Salman Sadeghi Zadeh
Abstract
Purpose: Nation state is a newly-constructed institution established in the wake of United States declaration of independence and has been spreading all over the world in recent centuries. But nowadays nation-state is in retreat and this is the main problem that this article aims to address. In fact, ...
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Purpose: Nation state is a newly-constructed institution established in the wake of United States declaration of independence and has been spreading all over the world in recent centuries. But nowadays nation-state is in retreat and this is the main problem that this article aims to address. In fact, nation state causes the rudimentary development of globalization but paradoxically as globalization started to spread out nation state was the first victim of its dominance. The main purpose of this article is to analyze the nature and process of this evolution and to try to find inevitably effective elements form which blowing out of the nation state is rooted. So in forthcoming debates, we will analyze the different dimensions of the issue.Design/Methodology/Approach: Generally speaking, this essay deals with the issue from a historical point of view and with analyzing different aspects effective in the process tries not to be reductive and unilateral. Along with its historical approach this essay remains mainly descriptive especially in explicating the fundamental independent variables which are playing the role in a mutual complementary manner. Although, the globalization may have nothing to do with nation state directly, it affects the exacerbating situation of national state on a regular basis through its forces. The essay introduces the four independent variables and one dependent variable. The four independent variables include cosmopolitanism, international organizations and regimes, unleashed market and newly-arisen identities and the independent variable is nothing but weakening situation of an entity called national state.Findings: First and foremost, cosmopolitanism is of paramount significance. We can conceive of cosmopolitanism as an ideology which is in full contrast with nationalism. In fact, nationalism which is being replaced by cosmopolitanism apace and swiftly lies mainly on national individual. Cosmopolitanism instead of focusing on national identity focuses mainly on global and universal features and weakens the national portrait of human being by displaying it as a supra-national entity. By this way the infrastructure on which the ideology of nationalism is erected will be faltered. Another variable is empowering the international bodies which could lead to more marginalization of national states. In this case, the UN organization is of the most importance and can see easily its power and ability to limit some actions of national states. The third variable is free and unleashed market which also has the same role especially because it makes national borders more vulnerable and penetrable. From twenty century on we observe the ever increasing development of international market all over the world. It is a fact that many activities of international companies are out of the hands of governments. The last but not the least variable is newly-arising identities among which looming new diasporic communities are of the essence.Originality/Value: To sum up, this essay is an insightful and intuitive one for anybody who wants to ponder on the different and various dimensions of globalization and its main results especially for national state. In fact, by analyzing the four prior variables readers could intuitively foresee the future of the national state in the age of globalization.
Seyed Hadi Zarghani; Ebrahim Ahmadi
Abstract
The term good governance is used today on a wide scale from a local to an international level. In the meantime, governance in the form of local government seems to be more commensurate with good governance. This research seeks to answer the questions of what is the relationship between local government ...
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The term good governance is used today on a wide scale from a local to an international level. In the meantime, governance in the form of local government seems to be more commensurate with good governance. This research seeks to answer the questions of what is the relationship between local government and good governance and what are the unique characteristics and traits of a local government that can be considered a good government? In addition, what is the best method for delegating powers and responsibilities to citizens in order to make local government efficient in terms of good governance? The research is descriptive-analytical based on its nature and methodology and the required information is gathered in a documentary manner with reference to reliable books and articles. The research findings show that with respect to specific and prominent features of local government such as decentralization, democratic structure, local and people-centered planning and decision-making, attention to the interests of the general public, the distribution of opportunities and the establishment of social and geographical justice, more community benefits from development and welfare, local government can be regarded as the ideal example for good governance. Also among the many features that local government has, the principle of optimal decentralization (political, economic, administrative, technical, geographical, etc.), as the real symbol and ultimate goal of local government, is undoubtedly the best and most practical way of good administrative governance. In this way, by delegating some of the responsibilities to the citizens, their involvement in regional and national affairs becomes more real and then the mutual interaction between the local government and the central government becomes facilitated. It will also have decentralization of power (central government) as a principle. In short, because of the specific nature and functions of local government, it can be used to establish a good governance model.
S.Ghasem Zamani
Abstract
Abstract Purpose: Contemporary international law has faced many new challenges. The expansion of modern objects as State-terrorism and the growth of new subjects such as new actors could be considered as some recent aspects of this evolution. In this framework the event of non-state actors because of ...
