Political Science
Noor-allah Gheisari
Abstract
Introduction
Chronic Unsustainability has plagued progress and development in Iran. This article seeks to illuminate aspects of this problem through a historical-theoretical approach. The central research question is: "Despite decades of efforts, initiatives, and programs, why has Iran's progress and ...
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Introduction
Chronic Unsustainability has plagued progress and development in Iran. This article seeks to illuminate aspects of this problem through a historical-theoretical approach. The central research question is: "Despite decades of efforts, initiatives, and programs, why has Iran's progress and development failed to achieve desirable outcomes?" The main hypothesis posits that: "The failure of development efforts in Iran stems from a complex interplay of long-term synchronous and asynchronous factors making unsustainable factors in both domestic and international environments."
Key internal factors include:
Lack of consensus among strategic elites
Centralized management and policymaking
Weak participatory processes
Key external destabilizing factors involve:
Conflict between domestic discourse and global development paradigms
Policies of dominant international institutions (e.g., the World Bank, IMF)
Adversarial stances of regional and international organizations toward Iran's political system
Literature Review
Issues of progress and development in Iran have often been framed within discourses of underdevelopment and backwardness. Previous studies on instability have highlighted factors such as:
Divergent views on sustainable development and instability in industrialized nations
The instrumental use of development discourse to obscure social, class, and political inequalities within industrialized countries and their exploitative relations with less industrialized nations
Iran's adoption of global development models (particularly those of the World Bank and IMF), which prioritize economic aspects over social dimensions
A major shortcoming of these studies is their single-factor approach, overlooking systemic requirements for stabilizing development processes, implementing programs, and safeguarding achievements.
Theoretical Framework
The study conceptualizes Unsustainability in progress and development across three dimensions:
Process Unsustainability (affecting developmental stages)
Outcome Unsustainability (affecting achieved results)
Situation Unsustainability (affecting the overall developmental state)
These can manifest in:
Short-, medium-, or long-term durations
Semi-stable, fully Unsustainable, or fluctuating conditions
Initially, Unsustainability primarily concerns the development process. However, as outcomes emerge, Unsustainability shifts to preserving achievements, and as the environment evolves, Unsustainability in situation becomes prominent.
Unsustainability operates in both domestic and international environments. While the causes of Unsustainability vary, its domains remain consistent:
Resources (knowledge, capital, goods, services)
Research & Development (innovation, technology application)
Leadership & Management (strategic guidance from conception to sustainable development)
The critical challenge lies in the simultaneous occurrence of Unsustainability across all three dimensions (process, outcome, situation) in both domestic and international contexts. This creates a complex, compounded Unsustainability with diverse manifestations, each requiring tailored mitigation strategies.
Research Approach & Method
The study employs " Phrontic planning resarch", a methodology that aligns theoretical constructs with empirical realities. Findings indicate that due to the interaction of internal and external making unsustainable factors, Iran's development and progress suffers from chronic, cyclical unsustainability across all dimensions (process, outcome, situation).
In today's globalized context, overcoming this crisis requires:
Sustainable consensus (for at least three decades) among strategic elites on core national values and macro-strategic issues
Coordinated, long-term efforts to define and realize an advanced society in alignment with Iran's global positioning
Findings
In the current era of globalization, the stability of progress and development is shaped by the entanglement of domestic and international factors. For Iran, key determinants include:
Domestic Factors:
Structure of policymaking and implementation
Participatory mechanisms
Dynamics among strategic elites
External Factors:
Iran's regional and international standing
Alignment with global development discourses and paradigms
Each factor exerts unique pressures, and their combined interaction generates the observed instability in Iran's developmental trajectory.
Conclusion
Ensuring sustained progress and safeguarding developmental achievements amid increasing domestic and international complexities remains Iran's fundamental challenge. Addressing this requires:
Institutionalizing elite consensus on long-term strategic visions
Adaptive engagement with global systems while maintaining developmental sovereignty
This study underscores that resolving Iran's chronic development unsustainability demands a dual focus on internal governance reforms and strategic international positioning.
(Note: This translation maintains academic rigor while improving readability for an international audience. Adjustments can be made for specific journal requirements.)
The State
Mandana Sajjadi
Abstract
Introduction
In recent years, the landscape of policymaking and political decision-making has evolved significantly, transcending traditional frameworks. The integration of behavioral sciences—encompassing cognitive science, behavioral economics, and experimental studies—has prompted governments ...
