Alireza Samiee Esfahani
Abstract
The main question of the present article is that what effect did the structure of the international system in the Cold War era have on the state-building process in Iran during the second Pahlavi period? The hypothesis of the research is that the characteristics of the structure of the international ...
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The main question of the present article is that what effect did the structure of the international system in the Cold War era have on the state-building process in Iran during the second Pahlavi period? The hypothesis of the research is that the characteristics of the structure of the international system in the Cold War era, caused the second Pahlavi in order to maintain the existence of the country and the survival of his regime, seeking security in the form of alliance and coalition on the agenda. Iran's foreign policy, in other words, because of the strong military aspect of security during the Cold War on the one hand and the regime's lack of legitimacy and dependence on the United States after the 1953 coup, on the other hand, "national security" is mostly narrow. "Government security" or "regime security" was defined, and as a result, the state-building project in the second Pahlavi era deviated from its original path and took a military-security direction. To explain this issue, a combination of structural neo-realist theory and state-building theory has been used. Findings show that Iran's sensitive geopolitical position and structural requirements for playing an active regional player in the US global defense strategy in the Cold War bipolar order, fear of Soviet communism and radical Arab nationalism, the most important and obvious factors influencing the structure of the international system are the security-militarization of the state-building policies of the second Pahlavi regime
Roxana Niknami
Abstract
Since 2017, there have been signs of an escalating crisis of government legitimacy in France. The dehegemonization in Gramsci's theory seems to explain the current state of the French government. Hegemony refers to the material and spiritual domination of one class over another. This domination must ...
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Since 2017, there have been signs of an escalating crisis of government legitimacy in France. The dehegemonization in Gramsci's theory seems to explain the current state of the French government. Hegemony refers to the material and spiritual domination of one class over another. This domination must include political, economic, and social dimensions; In such a way that it becomes common sense. But in France, this feature of the government seems to have been disrupted and common sense questioned. The purpose of this article is to answer the question of how this rupture was formed and led to the crisis of government legitimacy? This article hypothesizes the weakening of the relationship between government and civil society led to the misfunctioning of common sense, the historical bloc, and the onset of the organic crisis in the form of the yellow vest movement. The method of data collection was both library and observation. Gramsci's theory of hegemony was used to test the hypothesis. Based on the qualitative research method of critical dialectics and cognitive praxis, it was found that the historical bloc of neoliberalism in France has interrupted, and this has damaged the hegemon's ability to use civil society. The result is an organic crisis that suffers from a lack of intellectual tools for political awareness. Consequently, the hegemon has entered the process of modernization by waging a position war, and the current situation, although it has weakened the hegemony; But there are no conditions for maneuvering war and creating a new hegemony.
Noormohammad Nowruzi
Abstract
At the outset of 1990 decade and onward, Good Governance Discourse has become a so pivotal discourse in the pervasive domain of national and international developmental circles and institutions and in global development literature as well, that no significant study or investigation can ignore it. However, ...
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At the outset of 1990 decade and onward, Good Governance Discourse has become a so pivotal discourse in the pervasive domain of national and international developmental circles and institutions and in global development literature as well, that no significant study or investigation can ignore it. However, neither adherents nor critics offer the same understanding of the foundations, assumptions, constituents and indicators of such an idea; rather, each, on the basis of their intellectual presuppositions or practical policy-oriented experiences and normative attitude, paint a different picture of Good Governance Discourse. Scrutinize on the semantic implications system of Good Governance Discourse reveals multiple combination of different semantic layers that reflect at least, three distinct readings or approaches: Technocratic or Policy-Oriented reading, Democratic Politics reading, Critical-Deconstructive reading. Whereas both technocratic and democratic approaches as chief constituents of intellectual mainstream about good governance endeavor to represent this idea as a universal thinking and policymaking framework that applicable to all societies, critical reading attempts to reveal specific ideological presuppositions and implications of good governance discourse. In this article we will attempted to explicate the constituents and indexes associated with the three readings of Good Governance Discourse through the use of a critical discourse analysis method, especially with genealogical approach.