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Abstract Purpose: Contemporary international law has faced many new challenges. The expansion of modern objects as State-terrorism and the growth of new subjects such as new actors could be considered as some recent aspects of this evolution. In this framework the event of non-state actors because of some problems has changed the allocation of rights and duties and the balance of power between different actors in international community. Although in this environment, the states are still the most significant component of international law and international relations, the modern phenomena could cause new conceptions. The most widely accepted source for definition of statehood is the Montevideo Convention of 1933, which includes the traditional preconditions. According to this convention there are four criteria for States such as a permanent population; a defined territory; government; and the capacity to enter into relations with other entities. The purpose of this article is to focus on the different elements of a State and to answer the question whether DAESH could be considered as a State in international law? And Whether DAESH could expand its legal personality in order to be considered as a State? Design: To answer the main challenges of this essay, it will break up into sections; first, after examining the elements of states in accordance to existing documents and recent practices of various actors, we will consider DAESH, the foundations and the structural basis of creation and its practice in international law. In this section, we will also examine the capabilities by which DAESH may obtain a modern position in international relations. Second, we will consider the characteristic features of DAESH including violation of some fundamental principles of international law such as human rights and humanitarian law. Third, we will scrutinize the role and the responsibility of others before DAESH. In this section, the situations by which international community could overcome the challenges of this new actor in the best manner may also be examined. Finally we will explain the resolutions and the documents issued by some competent organizations such as some human rights organs and also the United Nations and especially those of the Security Council in condemnation of international and domestic practices of this group. Finding: Many international rules and principles have been violated by DAESH in Syria and Iraq. Some reports and comments by human rights commissions and non-governmental organizations show that DAESH has committed many heinous acts such as murder, extermination, slavery, deportation or forcible transfer, torture, grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions and other rules of international humanitarian law. Many of the crimes could be considered as those criminalized by International criminal court as the crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide. Taking a look at some recent resolutions of the Security Council and paying enough attention to the international and domestic practice of DAESH are some legal facts to prove the premise of this query.
Jalil Dara; Mozhgan Rezaeyan Esfehani
Abstract
The experiences of the new industrialized countries such as south Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Malaysia in the process of industrialization , have highlighted the role of government in industrialization. But something that has been remained as a question and would be the subject for many researches is how ...
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The experiences of the new industrialized countries such as south Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Malaysia in the process of industrialization , have highlighted the role of government in industrialization. But something that has been remained as a question and would be the subject for many researches is how to play that role for government.Confirming that there are many confusions about the role of government in development and industrialization in Iran ; the aim of this article is to compare the role of government in Auto-industry in Iran and South Korea base on institutionalism approach and Evans’ pattern of developmental state (autonomy embedded in society) , and it uses the comparative method in order to find an answer for this core question : despite this fact that Iran and South Korea has established their Auto-industry almost in the same time , but why Korea has been much more succeeded than Iran in the world stand. Findings in the article has supported this hypothesis that the main reason for inefficient and backwardness of Auto-industry in Iran is unbalanced and heterogeneous roles of the government in Iran which are played in this sector of industry , in comparison to well-played developmental roles by south Korea’s government.
Seyed Shamseddin sadeghi; Loghman ghanbari
Abstract
One of the main concerns of political Sociology of Iran is how to enter the path of political development. In other words, it means by which way we can achieve the political development: from the top and by the dominant political elites (reformation), from the bottom and by the presence and entrance ...
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One of the main concerns of political Sociology of Iran is how to enter the path of political development. In other words, it means by which way we can achieve the political development: from the top and by the dominant political elites (reformation), from the bottom and by the presence and entrance of masses into the political realm (revolution) or from the outside (international organizations/human rights agencies)? The explanatory claim of this research is that political development is hard to achieve without considering the nature of the political culture of Iran’s mass. In this regard the main concern of the present research is to explain and analyze the effect of the mass political culture on the process of political development in Iran. Considering this important fact, the research is aimed to explain nature of the relation of political development and political culture and the effect of the mass political culture on political development in Iran. The question of the research is what effect the mass political culture has on the process of political development in Iran. In order to answer the question of the research the following hypothesis is evaluated: because of the lack of the required contexts and opportunity due to the State the mass political culture has a deterrent effect on the process of Iran’s political development. The research method is descriptive-analytical on the basis of the framework of historical sociology and collective psychology.