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Introduction
In recent years, the landscape of policymaking and political decision-making has evolved significantly, transcending traditional frameworks. The integration of behavioral sciences—encompassing cognitive science, behavioral economics, and experimental studies—has prompted governments to leverage these insights in their governance strategies. Since around 2010, various countries, led by the United Kingdom, have recognized the importance of embedding behavioral science data into their policymaking processes. However, the path to institutionalizing cognitive governance varies across nations, influenced by their unique political cultures. This study aims to conduct a comparative qualitative analysis of the experiences of the United Kingdom, Germany, and the Netherlands in embedding behavioral sciences into their policymaking frameworks. The central research question investigates how the differing political cultures of these countries have shaped their cognitive governance models.
Literature Review
Although the beliefs and attitudes of citizens have always been taken into account in policymaking, England was the first country to officially establish an institution called the Behavioral Insights Team in 2010. Around the same time, various countries began researching and examining the application of behavioral sciences and neuroscience in policymaking, resulting in the establishment of similar institutions in Canada, Australia, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Singapore, and the United States. Today, many countries around the world have sought to create both formal and informal institutions to utilize brain science and behavioral sciences in their policymaking processes. The structure of these institutions has been influenced by the general culture of the country and, specifically, its political culture. Researchers generally agree on the necessity of incorporating behavioral sciences and neuroscience in the policymaking process. Mazari (2024) has attempted, using a meta-synthesis method, to provide a scientific definition of cognitive governance, defining it as governance based on the convergence of disciplines such as psychology, neuroscience, and cognitive studies. Mofazari, Moieni, and Sobhanifard (2023), through a systematic review of 376 articles in a reputable international database, identified eight themes as components of behavioral policymaking. The book "Behavioral Sciences and Public Policy," translated and published by Salehi and Shadkhast (2021), scientifically articulates the principles and foundations of policy-making based on behavioral sciences in an academic style. While the above-mentioned studies and similar ones—although limited in number—examine the importance of integrating neuroscience in the policymaking process, no research has been conducted in Iran that delves into the institutionalization process and its structuring, or explores the experiences of various countries in this regard. Conversely, this subject has attracted more interest from non-Iranian researchers. Khadzhiradiyova and Hershko (2019) conducted their research in Ukraine to examine the process of institutionalizing insights derived from behavioral sciences in governance. Kuzon and Yildiz (2021) undertook a similar study on Turkey's experience of institutionalizing public policy units based on cognitive and behavioral sciences. They noted that although 200 public institutions have been established worldwide to integrate insights from brain science into public policymaking, Turkey has recently succeeded, with the help of the British Embassy in Ankara, in establishing its first official institution. Fitzmaurice (2019), in an article titled "Specialists with Behavioral Insights in Government," critically examines this process, aiming to reduce some of the prevailing optimism surrounding brain-based governance. Gofen and his colleagues (2021) also take a research-oriented and academic perspective on the process of institutionalizing brain science in public policymaking.
Methodology
This research employs a qualitative comparative case study methodology to analyze the cognitive governance structures in the United Kingdom, Germany, and the Netherlands from 2010 to the present. The study begins with a comprehensive literature review and data collection on the political cultures of the three countries. Data sources include governmental reports, academic literature, and reputable national and international organizations. The analysis focuses on the impact of political culture on the formation of cognitive governance structures. Key concepts such as civic engagement, trust in government, political ideology, and political socialization are examined to provide a nuanced understanding of each country's political culture. The research also considers historical, social, and economic factors that may influence political culture and, consequently, cognitive governance. The findings are presented through a thematic analysis, highlighting the similarities and differences in cognitive governance models across the three countries. This approach allows for a comprehensive understanding of how political culture shapes the institutionalization of cognitive governance.
Results
The findings indicate that the political culture of each country plays a crucial role in shaping its cognitive governance structure. In Germany, the centralized and consensus-driven political culture has resulted in a more structured and formalized approach to cognitive governance. The establishment of behavioral insights units within federal ministries reflects this centralized model, where decision-making processes are heavily influenced by expert opinions and data-driven approaches.Conversely, the Netherlands' polder model promotes a decentralized and networked approach to cognitive governance. The collaborative nature of Dutch politics encourages the integration of behavioral insights across various sectors, fostering a culture of dialogue and negotiation among stakeholders. This networked model allows for greater flexibility and adaptability in policymaking, as different actors contribute to the development and implementation of behavioral strategies. In the United Kingdom, the evolution of cognitive governance has been marked by a gradual shift from a centralized to a more decentralized model. The establishment of the Behavioral Insights Team (BIT) in 2010 marked a significant milestone in the UK's approach to integrating behavioral insights into policymaking. While the initial focus was on public health and energy efficiency, the BIT has expanded its scope to include various policy areas, reflecting the UK's commitment to leveraging behavioral science in governance.
