approach: The approach to this paper is that we need to follow names that are situated outside such dualisms and hence we have chosen the term “Hybrid Regimes”. In hybrid order we are faced with institutions and arrangements that are conformed to democratic patterns and are legitimized through peoples’ votes. At the same time, there are institutions that are legitimized through tradition, culture and history. 2) Often this question is raised that what are hybrid regimes’ legitimization patterns. We argue that legitimization pattern as a theoretical action contains logical cohesion and follows a theoretical foundation, but in practice politically based systems draw legitimation from different sources and therefore practical patterns of reproduction of legitimacy has always been hybrid. But unfortunately in the context of political conflicts, to vilify and ostracize the rival, actors have followed the logic of theory rather than committing to practical necessitates. Regarding the above prerequisites we will tend to the current problem of legitimization in Iran which relates to people as fundamental foundation of modern legitimization and to Islamic-Iranian heritage. In intellectual and political struggles of last one hundred years, we have faced many narratives of legitimacy which have prioritized one of three resources of legitimacy and through rejection of others have created gaps in political arena. Is it possible to embrace all various legitimization foundations in politics of Iran in an organizing pattern without marginalizing any of these resources? Finding: In this paper we show that both Iranian and Islamic heritage of political theory are apt for believe in people as legitimization force, but based on Iranian narrative, role of the people is defined as a particularistic system and cannot occur in a national arena. In Islamic tradition, peoples’ role is seen as universal. But in contrast to Iranian tradition, Islamic tradition accepts a conservative non-idealistic role of people. Originality/Value: The result of this paper is new. This paper studies the possibility of mixing these two traditions, assuming that the mixture of these two traditions can reach to a modern legitimization pattern that draws from both Iranian and Islamic traditions.
Hossein Damghanian; mohammad keshavarz
Abstract
Covid-19 disease is now a major and critical problem in most countries and has created many challenges for government officials. The aim of this study was to determine the effect of Covid-19 disease on political confidence with regard to the mediating role of social capital and the moderating role of ...
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Covid-19 disease is now a major and critical problem in most countries and has created many challenges for government officials. The aim of this study was to determine the effect of Covid-19 disease on political confidence with regard to the mediating role of social capital and the moderating role of social media. This study was applied in a descriptive and surveyed manner. The statistical sample in this study is 300 people from Shiraz urban community who were selected by random sampling method and a 30-item questionnaire with a range of 5 options was used to collect data. In order to analyze the data, the partial least squares method was used. The findings indicate that measurement tools have good validity and Cronbach's alpha coefficient for all research structures is more than 0.7. The findings show that Covid-19 disease has a negative and significant effect on political confidence and social capital of Shiraz urban society. However, social capital has a positive and significant effect on the political confidence of the urban community of Shiraz. The results also show that social capital plays a mediating role in the relationship between Covid-19 disease and political confidence and that social media can moderate the relationship between Covid-19 disease and political confidence.
Morteza Manshadi; Sara Akbari
Abstract
Political development, in the sense of expanding partnerships and ideological competition in the political arena, at least at the elite level, requires institutions, organizations and developments in the structure of traditional society. In the first Pahlavi period the programs for the modernization ...
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Political development, in the sense of expanding partnerships and ideological competition in the political arena, at least at the elite level, requires institutions, organizations and developments in the structure of traditional society. In the first Pahlavi period the programs for the modernization created the field, provided social political developments and, to some extent, the possibility of political competition and participation was provided. But the emergence of an absolute government stabilized a major obstacle to expanding partnerships and competition and reproduced authoritarianism. This paper tries to rely on the text of the negotiations of the sixth to twelfth sessions of the National Assembly, and based on the fact that the type of government and political system is directly related to the realization or non-fulfillment of political development, the concept of political development in the first Pahlavi period (1320-1304) was assessed. By selecting the model of "Bernard Crick ", the authors have presented the concept of political development in the context of the negotiations of the National Assembly of this period and in the light of the description of the historical context. Revising the text of the talks based on the model of the Crick, it is argued that the construction of the government, along with the presence of the parliament, which, in the eleven cases of the model under consideration, confirms that the government is absolutism, can be considered as one of the main reasons for the failure of political development.