Ali Mokhtari; Reza Dehbanipour
Abstract
Prior to the 2011 Egyptian revolution, scholars would assess the state–society relations in Egypt in the age of globalization as ineffective, considering any change impossible. However, popular movements in the Middle East and the easy collapse of state indicated that the state–society relation ...
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Prior to the 2011 Egyptian revolution, scholars would assess the state–society relations in Egypt in the age of globalization as ineffective, considering any change impossible. However, popular movements in the Middle East and the easy collapse of state indicated that the state–society relation was not passive. In an attempt to re-examine state–society relations, this research focuses on why and how the state–society relations in Egypt, which had been based on authoritarian hegemony, underwent rupture and crisis. Moreover, it tries to explain how the state has managed to deal with the transformation of civil society. The findings show that despite the state’s incomplete and reductionist approach to globalization, the decrease in the state control over economy, in public services and the increase in inequality crisis all have led to class divisions, unemployment, and inflation. The loss of the elements integral to state hegemony led to the emergence of discontented and insurgent political subjects, which made the state insist on its repressive, non-ideological, and undemocratic functions. Due to the weakness in reproducing its power in civil society and the failure to realize the change in the subject’s sensibility–behavior schemata, the state failed in the face of the immediate movement of people, and emerging sociopolitical forces overthrew the state with the help of new media facilities.
Alireza Koohkan
Abstract
The dynamic and changing politics of the United States have been the focus of political researchers since the beginning of this country. Due to its new construction, the US did not benefit from the requirements of the old countries, hence, the way of its political action was different. Since the U.S. ...
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The dynamic and changing politics of the United States have been the focus of political researchers since the beginning of this country. Due to its new construction, the US did not benefit from the requirements of the old countries, hence, the way of its political action was different. Since the U.S. gained power in the world arena, how government policy is formed in the United States became important for the researchers of international relations. The opinions of prominent scholars show that one of the defensible theories in the political construction of the United States is based on the prominent role of groups in this field. Different groups or more precisely "interest groups" shape and manage all the elements of this policy. These groups are also responsible for the change of the political structure and the direction of internal and external policies. Attributing such importance to interest groups makes it necessary to explain the importance and the function of these groups in policy making in the United States. This issue forms the main structure of this article. Therefore, the main question of this article is why interest groups are important in the political construction of the American government. The current research tries to answer this question based on the opinions of "Arthur Bentley". For this reason, the present article has a theoretical approach and answers a fundamental question in the field of political construction. The correct understanding of the internal dynamism of politics in the United States is based on the correct understanding of this issue, and it is necessary to understand this process in order to change the internal policy of the United States. Bentley's main book called "The Process of Government" was written in the early 20th century. Bentley systematically theorized groups and trends from a political perspective for the first time. Interest groups are deeply rooted in both conflict and compromise over political decisions as well as historical changes in political systems. In order to answer the main question of this article, the materials have been categorized using the qualitative method, comparative research strategy and gathering data from documents and libraries. For this purpose, after a brief explanation about Bentley and his most important book, his views on the importance of interest groups in the political system of the United States are explained. At the end, the criticisms towards this perspective will be explained and the result of this theoretical research will be presented. Research findings show that interest groups act as a link between interests and decision makers. Studies of the policy process show that interest groups often play a central role in setting the government's agenda, options, influencing decisions, and directing the executive branch. In this regard, both the official structures and the informal structures of American politics provide a suitable base for influence groups. One of the features of the American system that increases their influence is the relative weakness of the political parties of the United States, which partly stems from the principle of separation of powers. A second feature of this system that encourages interest groups is the decentralization of political power to states and municipalities, known as a federal system or "federalism." Citizens' associations often begin at local levels in the states and later merge into national organizations. Therefore, decentralization leads to greater diversity and encourages interest groups. As a result, research shows that interest groups, in addition to influencing policy outcomes through direct lobbying, influence political attitudes and behaviors in various ways. Interest groups often respond directly to candidates, policies, or specific initiatives. In other words, while influencing political policies and decisions, interest groups influence the formation of votes and political behaviors of parties and political leaders and react to them.The result of Bentley's theory in foreign policy is interesting. People become politically important only when they are members of a group, and groups become important when they perform activities. But political life is very complicated: There is no man who only is a member of one interest group, and there is no interest group that operates separately from other groups. The alliance between the groups is also very fragile and unstable. No part of the government in the real world of politics is immune from the pressure of different groups and this includes the judicial system and courts. Therefore, according to Bentley, liberal ideas that seek to create departments to pursue public interests and away from the pressure of large and powerful groups are doomed to failure.