Acknowledgments
The authors gratefully acknowledge the financial and moral support provided by the Innovation Center of the Islamic Consultative Assembly of Iran, which made this research possible
Faramarz Sahraei
Abstract
Introduction
In the digital transformation era, where technology and enterprise systems so much at the core of change for the way organizations and governments operate, data quality is considered one of the success factors for e-government. Due to particular dimensions and characteristics associated ...
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Introduction
In the digital transformation era, where technology and enterprise systems so much at the core of change for the way organizations and governments operate, data quality is considered one of the success factors for e-government. Due to particular dimensions and characteristics associated with data, data quality is vital for e-government. First, from the aspect of data quality, high-quality data records assist the Government in determining the right kind of service and addressing the needs of the citizens. Furthermore, data quality also plays an important role in government analysis and reporting. With quality data, the governments can carry out relevant and correct analyses and formulate their policies on factual evidence, real needs of the citizens, and information. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to examine the status of data quality in e-government and its impact on data governance.
Literature review
Numerous studies have been conducted in the e-governance models and structure. These studies can be categorized in three groups: studies related to e-governance and data governance, studies of data quality, studies that explain the role of e-governance in data governance. In the first group, Sarfarazi (2009); Nouri et al. (2019); and Zeynali Soume’eh, Pourazat, and Doodangah (2013) analyzed the e-governance models and frameworks. These studies identified factors, categories, concepts, functions and relationships between e-governance and developing new systems. In this regard, Meiyanti et al. (2018) had dealt with the problems inherent in the implementation of e-government in developing countries. They found organizational, managerial, human, and infrastructure challenges as the foremost with regard to e-government development in a given context.
The second category is followed by studies that revolve around data quality and its dimensions. Previous research Mollaii and Tahmasebi (2019); Khodizadeh et al. (2020); identified accuracy, validity, timeliness, and completeness as the main dimensions of data quality. These are also stressed in contexts of e-government and data governance. The third category embraces those studies that treat data quality specifically for e-governments. For instance, Bonyadi et al. (2023) designed a data quality management model for data governance by using the meta-synthesis method. They ended up with 12 main categories (including data characteristics, data, data files, data value, primary data value, data models, datasets, data access, data integration, data formatting, metadata, and objectivity) and 47 subcategories relevant to data quality management towards effective data governance.
Methodology
This study was applied in nature and employed a qualitative content analysis method. Using a documentary approach, models of data quality, e-government models, data governance indicators, best practices for improving data quality, and prior research on data quality were reviewed. In the first section, the best practices in this area were studied through credible reference and information databases. Subsequently, upstream documents such as the National Strategic Plan for E-Government Development, the Sixth Development Plan of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the 20-Year Vision Document, the Law on Freedom of Information, the Comprehensive Scientific Map of the Country, the Transformation Plan for a Popular Government, the National Digital Transformation Document, Comprehensive Document of Electronic Government, and Strategic Document of the Comprehensive Information Technology System of the Islamic Republic of Iran were analyzed. Finally, data quality in e-government and its impact on data governance were analyzed, and recommendations were proposed for improving the National Strategic Plan for E-Government Development with a focus on data quality.
Findings
The research revealed that e-government dimensions include: electronic services, intelligent processes, IT infrastructure, open government, services-oriented government, process improvement, legal and regulatory aspects, data analytics, data protection, transparency, efficiency, data liberation, data accessibility, citizen participation, and others. Data quality dimensions differ with every dimension of the government. They have a direct bearing on efficiency, transparency, effectiveness of service, and consequent outputs. In respect of electronic services, data accuracy and integrity are severely considered. On the other hand, the study shows that in data governance, the policymaking process, access management and permissions to data, monitoring and evaluation, data security, integrity management of data, data completeness with regard to data-related policies and regulations, privacy, data ownership, transparency and accountability, stakeholder participation, data ethics and equity, data interoperability, and value creation from data are of paramount importance. In this regard, various dimensions of data quality lay at the very foundation of each of these components of data governance.
Analysis of some of the key national policy documents in Iran shows that e-government is indeed considered as a major axis within the macro-level policymaking. They highlight transparency and ease of access to governments, which are part of the Law on Disclosure and Free Access to Information that also emphasizes transparency and better use of data. The quality of data—especially correctness, correctness, accessibility, and timeliness—is important in achieving this goal. It is clear from the dictates of these documents that processes in government such as taxation systems, health services, and civil registrations are all strongly dependent on the integration and standardization of data. Without access to high-quality data, inaccuracy becomes the order of the day in these systems, which are then prone to inconsistencies and errors in processing. It is worth noting that data security, integrity, and reliability are key components in achieving effective governance in e-government. The E-Government Transformation Document emphasizes the creation of intelligent systems, the elimination of redundancy, information accessibility, and the improvement of digital service quality. These goals can only be realized with accurate, up-to-date, and integrated data. In line with this, the Sixth Development Plan points to the development of information infrastructure and the participation of the private sector in electronic services. In this context, data quality not only requires trustworthiness and security but also the establishment of data exchange standards between public and private sector organizations.
