Mitra Rah Nejat
Abstract
Economic diplomacy, using relations and influence to improve international trade and investment, covers a wide range of international representatives, domestic institutions, as well as bilateral diplomatic activities. Economic regionalism is the result of dynamic economic diplomatic interactions that ...
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Economic diplomacy, using relations and influence to improve international trade and investment, covers a wide range of international representatives, domestic institutions, as well as bilateral diplomatic activities. Economic regionalism is the result of dynamic economic diplomatic interactions that can take shape in the form of a regional organization. The Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) is the only major regional organization to which Iran is a founding member, and sometimes manifests three specific features of the 11th government's foreign policy: developmentalism, regionalism, and internationalism. Now the question arises that what are the factors affecting the inefficiency of Iran's economic diplomacy in the ECO organization in advancing the economic regionalism policy of the 11th government? The main hypothesis is that in spite of the great potential in ECO, intra-structural problems, parallel work and overlapping of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with other institutions have been the cause of inefficiency and inability of this ministry to advance the policy of economic regionalism of the 11th government. The data of this article have been obtained by documentary-archival method and estimated using Eviews software. The analysis of the results obtained by interviewing Iranian diplomatic elites has been analyzed and explained.
Mohammad Radmard
Abstract
The second Pahlavi state has been the subject for many works so far. But in the meantime, less research has discussed the nature and form of the political system of this period. Now that, according to some scholars, economic development has been on the government's agenda during this period; by emphasizing ...
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The second Pahlavi state has been the subject for many works so far. But in the meantime, less research has discussed the nature and form of the political system of this period. Now that, according to some scholars, economic development has been on the government's agenda during this period; by emphasizing the issue of modernization, the form of the political system in this period of contemporary Iranian history can be examined. Edward Schiles is one of the thinkers who has categorized political systems from the perspective of development and with an emphasis on political development. Schills divides political systems into five categories: political democracy, guided democracy, modernist oligarchy, totalitarian oligarchy, and traditional oligarchy. Accordingly, the research question is which type of political system can be considered in line with the realities of the second Pahlavi state? It seems that in the context of the division of Schiles, the second Pahlavi state (1372-1357) should be considered as a modernist oligarchy. Thus, this research, while expressing the salient features of modern oligarchic systems from Schiles' point of view, tries to adapt the prevailing realities of the second Pahlavi period (1357-1332) to it. The application of this theory in this historical period can well show the ratio and degree of cooperation and accompaniment of dictatorship and modernization in some periods of a country's history and its cost-benefit. This research uses descriptive-analytical method and data is collected in a library.
Seyedeh Fahimeh Ebrahimi
Abstract
In Transoxiana political and social history in the Islamic period, there are moments of collision between the primitive and present biospheres, one of the most recent of which is the rise of the Uzbek nomadic rule and their extensive migration to the Iranian world and finally the formation of political ...
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In Transoxiana political and social history in the Islamic period, there are moments of collision between the primitive and present biospheres, one of the most recent of which is the rise of the Uzbek nomadic rule and their extensive migration to the Iranian world and finally the formation of political structure and dual office (tribal-urban). In the present paper, using Weber's sociological approach (traditional authority theory), which depicts the evolution of power and domination in traditional societies, we traced the periods of Uzbek political rule, up to the 13th / 19th century with the ambiguity of "What are the Uzbek nomads like?" "Have they experienced traditional authority and sovereignty in the evolution of their political life?" We claim that “the traditional Uzbek authority, due to the hybrid social system (urban and primitive) and the predominance of the tribal structure, is in constant challenge and tension between different species, simultaneously experiences a multi-layered structure (from gerontocratic, patriarchal and patrimonial authority), and finally, with the rise of the last dynasty of this race (Menghites), for some reason, its patrimonial layer is established." The result of the research completes the above claim in such a way that the extended patrimonial authority of Menghiti approaches sultanism (which is a kind of patrimonial domination) due to the dictatorship of the emirs of this dynasty in the process of establishing their political authority.
Hojjat Kazemi; Hadi Keshavarz
Abstract
The attempt to control and direct the population in any society by power and government through new institutions and techniques of governance is one of the modern debates that was first proposed and developed by Foucault. By targeting individuals and the population to meet its needs, power designs techniques ...
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The attempt to control and direct the population in any society by power and government through new institutions and techniques of governance is one of the modern debates that was first proposed and developed by Foucault. By targeting individuals and the population to meet its needs, power designs techniques and institutions that, while making individuals visible, increase their control and guidance in society. In this context, in a descriptive-analytical manner, this article intends to examine the relationship between population and government through the actions of Abbas Mirza, Amir Kabir, Nasser al-Din Shah, the Constitution and Reza Shah, based on new governance institutions and techniques in Iran, especially the school institution, since the late nineteenth century, and show what developments took place in Iran facing the West and the formation of a crisis of awareness in the field of government and governance with the elite, And how and why did the population become the target of new rules and techniques of governance? For responding to these questions, this study seeks to prove the changing pattern of governance in Iran on the one hand and the state's efforts to control and guide the population in new institutions on the other hand in order to strengthen the foundations of its government while increasing productivity and obedience.