Parham Mehraram; Mohammad Seyed Fatemi
Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 20 February 2020
Abstract
< p >There has been valuable research on the socio-political structure of the Sassanid era. Most have described Sassanid society as an example of feudal or authoritarian Eastern societies. But the historical evidence is not entirely consistent with these two theories. It seems that the existence of a ...
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< p >There has been valuable research on the socio-political structure of the Sassanid era. Most have described Sassanid society as an example of feudal or authoritarian Eastern societies. But the historical evidence is not entirely consistent with these two theories. It seems that the existence of a powerful aristocracy alongside a strong government seeking to concentrate more power makes this society a prominent example of Eisen''s bureaucratic empires. In this case, some concepts related to public law can be argued that they cannot be formed in the two former types. Examples include early national identities and, consequently, the independence of the state''s legal personality from the real ruler, which has significant effects on political traditions such as succession traditions and power relations between the king, the nobility, the people and the bureaucracy. It seems that in the Sasanian political-legal structure, it is impossible to deal with power and political-legal structures such as that of ruler. At the same time, the dual nature of the bureaucratic empires as both traditional and modern system and a dynamic point of view (as opposed to a static one) can well justify the inconsistencies in the Sasanian government and the inconsistent historical evidence.
Parham Mehraram; Mohammad Seyed Fatemi
Volume 5, Issue 20 , March 2020, , Pages 131-169
Abstract
There has been valuable research on the socio-political structure of the Sassanid era. Most have described Sassanid society as an example of feudal or authoritarian Eastern societies. But the historical evidence is not entirely consistent with these two theories. It seems that the existence of a powerful ...
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There has been valuable research on the socio-political structure of the Sassanid era. Most have described Sassanid society as an example of feudal or authoritarian Eastern societies. But the historical evidence is not entirely consistent with these two theories. It seems that the existence of a powerful aristocracy alongside a strong government seeking to concentrate more power makes this society a prominent example of Eisen's bureaucratic empires. In this case, some concepts related to public law can be argued that they cannot be formed in the two former types. Examples include early national identities and, consequently, the independence of the state's legal personality from the real ruler, which has significant effects on political traditions such as succession traditions and power relations between the king, the nobility, the people and the bureaucracy. It seems that in the Sasanian political-legal structure, it is impossible to deal with power and political-legal structures such as that of ruler. At the same time, the dual nature of the bureaucratic empires as both traditional and modern system and a dynamic point of view (as opposed to a static one) can well justify the inconsistencies in the Sasanian government and the inconsistent historical evidence.
ali bagheri; hossein ebrahimi
Abstract
Purpose: Seeking development has always been one of the top priorities of developing countries. For this reason, various governments have tried to follow relevant policies as one of the politico- economic priorities. In Iran, given that after eight years of Holy Defense, many industrial, economic and ...
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Purpose: Seeking development has always been one of the top priorities of developing countries. For this reason, various governments have tried to follow relevant policies as one of the politico- economic priorities. In Iran, given that after eight years of Holy Defense, many industrial, economic and agricultural infrastructure were destroyed, the pursuit of development-oriented policy became one of the main slogans of the government of the time to an extent that the government of Hashemi Rafsanjani called itself the Sazandegi (constructive) Government. Considering that achieving development requires cooperation in both domestic and foreign policies, the aim of the present paper is to show the requirements of foreign policy in order to realize the development-oriented policy in Sazandegi Government. In particular, the paper seeks to answer this question: What changes took place in Iran’s foreign policy for adapting itself based on the development-oriented policy? The main hypothesis refers to a changing of foreign policy priorities of Iran and its compliance with internal and international contexts. Thus, Iran, in addition to changing the tone of its speech in the region, attempted to demonstrate new figures to attract foreign investors.
Design/Methodology/Approach: This paper is formed and based on the theory of economic liberalism with the descriptive-analytic method. The research data is collected from hard and electronic sources such as papers, books, journals etc.