Conclusion
The findings of this article indicate that various factors influence data quality in Iran’s governmental systems. One major factor affecting data quality is poor policymaking. Governments lacking clear policies for collecting, processing, and updating data often suffer from unstructured, outdated, and duplicate data, resulting in reduced accuracy and quality. A data-driven culture influences the recognition of the importance of accurate and reliable data in decision-making, ultimately enhancing overall data quality. E-government requires accurate and up-to-date data to deliver better services. In this context, the role of citizens must not be overlooked, as a portion of the data is provided directly by them—for example, during registration on government platforms or when submitting online requests. If citizens do not enter their information correctly, the quality of the data deteriorates. Therefore, governments should encourage citizens to provide accurate and complete information. Overall, it could be said that data quality goes beyond technical aspects and also includes managerial, human, and process-related dimensions. This holistic approach is necessary to improve data quality, as poor-quality data can lead to challenges such as flawed decision-making, inefficiency in public services, and diminished public trust. In contrast, high-quality data not only improves e-government services but also enhances government transparency, accountability, and efficiency. Thus, governments must adopt appropriate policies and invest in both technical and human infrastructures to ensure the quality of their data.
Public Policy
Seyed Mohammad Mehdi Baki Hashemi
Abstract
Introduction
The presence of the Covid-19 virus was first reported in December 2018 in Wuhan, China, and then it spread to other countries in the world. Iran also officially announced on February 30, 2018 that this virus has entered the country. Following this issue, a series of different policies were ...
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Introduction
The presence of the Covid-19 virus was first reported in December 2018 in Wuhan, China, and then it spread to other countries in the world. Iran also officially announced on February 30, 2018 that this virus has entered the country. Following this issue, a series of different policies were used to provide the ground to control and contain the disease. Due to the fact that the virus was unknown, the way governments dealt with it was different, but the problem that made Iran's conditions more difficult to deal with the virus was the widespread sanctions, especially in the field of raw materials, medicine and medical equipment. The epidemic of corona disease and its extraordinary spread caused wide challenges and problems in health, economic, social, security, etc. fields. Therefore, taking strategic and timely decisions to control the virus and its consequences became very important. But now that the world is in the post-coronavirus era, learning from the governance methods in dealing with and confronting governments with the corona virus in the past can provide great political lessons for the necessary preparation to deal with possible epidemics. Provide the lowest cost and the highest benefit in the future. Therefore, in order to learn from the bitter experience of the past and to create a bridge from the past, in order to make the future measures more transparent, in order to answer these questions: 1) What policies does the Iranian government have in view of the corona virus epidemic? What could be done to control the spread of the epidemic with relatively low economic cost and high public benefit? 2) What optimal policy should the Iranian government adopt in the event of an epidemic disease crisis? The research was designed and implemented. Therefore, the aim of the research is to gather the opinions of experts and experts regarding the most effective policy measures in facing the Corona epidemic in order to derive a transparent, coherent and effective policy to ensure the readiness of the country's governance system to deal with similar critical conditions in the future, so that the country is able to recover with the least damage. To be resilient and bear such emergency situations. By examining the research conducted in the field of the nature of the Corona problem as a malignant problem compared to the manageable problems and the development of its strategic principles, it was determined that this issue has a research gap in the scientific-research literature of the country, also in the field of Corona policy making and its foundations. Considering the novelty of this topic, there are many research shortcomings. Therefore, this research seeks to fill these research gaps.
Materials and Methods
The current research is among the applied researches in terms of its purpose and it was done with a qualitative approach. In the qualitative stage, thematic analysis method (or theme analysis) has been used to identify the categories of the research.
In order to identify the policies and policies adopted during the Corona epidemic in Iran in order to identify and formulate optimal policies, while using the method of library studies and the use of scientific-research documents and documents, articles, reference books and domestic and foreign sources; Additional data of the research has been collected by field method and semi-structured interviews. Triangulation method was used to check research tools. The selection criteria of people have been having expertise, experience or published works in the field of the research subject and also having a management experience of more than 10 years, which formed the possible community for the researcher to refer to, who is trying to answer the following questions.
1) Considering the epidemic of corona disease, what policies could the Iranian government implement to control the spread of the epidemic with relatively low economic cost and high public benefit?