Political Sociology
Abolfazl Delavari; Mohammad Rahbari
Abstract
Rouhani’s promises and programs in the twelfth presidential election created a lot of expectations, especially among his supporters. However, after the victory, he confronted the frustration of many of his supporters and the dissatisfaction of many social groups. The question is how and by what ...
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Rouhani’s promises and programs in the twelfth presidential election created a lot of expectations, especially among his supporters. However, after the victory, he confronted the frustration of many of his supporters and the dissatisfaction of many social groups. The question is how and by what factors this situation was created and what were the consequences. In this article, this question is answered based on an extended model of the theory of "relative deprivation" and by exploring the data available in cyberspace along with the documentary data. The findings of the article demonstrate that the second Rouhani's second administration, on the one hand, had created a high volume of expectations and demands, and on the other hand, from the first days of its establishment, faced increasing restrictions on the fulfillment of these expectations and demands. These constraints are due to several factors. Rising pressure from rival forces and institutions during the arrangement of the cabinet, the withdrawal of US from JCPOA and the escalation of sanctions and inconsistent and contradictory policies of the government, especially in the monetary and budgeting context, were among the most important factors. These factors have deepened the economic crisis, raised inflation, unemployment and poverty, and concerns of the lower and middle classes. This situation provoked a chain of social and political protests in the real world and in cyberspace, especially from January 2018 to August 2018. Although the protests were suppressed, they created political distrust and severe frustration among various groups over the Rouhani government's ability.
Jaseb Nikfar; hasan Aliyari
Abstract
Purpose: one of the political theories that were introduced to the Third world countries is O’Donnell’s Centralized Bureaucratic Authoritarianism. It explains the development in the Latin America, whose characteristics are the rule of bureaucrats, political and economic monopoly (centralization), ...
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Purpose: one of the political theories that were introduced to the Third world countries is O’Donnell’s Centralized Bureaucratic Authoritarianism. It explains the development in the Latin America, whose characteristics are the rule of bureaucrats, political and economic monopoly (centralization), depoliticization and dependent capitalism. This model of development, called the bureaucratic authoritarian politics, was introduced for the first time in Iran after the 28th Mordad coup which continued till 15th Khordad 1342. This period marks the shifting of the traditional economy of Iran to the capital economy to embrace the path of modernization and development. In fact, This essay focuses on the damages and inefficiency of the authoritarian bureaucratic government of Mohammad Reza Shah and brings out to light the reasons why his government, considering the time between 1332- 1342, failed despite possessing all the features of O’Donnell’s political theory. Design/Methodology/Approach: In this article, descriptive - analytical methods and library resources have been used for collecting data and the conclusion is inductive. Finding: This essay focuses on the damages and inefficiency of the authoritarian bureaucratic government of Shah and brings out to light the reasons why his government, considering the time between 1332- 1342, failed despite possessing all the features of O’Donnel’s political theory. Orginality/value: The value of this article comes from the fact that this politico-economic model, despite being quintessential, has degenerated in Iran owing to some pivotal factors like contradictory functions of the Pahlavi government, dependent capitalism, depoliticization, bureaucratic formalism and the upsurge in oil revenues.
Saeed Ghiasi Nodooshan; Ebrahim Khalili
Abstract
"University autonomy" is considered as the cornerstone of the university system and it means that universities are to be free in the setting of their goals and priorities and implementation of them. University autonomy is significantly dependent on the university overall perspective and the degree of ...
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"University autonomy" is considered as the cornerstone of the university system and it means that universities are to be free in the setting of their goals and priorities and implementation of them. University autonomy is significantly dependent on the university overall perspective and the degree of political interference. Despite the fact that securing the independence of universities in higher education is relative, it has not been fully realized in any higher education institution. But this concept in its lifetime, has always been faced with two major problems; misunderstanding of dimensions and indicators, and particularly, the different obstacles and barriers to it especially those that are affected by government interference. Thus, this study is aimed to assess different aspects of university autonomy and the role of government in achieving its obstacles and barriers and qualitative approach based on structuralism method and used the documentary analysis as the means for data collection. The findings suggest experts on the four dimensions of organizational autonomy, financial, academic and staffing as the main dimensions of independence, most opinions are, Political processes of countries, the rule of political thought, decision making centralized system of government, financial constraints and recruitment, particular bias or sectarian factions of the most important obstacles and barriers on the path to achieve university autonomy which in formation of all these obstacles and barriers, governments play an essential role.