Javad Emam Jomeh Zadeh; Zohreh Marandi
Abstract
Based on sociological and philosophical interpretations, there are two perspectives on democracy. Sociologically, democratic institutions take precedence over democratic thought and culture in practice. At the same time, the philosophical approach prioritizes the culture and theoretical foundations of ...
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Based on sociological and philosophical interpretations, there are two perspectives on democracy. Sociologically, democratic institutions take precedence over democratic thought and culture in practice. At the same time, the philosophical approach prioritizes the culture and theoretical foundations of democracy. Hence, some speak of the primacy of democracy over philosophy, and others of the primacy of philosophy over democracy. The main question now is according to which of the above democratic channels are the seventh and eighth administrations analyzed after the Islamic Republic of Iran? The authors of this article have tried to show that these administrations are evaluated using the conceptual possibilities of the philosophy priority approach to democracy. Accordingly, the main hypothesis states that solving the problems facing the seventh and eighth administrations in the context of democracy requires a philosophical approach. In this regard, this article tries to provide a suitable platform for understanding the process of democracy and proving the main hypothesis by presenting theoretical components such as human attitude to development, education of political knowledge, political culture, political development and political wisdom. The theoretical framework of this article is the priority of philosophy over democracy, which carries its philosophical theme well, especially by emphasizing awareness and knowledge before democratic action in the thoughts of Seyed Javad Tabatabai, Reza Davari Ardakani and Mostafa Malekian. The precedence of view over action shows that all three thinkers consider political, economic and social opportunities in society as a reflection of previously-trained actions of individuals, and in this regard, their thoughts can be a model. They are good for analyzing the actions of the seventh and eighth administrations. Paying attention to the conceptual possibilities of the theoretical model in the article shows that understanding and analyzing the state of democracy in the seventh and eighth administrations is theoretically very important. Therefore, the method of this research is descriptive and analytical and is evaluated with reference to the library method.
Hanif Amoozadeh Mahdiraji; Mohsen Ranjbar
Abstract
For several years, corruption news has been heard from Iranian government agencies, a type of intra-group relationships in power structure in which members of each political faction act against the public interest and for their benefit and other members of their group. On the other hand, cooperation ...
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For several years, corruption news has been heard from Iranian government agencies, a type of intra-group relationships in power structure in which members of each political faction act against the public interest and for their benefit and other members of their group. On the other hand, cooperation on bribery and ransom with the public and agents at the lower levels of the country's executive system has developed in recent years, so that the perception of corruption in the country in recent years has decreased in comparison with the other countries in the region. Systematic corrupt practices in the power structure and in the interactions of agents with citizens and a kind of cultural relations referring to as the "culture of pessimism" have always existed in a stable manner in the Iranian society as if there were no way out. Therefore, this article tries to obtain a new and, of course, historical understanding of the financial relations between the government and the people from a historical sociology point of view. In this regard, valid historical documents and secondary analyses have been used. Moreover, for a good observation of the historical evidence, a conceptual model has been designed to better explain the relationships of the components of the observed events. In designing this model, the views of theorists such as Elias, Gambetta and Tilly have been used for a conclusion based on the best explanation. The research findings show that in the points of interaction of government agents with citizens, a set of financial relations with strictness, corruption and pessimism prevailed, which did not follow any ritualized codes.
Seyed Amir Niakooee; Saeed Pirmohammadi
Abstract
The Arab Awakening which encompassed the broad region of the Middle East and North Africa led to a huge change in the internal politics and especially the pattern of statehood in the region. In the state level, the mentioned developments were accompanied with the symptoms of evolution in the structure ...
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The Arab Awakening which encompassed the broad region of the Middle East and North Africa led to a huge change in the internal politics and especially the pattern of statehood in the region. In the state level, the mentioned developments were accompanied with the symptoms of evolution in the structure of states in the region. In the present paper, the authors are going to explore the transition of Iraq and Syria from statehood to quasi statehood since the eruption of uprisings and civil wars in the region. the recognised Quasi states examined here have been recognised as a political entity. however they lack legitimacy and monopoly in exercizing power in the given territory. It is noteworthy that the context of this evolution in Iraq started since the overthrow of Sadam in 2003 and exacerbated since the Arab spring. The main question of the manuscript is as follows: how can the transition of Iraq and Syria from statehood to quasi statehood since the eruption of the uprising in the region be explained? Accordingly, the following hypothesis has been examined: The weakness of nation state and legitimacy, identity and participation crises coupled with the destructive roles of foreign actors have led to the mentioned transition in Iraq and Syria. The methodology of the manuscript is descriptive explanatory approach and the method of gathering data is based on library studies.