2) In the event of an epidemic crisis, what optimal policy should the Iranian government adopt?
Finally, the participants with the "snowball sampling method" and carefully refer to the first circle available; were determined and interviewed until reaching the theoretical saturation point; It continued with 16 experts.
Results and Discussion
The results include 218 primary themes, 24 sub-themes and 6 main themes which include social contact reduction policies, social contact maintenance policies, public support policies and finally governance system policies. It was also found that according to the past experience and the economic and social conditions of Iran, the optimal policy to deal with and prepare for the future has two main stages: First, the stage of strike action with a short-term comprehensive shutdown of three to four weeks to A way that the number of patients at the community level is drastically reduced (according to the course of the disease) and a new and desired equilibrium point is reached with limited mortality. Second, the stage of gradual return to social and economic activities by controlling the reproduction number near one. Finally, research and executive proposals were presented.
Conclusion
The success of the policy depends on the minimization of social interactions in the first stage so that people reduce their interactions in closed spaces to near zero and necessary activities are carried out using personal protective equipment such as masks and gloves. Of course, the necessity of accompanying citizens is continuous communication, transparency in informing the real and complete statistics of patients and deaths, separated by different regions. Although it may seem that the peace of the society depends on making the situation less risky, the reality is that the success of the short-term strike policy depends on the full cooperation of the citizens, which also depends on their accurate knowledge of the risk of disease in different places and times. Different are tied. After passing the first stage, the policy makers can carefully rely on the information and knowledge that is determined daily by researchers and epidemiologists about the characteristics of the disease to monitor the number of reproduction and take prudent measures and control it. In the vicinity and under the number of people, they are engaged. And by determining different and diverse support packages for the vulnerable and at-risk groups, they will help to maintain social cohesion and mobilize the society to overcome the epidemic wave.
Public and International Law
Abdollah Abedini; Zahra Sadat Sharegh
Abstract
Introduction
On 5 February 2021, the Pre-Trial Chamber of the International Criminal Court issued a decision on the Prosecution's request pursuant to Article 19 (3) for a ruling on the Court’s territorial jurisdiction in Palestine. Accordingly, the Chamber declared by a two-on-one majority that ...
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Introduction
On 5 February 2021, the Pre-Trial Chamber of the International Criminal Court issued a decision on the Prosecution's request pursuant to Article 19 (3) for a ruling on the Court’s territorial jurisdiction in Palestine. Accordingly, the Chamber declared by a two-on-one majority that Palestine, in the sense of a State party to the Statute of the Court, has the status of a Member State and hence the territorial jurisdiction to exercise through the court is available. This decision is very significant previously, in 2009, the Palestinian Minister of Justice had submitted a declaration of acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Court based on Article 12, paragraph 3, of the Statute of the International Criminal Court. But unfortunately According to the Argentine prosecutor, Mr. José Moreno-Ocampo, being a state as a prerequisite for joining the Rome Statute is a matter that is primarily the responsibility of the Secretary-General of the United Nations as the depositary of the Rome Statute. But since he considered examining this issue outside his jurisdiction, the matter remained virtually silent. In light of this precedent, the Palestinian government did not shy away from examining the issue of crimes committed in the occupied Palestinian territory and in January 2015 referred the matter to the Court once again in the same form as in January 2009. The new prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, Ms. Bensouda, had a different view on the matter. Based on the research she has conducted on the situation in Palestine, the Prosecutor of the Court believes that Palestine is a state, but to be sure of this, she has asked the Pre-Trial Chamber this question so that she can act with complete certainty regarding the subject matter she is investigating. first requested the Pre-Trial Chamber was requested to announce a decision on the territorial jurisdiction that the Court will have over the situation of Palestine, to pave the way for the situation of Palestine. Despite Palestine's concerns about the Court examining the issue of its statehood and the opinions of opponents, including several States, including Germany, Austria, Australia, and Brazil, submitted their opinions on this issue, it ended with the recognition of Palestine. The importance of the decision lies in the fact that since 2015, when Palestine first issued a declaration to exercise the jurisdiction of the Court in the occupied territories, based on Article 12 (3) of the Statute. One of the most important effects of this decision was the significant role of the President of the International Criminal Court in recognizing Palestine as a state. While Mr. Ocampo, while receiving the opinions of lawyers and various academic circles on the issue of whether or not Palestine is a state, ultimately considered this issue outside her jurisdiction, Ms. Bensouda, while conducting initial research to ascertain the possible future of the Palestinian situation, requested the Pre-Trial Chamber to issue a ruling in this regard.