Findings: The research findings show that in the state level, Iran, for détente in its foreign relations, improved its relations with the EU, China, Russia and neighboring Arab countries. In regional and international levels, Iran followed the policy of strengthening and revitalization of eco-organization, de-politicization of OPEC, use of the capacity of the Organization of Islamic Conference, and more interaction with the United Nations, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund. To achieve this purpose, Iran reduced its ideological propaganda and changed its tones on export of revolutionary ideals in Middle East. At this time, creating an Islamic Japan was considered the gateway of exporting of the Islamic revolution and the government attempted spend all its energy to improve the economy. On this path, the government even embarked upon reforms in the foreign ministry. Although adjustment instances of Iran’sgovernment in some areas of foreign policy could help to achieve a development-oriented policy, such changes were insufficient and the enforcement of new sanctions against Iran challenged its policy of détente and attraction of foreign investment. In the economic aspect, Iran merged adopted global economy and moved away from the Islamic economic model. The implication of this policy was the growth of liquidity level and the spread of poverty and injustice in the society.
Originality/Value: Trying to introduce the measures of Iran’s government in foreign policy for adapting itself with the development-oriented policy is the first criterion that distinguishes the present paper from other research. Also, the article has concentrated on economic indexes of development-oriented policy, and, in this way, distinguishes itself from other research efforts. Besides these two issues, the paper does not have a black and white viewpoint to successes and failures of the government of Hashemi Rafsanjani and tries to explain the effect of world economy on some politico-economic decisions of the government.
Reza Mahoozi; Massoud Etesami
Abstract
One of the contemporary thought movements which has a relation with philosophy and Islamic mysticism and emerged first in the western world is the thought movement of traditionalists or the followers of the Eternal Wisdom. In fact this thought trend is a rereading of philosophical (hekmi) and divine ...
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One of the contemporary thought movements which has a relation with philosophy and Islamic mysticism and emerged first in the western world is the thought movement of traditionalists or the followers of the Eternal Wisdom. In fact this thought trend is a rereading of philosophical (hekmi) and divine traditions of the pre-modern civilizations. In this framework knowledge can be achieved through eternal philosophy and by intuitive reason and politics is a kind of instrument for reaching the ideal traditional life. According to the traditionalists democracy as the favorite way of government of the modern world by denying the hierarchical thinking cannot transcendentalise all aspects of human beings and in this essay on the basis of the traditionalists’s views including Seyyed Hossein Nasr’s the religious sultanate as the favorite way of government and the theory of state is studied. We also tried to put forward the traditionalism’s fundamental criticisms of the modern science and civilization in different aspects including the state in order to explain some of the prerequisites of traditionalism for evolution in modern order in different areas of thinking and society and to make clear the results of this way of thinking for the modern world. This essay is an effort to make clear the traditional ways of living and thinking in the contemporary world including the political life and from the viewpoint of state by explaining the traditionalists’ logic of denial (of the modern world). It is also an effort to find an answer to the questions: “how should we encounter the modern thought and how should we find an alternative to traditionalism for the current situation?”.
Abbasali Rahbar
Abstract
Political issues that are explained in relation to socio-political disorder; Looking at public perceptions, it is considered to be a negative, common and changeable situation that contradicts the values of a significant number of people and they believe that they should take action to change that situation. ...
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Political issues that are explained in relation to socio-political disorder; Looking at public perceptions, it is considered to be a negative, common and changeable situation that contradicts the values of a significant number of people and they believe that they should take action to change that situation. Considering the importance of socio-political problem solving in the continuity and efficiency of a social system -Political The main goal of this article is to know the systematic model of the most important political issues of the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the approach of political sociology. Therefore, in response to the main question of what are the most important political issues of the government (as government) of the Islamic Republic of Iran, it has been tried to use a qualitative approach in the form of an empathic interpretation method to answer the main question with the conceptual framework of socio-political anomie and subjective perceptions. With the technique of elite brainstorming, the analysis of the findings (while acknowledging the relative capabilities of governments) indicates that among the agency and structural problems related to the government in the Islamic Republic of Iran, the sinusoidal process of political trust has been the core of our country's political issues today. which in the internal dimension has an important relationship with the weakness in the performance of the supervisory institutions, the inefficiency of some government institutions and the existence of social gaps, and in the external dimension, it has not been unaffected by the US sanctions policies against the Iranian people. Of course, the dimensional and logical empowerment of the government in Economy, culture and security and attracting people's conscious participation will help to reduce the basic political issues of the government.