Hamid Ahmadi; Borhan Salimi
Abstract
The US model of secularism policies include disestablishment of religion and guaranteeing religious freedom through adding related articles in the constitution and the first amendment, the lack of religious education in public schools, the freedom of religious private education, the lack of funding for ...
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The US model of secularism policies include disestablishment of religion and guaranteeing religious freedom through adding related articles in the constitution and the first amendment, the lack of religious education in public schools, the freedom of religious private education, the lack of funding for religious private schools, the neutrality of the state towards the followers of different religions, and non-opposition to the presence and expression of religious symbols in the public domain. The realization of some of these policies has been the result of a historical process. The current study not only examines the rise and fall in US secularism from 1776 to 1980, but also addresses the impact of plurality and religious rivalry, rational calculations and liberal tendencies of US political leaders on constructing strengthening the secularism. The Protestant Semi-establishment through the Second Great Awakening and its hegemony in the public sphere were among serious challenges to the process of consolidating the US secularism in the nineteenth century. But with the increase in the population of Catholic and Jewish minorities, religious rivalries among them and the activities of secular organizations and movements, the increasing political and institutional influence of Evangelical Protestants and religious conservatives diminished, and the way forward was to expand the process of secularization in the twentieth century.
Mahboubeh Karim Doost Balalami; Hadi Noori
Abstract
The present study focuses on the issue of "What is the framework for the construction and nature of the native governments of the Iranian plateau in terms of power and the influence of its social foundations on the power structure and what is its relationship with Mesopotamian governments?" The aim is ...
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The present study focuses on the issue of "What is the framework for the construction and nature of the native governments of the Iranian plateau in terms of power and the influence of its social foundations on the power structure and what is its relationship with Mesopotamian governments?" The aim is to describe the structure of political power and its relationship to social groups in pre-Aryan and Mesopotamian civilizations. The framework of analysis is based on two types of unilateral (vertical) power structure and bilateral (horizontal) power structure. The research method is a comparative type that compares macro social units to discover differences and similarities between communities, and first and second hand documentary methods have been used to collect data. The results show that all the indigenous civilizations of the Iranian plateau had a horizontal political structure, and it is only in Jiroft that the possibility of a centralized state can be stated. In the Mesopotamian realm, the Akkadian and Assyrian civilizations had a vertical political structure, and the Sumerian and Babylonian civilizations had a horizontal structure in the first period, which changed the nature of the vertical structure in the second period. The result of the research is that we can talk about the existence of two different political traditions in the two civilizations of the Iranian plateau and Mesopotamia, the first of which was based on the division of power and the second based on the concentration of power.
Alireza Ali Soufi; Mohammad Reza Sadeghi
Abstract
Reza Shah's policies regarding the judiciary system can be evaluated in the direction of The Realization of Modern Absolute Government which was as a kind of reconstruction and redefinition of the traditional order at pre-constitutional period. Therefore, the direct intervention of the executive branch ...
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Reza Shah's policies regarding the judiciary system can be evaluated in the direction of The Realization of Modern Absolute Government which was as a kind of reconstruction and redefinition of the traditional order at pre-constitutional period. Therefore, the direct intervention of the executive branch in matters of justice and the neglect of principles 81 and 82 should be considered as the continuation of the controversy between traditional tyranny and the democratic order and constitutionalism. This Principles were widely violated at the earlier of this year. and continued and led to the presentation of an interpretation of principle 82. This interpretation, which disaffected the two principles in the same time, provided an apparently legal solution to the Minister of Justice in order to ignore the independence and defection of the justice and attempt to change the intervention of the judges. This research is done with the goal of considering the effective factors in Legitimize Government Domination in Courts, it has been conducted by descriptive- analytical approach, by documentary and library method and seeking to answer this fundamental question that, which are the main factors in the interpretation of principle 82 by the regime. The findings of the research presents that the authoritarian nature of the government was a source of pressure on the courts to issue voter sentences, and since some of the judges were not willing to cooperate within the framework of power, so to eliminate the legal barriers to their removal, the rule of interpretation of Article 82 Was drafted and approved.