Materials and Methods
It is a type of basic research that is descriptive-analytical and using library resources as well as using electronic resources including books, articles, dissertations, official conferences related to the subject in Persian and English languages and after raising the issue and clarifying the hypotheses, the data by the research questions in national and international judicial documents and procedures have been searched, collected, summarized and analyzed.
Results and Discussion
This article seeks to examine this important decision and address its important aspects, including what impact the decision has on the further recognition of Palestine as a state in the international community. The questions that we will address in the following are whether the Court, as a court with criminal expertise, is allowed to enter the field of statehood as a subject of general international law, and what criteria have been taken into account in the Court's approach to this issue. There has been much debate in academia and among jurists. The present article seeks to examine this important decision and addresses its significant aspects, among them, what is the effect of the aforementioned decision on the recognition of Palestine as a state in the international community. In this article, we will first describe the Pre-Trial Chamber’s decision and then analyze the various aspects of this ruling to explain the foundations of the Court’s position based on factors such as examining the comparative approach of the Court’s two prosecutors, the Court’s jurisdiction to deal with issues of general international law, and the practical effect of this ruling on establishing the statehood of Palestine. It seems that the Court’s finding in this case is another proof of the statehood of Palestine and paves the way for prosecuting crimes committed in occupied Palestine.
Conclusion
The Court's decision to admit Palestine to the Statute is very significant and precise. The admission of Palestine to the Court is important in two ways: on the one hand, Palestine's membership in the Court is an important step for this country to prove its standing among other states. On the other hand, the Court's action to admit Palestine has enhanced the institution's standing as an independent judicial institution in the international community. It remains to be seen what approach the Court will take in the remaining stages of the proceedings.
History
Zekrollah Mohammadi; Setare Ghaffari Bijar
Abstract
Introduction: Research problem and background
The relations between the Caliph and Tughril continued continuously from the time of the establishment of the Seljuk state until Tughril's death. These relations fluctuated based on the factors and events that occurred. These relations had three turning ...
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Introduction: Research problem and background
The relations between the Caliph and Tughril continued continuously from the time of the establishment of the Seljuk state until Tughril's death. These relations fluctuated based on the factors and events that occurred. These relations had three turning points: first, the recognition of the Seljuk government by the Caliph, second, the conquest of Baghdad by Basasiri and the exile of al-Qaim, and third, the marriage of the Caliph's daughter to Tughril. In each of these events, numerous correspondences and negotiations took place between the Sultan and the Caliph. This correspondence contains valuable information that enhances our understanding of the relations between these two institutions.
Three articles can be mentioned regarding the topic of this research. The first is an article titled "Relations between the Seljuks and the Abbasids (Malikshah and Al-Muqtadi)" written by Abul-Hasan Shahvari. In this article, the author depicts the relations between Malekshah, assisted by Nizam al-Mulk, and Caliph al-Muqtadi. He divides the relations into two periods: friendly and hostile, and emphasizes the role of Nizam al-Mulk in normalizing the Caliph's relations with Malekshah. The second article, titled “Relations between the Seljuks and the Abbasid Caliphate with Emphasis on the Era of Sultan Masoud” is written by Ana Dardi Karimi. The author describes and explains the relations between the Seljuks and the Abbasid Caliphate. Another article entitled “The Application of Mawardi’s Theory of Dominance in the Relationship between Caliphate and Monarchy at the Beginning of the Seljuk Rise to Power” is written by Ali Rezaian. This article attempts to examine the nature of the Seljuk rise to power against the Buyids using Mawardi’s theory of dominion.
Research objectives
This article seeks to analyze the relationship between Tughril and Caliph al-Qaim. The main criterion here will be the form of correspondence. Although the original text of the correspondence is not available except for one letter, the content of some of these letters or their translations are mentioned in the main sources of the Seljuk period. This research, relying on some principles rose in the critical discourse analysis method, aims to answer the question of how the ideology governing the two institutions of monarchy and caliphate was reflected in the letters?
Research method
One of the famous approaches in critical discourse analysis is Norman Fairclough's approach. Fairclough's method has three levels: description, interpretation and explanation. The level of description, in this level of the text, based on the appearance characteristics, they are described and analyzed. At the level of interpretation, it interprets the text based on what is stated at the level of description, taking into account the situation, concepts and strategies of language usage and intertextual factors. The third level is the explanation level. The explanation deals with the explanation and why of the production of such a text among the permitted facilities available in that language for the production of text in relation to sociological, historical, discourse, ideology, power, conventions and social cultural knowledge.