Mohammad Jalali; Mahdi Mahdavi Zahed
Abstract
Purpose: It is the purpose of this article to investigate reasons and types of the evolution of institutions. Social institutions, "Family", "Religion", "Education", "Economy" and "Politics", have fluid nature and therefore have ability to discourse evolution. The changing institution can affect other ...
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Purpose: It is the purpose of this article to investigate reasons and types of the evolution of institutions. Social institutions, "Family", "Religion", "Education", "Economy" and "Politics", have fluid nature and therefore have ability to discourse evolution. The changing institution can affect other social institutions. Five basic social institutions can affect law, and the main question in this article is about this same problem. This article seeks to answer these question: What significant relationship is there between the changes in social institutions and the rule of law in Iran? Is the evolution of social institutions of family, religion, education, politics and economics effective in transition to rule of law? The main premise of authors is the existence of changes in social institutions, laying the groundwork for the formation of individuality and as a result, plurality of values systems.
Methodology: This article surveys evolution of social institutions. Most simply, it is a first step in an attempt to discuss the nature of Rule of Law. Then, by examining changes in social institutions and their impacts on the infrastructure of the state, we discuss the rule of law in contemporary Iran. This study goes beyond the traditional classification of Public Law in the areas of Constitutional Law, Administrative Law, Financial Law and Labor Law and is among the sociology of Public Law.
Findings: The findings of this study imply that the evolution of social institutions' discourses lead to the formation of "individuality" and value pluralism, and deepen the "democratic culture" and "social democracy" among the Iranians, because the authors believe that "Democracy" is not static, but an ongoing process. Democratic social structure affects the political system. Therefore, this article seeks to analyze the sociological process of formation of the modern democratic state in Iran. So, from another perspective, this paper is located in the realm of "Iranian and Persian Studies". This article is dedicated to the interdisciplinary study of Iran.
State and social institutions have dynamic interaction with each other. Therefore, the evolution of an institution can change other social institutions. Thus, there are the meaningful relationship between the evolution of social institutions' discourses & the formation of the rule of law that imply the connection between sociology and Public Law, because Public Law is the legal system of the state and Sociology of Public Law is responsible for explanation of impact of social institutions on the formation of the government.
Originality/Value: This article is one of the first attempts to understand the role of social change in the rule of law in contemporary Iran, because this study examined the steps of understanding, creating and delivering values by social changing processes in citizen’s mindsets. These changes have affected Family", "Religion", "Education", "Economy" and "Politics" in contemporary Iran. This study is focused on analyzing how democratic culture can impact in the rule of law, because we believe the existence of the rule of law is the foundation of a democratic system and mutually democracy promotes the rule of law. In this article we are going to be examining the dialectic of society and government in contemporary Iranian society
Yashar Zaki; Javad Hassanzadeh
Abstract
Different spheres of human life as a result of the emergence and spread of the phenomenon of "Internet" has changed. "E-government" covers all platforms and applications of ICT that services citizens, businesses, other government agencies and civil servants. In this study, we tried by using library resources ...
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Different spheres of human life as a result of the emergence and spread of the phenomenon of "Internet" has changed. "E-government" covers all platforms and applications of ICT that services citizens, businesses, other government agencies and civil servants. In this study, we tried by using library resources in the theory and by using of data of “The United Nations e-Government Survey” first described the concept of cyberspace and e-government and then using statistical tests and SPSS, regions of the world to be compared with each other. The results show that e-government development index in Western Europe and North America and also somewhat in Eastern European countries become more developed than other areas. It should be noted that some countries of Eastern and Western Asia are on the list of top countries in e-government index, but the average is much lower in Asia than in Europe and North America, which represents the digital divide in Asia. Another thing worth mentioning is that the most difference between regions is in the telecommunication infrastructure and online services index and differences in human capital index is lower. For example, although the online services and telecom infrastructure in Iran is relatively poor, but the Human Capital Index is in good condition. Finally, using a questionnaire that was satisfactory reliability and validity, Students and graduates of the geo-political attitude in relation to factors in the development of e-government in the country was measured.