Report of research findings
Tughril's relations with Al-Qaim began with respect and he came with the help of the Caliph but in the end it led to enmity and conflict of ideologies. Khalifat'Allah against Sultan Zell'Allah. In all the three stages, we witnessed the confrontation between the two institutions of monarchy and caliphate. The caliphate was trying to regain the power that the Buyid dynasty had taken from them, hoping that the Seljuks were the revivalists of the Prophet's tradition. But the discourse of the Seljuks was against this issue. Sultan was under the influence of Iranian bureaucrats, they tried to preserve the tradition of Iranian emperors. This thought was consistent with the Turks' desire for power.
Conclusion
Since during this period the caliph did not benefit from independent financial and military resources and was defeated by the monarchy discourse. The caliphate realized that the Seljuks were no different from the Buyid dynasty and they should be satisfied with their spiritual power However, Tughril took an important step towards taking spiritual power from Abbasid Caliphate by asking to marry the daughter of al-Qaim and establishing a kinship bond. The Seljuk Sultans' respect for the caliphs was very limited. As a result, this respect was never allowed to be included in political issues.
Politics and International Relations
mohammad karampouriy; Hossein Athari
Abstract
Introduction
Totalitarian regimes have a utopian approach, and their leaders justify their ideology and decisions in terms of achieving a better situation. The opposite of utopia is dystopia, where the political system has failed to achieve its goals. In this respect, North Korea is one of the most ...
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Introduction
Totalitarian regimes have a utopian approach, and their leaders justify their ideology and decisions in terms of achieving a better situation. The opposite of utopia is dystopia, where the political system has failed to achieve its goals. In this respect, North Korea is one of the most totalitarian societies of the modern era. The regime is one of the most repressive in the world. Accordingly, many political scientists and international relations analysts believe that the North Korean political system is a totalitarian system that has adopted a utopian approach to maximum control over all aspects of society.
Research Objectives
This research attempts to show how North Korea has reached a dystpia by analysing the dimensions of North Korea's political, economic and military development, as well as economic data and graphs, and what approaches and coordinates have shaped the direction of North Korea's political system in domestic and foreign policy, and what their positions are from the perspective of utopia and dystopia.
Research Method
In descriptive-analytical research, which is the approach of this research, the researcher, in addition to illustrating what is, describes and explains the reasons for how and why the situation of the problem is and its dimensions. In order to explain and justify the reasons, the researcher needs solid argumentative support. This support is based on a literature review and theoretical discussion of the research and the formulation of existing general propositions and theorems, such as laws and theories about it.
Research Highlights
The North Korean regime, which follows four ideologies, Suryong (leader), Juche (all-round self-sufficiency), Songun (military priority) and Songbun (hereditary caste system), to achieve a utopian state. The facts show that they give a wrong interpretation of the utopian state. While the characteristics and principles of utopia are opposite to the characteristics of a totalitarian political system, the totalitarian system takes as its starting point a dilapidated city, which the political system mistakenly gives a utopian interpretation to this totalitarian state; Therefore, the analysis of economic data and statistics and the analysis of political indicators show that this system has a single party with a single leadership, the existence of official ideologies, the party's control over technology and mass media, the party's control over the army, the existence of a system of fear, repression and police control, the party's control over the planned economy and maximum control over all aspects of society, along with widespread poverty and human challenges. A large part of the population is confronted with the illegitimacy of the state and the political system. The existence of the Songbun system of hereditary discrimination, the failure of the Juche ideology and the priority given to the military policy of the Songbun over the economic needs of the society indicate that it has exhibited the functions of a totalitarian state, and in the field of foreign policy it has faced comprehensive international sanctions for its aggressive nuclear policy in defiance of the international community, suffered severe economic decline and global isolation, and is in ruins both internally and externally.
Conclusion
Conclusion North Korea is facing an inescapable paradox: because of the adoption of the Soryong ideology, it cannot carry out political reforms followed by the introduction of information and communication technology into the system; because the effect of centrifugal forces is increasing until it leads to the overthrow of the system; and because of the Songbun discrimination system, it does not have the capacity and ability to develop politically and economically. The Juche idea has also failed at home and abroad, and the country's leaders have admitted this failure. In addition to the self-sufficiency of Juche, the Songun ideology has also faced a wave of severe international sanctions in terms of military and nuclear capabilities. The increase in military expenditure and the aggressive military policy of Songun, together with the dangerous nuclear tests, have not only brought about a decline in economic development and economic reforms, but have also brought about comprehensive international sanctions and global isolation of the country, indicating that the country is in a state of dystopia. The lifting of sanctions and the country's access to international markets require nuclear negotiations and an agreement with the negotiating countries, namely the United States. In these negotiations, nuclear disarmament actually requires the abandonment of the ideology of Songun and Juche; therefore, Kim Jong-un's nuclear negotiations with the United States and the world powers have reached an impasse and a strange paradox.
Political Thought
Rouhollah Eslami; Somayeh Maleki
Abstract
Governance is the same as governance and means the techniques and strategies that take place on the population in a geographical area. The logic of governance has gone through three periods of metaphysics, mechanics and quantum. Political thought from Machiavelli to Marx belongs to the period of mechanical ...
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Governance is the same as governance and means the techniques and strategies that take place on the population in a geographical area. The logic of governance has gone through three periods of metaphysics, mechanics and quantum. Political thought from Machiavelli to Marx belongs to the period of mechanical rule. In this article, governance meaning the logic of government and governance at three levels of principles, institutions and techniques has been considered and the framework of Foucault and religion theory has been used to interpret the texts. The evolution of governance from metaphysical to physical and the emergence of mechanical governance are directly related to governance practices based on modern political logic and wisdom and the emergence of humanities and new technologies. This article examines the establishment, glory, and decline of mechanical rule. The ideas of Machiavelli, Hobbes, and the social contract were formulated and established in the form of mechanical rule, and flourished with the intellectual efforts of Montesquieu, Kant, Hegel, Mill, and others. The next century saw Nozick, Habermas (and postmodern critics) come up with alternative techniques for overcoming bottlenecks. Throughout the article, the principles, institutions and techniques of mechanical governance are analyzed. Throughout the article, the principles, institutions and techniques of mechanical governance are analyzed. The article shows that from Machiavelli to Marx we see the formation of the mechanics of power and the establishment, glory and decline of mechanical rule.
International Relations
Ehsan Jafarifar; Ali Bagheri Dolat Abadi
Abstract
Iran's economy relies on energy exports, and because of this financial dependence, it is vulnerable to pressures from oil and gas export sanctions. That is why energy security considers one of the most important issues in Iran's political economy.And many believe that Iran's economy will be revived with ...
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Iran's economy relies on energy exports, and because of this financial dependence, it is vulnerable to pressures from oil and gas export sanctions. That is why energy security considers one of the most important issues in Iran's political economy.And many believe that Iran's economy will be revived with the lifting of sanctions, however, this research will deal with the issue of Iran's energy security after the sanctions from another perspective. The present study uses the explanatory-analytical method and data collection based on the library method to seek to answer the question what are the most important threats to Iran's energy security? The hypothesis of the article is that Iran's energy security faces serious threats in four categories of production, distribution, sales, and market and customer protection. Findings show that even with the end of sanctions, Iran faces challenges in its energy exports such as falling prices and global demand, disconnection from regional energy networks, unbalanced use of common fields with neighbors, lack of technology, and reduced investment in energy. Therefore, the lifting of sanctions will be a prelude to addressing some of these challenges, such as the reduction of foreign investment and the lack of up-to-date technology, and is not a cure for all of Iran's restrictions and problems. So; it is necessary for Iran to be more active in the energy diplomacy in the world.A look at the concept of energy security and the threats surrounding it showed that while the existence of huge energy reserves is considered an advantage for Iran, the mere existence of reserves will not strengthen Iran's position in the energy markets; Rather, the other dimension of energy security, which is the ability to produce, transfer and sell energy resources to customers, is of great importance. The concept of energy security states that no country can permanently protect itself against market influences, but all countries are affected by fluctuations in production, supply, price and availability. Apart from production, the issue of energy transfer and joining energy networks is discussed, although the geopolitical position of Iran shows the advantage of energy transfer, both in terms of land and sea, but it must be said that these geopolitical advantages have been used less. On the other hand, Iran's most important challenges in the field of energy are attracting and maintaining the market, extreme fluctuations in the prices of various energy products, and differences between major energy suppliers due to political problems. The research findings for this sector showed that simply expanding relations with Asian powers such as China does not guarantee Iran's energy security; Because China's foreign policy has shown that it is very pragmatic and is not willing to confront the West because of Iran. So; It can be said that Iran's energy position is a function of the policy of countries that try to act realistically in the international environment and seek to secure their national interests. Saudi Arabia is one of the countries that have taken this path and in recent years, affected by the sanctions, they have taken over the share of Iranian oil from the market. This behavior of Saudi Arabia has also lured other Arab players in the region to unilaterally take more than their share from common gas and oil resources in the conditions of Iran's economic and technological weakness. The continuation of this trend in the long term can cause irreparable damage to Iran's energy economyBased on this, it is suggested that Iran take the following measures to ensure energy security.*Activating energy diplomacy to join Iran to regional and international energy networks* Special attention to the development of common fields instead of non-common fields*Special attention to the discussion of current technologies and strengthening of knowledge base*Concluding long-term contracts with energy importing countries* Expansion of regional cooperation in the form of energy institutions and organizations