Ahmad Kaleghi Damghani; mohsen jamshidi
Abstract
Reconstruction and redefinition of classical concepts is one of the main features of post-structuralist thinking. French philosopher Gilles Deleuze has also toke part to this redefinition of classical concepts. One of the concepts Deleuze redefines and rebuilds in his thinking is the concept of state. ...
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Reconstruction and redefinition of classical concepts is one of the main features of post-structuralist thinking. French philosopher Gilles Deleuze has also toke part to this redefinition of classical concepts. One of the concepts Deleuze redefines and rebuilds in his thinking is the concept of state. Deleuze's method for redefining concepts, including the concept of state, was to embed them in a new ontological framework. By using a different ontology, Deleuze rebuilds different concepts. In this sense, Deleuze has put different concepts in the form of a single ontology by creating a philosophical system and using a unified and systematic approach. The main feature of this ontology is its reliance on the relationship between actual and virtual. For this purpose, in this paper, the author shows how the state theory rebuilt by Deleuze uses his theory of movement in terms of similar ontological structure. This same ontological structure is the relation between actual and virtual. Accordingly, the state like movement will be analyzed at three different levels: the level of points and place-time, the level of intrinsic motion and internal intercourse, the level of communication with the virtual. The significance of this redefinition for such an ontological structure is that the dominant institutional and static approach in the political analysis is radically transformed.
Politics and International Relations
Roh-Allah Talebi Arani; Mehdi Dorofki
Abstract
One of the criteria by which states in the current international system can be classified is the amount of power they actually enjoy or are often thought to have. Based on this criterion, states are divided into big powers, middle powers and small states.Great powers are states that define global interests ...
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One of the criteria by which states in the current international system can be classified is the amount of power they actually enjoy or are often thought to have. Based on this criterion, states are divided into big powers, middle powers and small states.Great powers are states that define global interests and responsibilities for themselves, they mainly play a leading role in international organizations, they act unilaterally in the first place, and in case of failure, they act in cooperation with other counterparts, an unequal/one-sided relationship. They establish relations with other states, including middle powers and small states, and in addition, in a socio-historical context, their status as a great power has been recognized by other members of the international community.The middle powers neither have the capacity nor the desire to become a great power, nor are they weak enough to be caught in the abyss of absolute action. Instead, their ability in the international arena is average, by not challenging the existing international system and its great powers, they advance their foreign policy based on domestic prosperity and survival in the international arena, and by creating norms of peaceful behavior. and encouraging the settlement of disputes through international law and international institutions, instead of resorting to force, they try to introduce themselves as a country that seeks to stabilize the world order.Small states, meanwhile, have some distinctive features: for example, they have to adopt one of two approaches towards international developments not least international conflicts: diplomatic Isolationism or diplomatic activism. Thus, the limitation of internal power resources as well as foreign power relations makes the small state to adopt a cooperative approach, which, as a result, makes mediation the Centre of its diplomatic efforts. However, in today's era, small states are not like in the past that cannot compensate for their vulnerability because they have increasingly become important and influential actors in international politics. Although the scale of their operations is significantly different from that of larger states, they are not ignored even in the current world of unequal power relations, so that their diplomatic activities and influence on international politics may exceed their actual capabilities.The Sultanate of Oman is a clear example of a small state that has become an influential state, at least at the regional level, by adopting a policy of mediation in its foreign policy. Since the reign of Sultan Qaboos bin Saeed (1970-1920) and even following his death, this state has adopted a distinct foreign policy based on mediation. On this basis, the question of the present study is why mediation has played a pivotal role in Oman's foreign policy in the face of regional developments in West Asia during the reign of Sultan Qaboos. In answering to this question, drawing on the conceptual framework of the small state Diplomacy, and Using the integrated method of quantitative-qualitative content analysis, it is argued that the limitations of Oman's power as a small state have made Oman willing to mediate in foreign policy in the face of regional developments in West Asia. The findings of the study indicate that the opportunities of Oman's foreign policy for the Islamic Republic of Iran far more than its challenges, so that this sultanate can reduce the current regional and international pressures and moderate the behavior of enemies and rivals of the country.In this article, it was shown how Mbanjigari has been able to promote a small state like Oman as a respectable actor in the international and regional arena. In this regard, by turning to a functional explanation, it was argued that the centrality of mediation in diplomatic efforts, with its "branding/highlighting function", was caused by Oman's cooperative approach towards regional and international actors and issues; And Oman's cooperative approach, with its "function of ensuring survival", has arisen from the limitations of Oman's power and has caused this government to adopt a cooperative approach in order to compensate for the damage caused by it, and as a result, mediation is the focus of its efforts. Having said that, Oman as a small state has always acted as an adopted child of great powers. In continuation of this tension-free approach with great powers, Oman has tried to use communication mediation to highlight itself.
Abstract
The institution of government as a major part of a community in Islam has a special place and in addition to its inherent functions such as the administration and ordering of social affairs, its existence is essential for the desirable achievement of the teachings and doctrines of Islam. However, due ...
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The institution of government as a major part of a community in Islam has a special place and in addition to its inherent functions such as the administration and ordering of social affairs, its existence is essential for the desirable achievement of the teachings and doctrines of Islam. However, due to the poor background about the dimensions of the Islamic State, questions and uncertainties about the origin of the state, its structure and its features, and on the other hand the relation between the state and civil society is discussed. Therefore, in order to understand the various dimensions of the Islamic state, familiarity with the state institution of Nabawi and Alawi, as the best historical model of Islamic state and the existence of the innocent Imam at the top of it, is the best source for introducing the Islamic state and explaining its indices to illustrate the desired Islamic state. Therefore, in this research, we tried to examine the different nature and dimensions of the Nabawi and Alawi government in a theoretical framework based on the three conceptual, structural and theoretical approaches with a descriptive-analytical method. Research findings indicate that the Nabawi and Alawi state have, with people’s origin, a mechanical approach in the conceptual arena, and with a small structure, along with a limited definition of its main tasks with a broader scope, refers to a prescriptive and state-centered approach in the theoretical arena.
Hosein Masoudnia; Peyman Sheykh Mahmoudi
Abstract
Rentier governments have suffered in their economic and political aspects because of their high dependence on rentier revenues. In political terms, these governments have an authoritarian and non-democratic nature due to the separation of their sources of income from society. In the economic aspect, ...
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Rentier governments have suffered in their economic and political aspects because of their high dependence on rentier revenues. In political terms, these governments have an authoritarian and non-democratic nature due to the separation of their sources of income from society. In the economic aspect, their obvious feature is a single product, an inflationary economy with unemployment and a deficit. The study seeks to address the economic and political pathology of Kuwait by studying the case of Kuwait as a rentier state. At the Kuwaiti economy, efforts have been made to diversify its single-product economy away from economic diversification, but still a significant part of its economy is derived from oil revenues. In the political aspect, the main feature of this government is the lack of tax and non-representation, The Kuwaiti government has suffered from fiscal deficits, inflation, and unemployment, due to its dependence on oil revenues, which tended to gradually shift towards an economically importing, vulnerable consumerism which pushes it towards an authoritarian and non-democratic state, as its governors with financial support seek to buy political and postpone democracy. With the continuation of such crises, it appears that the Kuwaiti government will face the obvious political and economic challenges in the future.
Mohsen Shafiee Seifabadi; Ali Bagheri Dolat Abadi
Abstract
Today, the coronavirus has become a pandemic and a major international concern. The virus has been able to give states powers that would not normally be possible. It has created many restrictions for them, either. In this regard, the purpose of this paper is the comparative study of the performance of ...
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Today, the coronavirus has become a pandemic and a major international concern. The virus has been able to give states powers that would not normally be possible. It has created many restrictions for them, either. In this regard, the purpose of this paper is the comparative study of the performance of the Iranian and Singaporean states dealing with the coronavirus, the political-social future of these two nations and the final status of the virus within the framework of future research method. Therefore, the question that arises is, "what has been the performance of Iran and Singapore dealing with the coronavirus, and what would be the political-social future of these countries and the final status of this virus?" The results show that Singapore's performance in confrontation with the coronavirus is faster, more planned, more legal and more transparent than in Iran. In terms of the future of both states, five scenarios can be proposed, which are in three categories: A) The Favorable Future: The End of Corona, Reduction of Job Costs for States and Improving the Knowledge System of Citizens. B) Probable Future: 1. Corona's gradual defeat, the emergence of the crisis of unemployed youth and maximum pressure on the State. 2. Gradual control of Corona, expansion of influence and intelligence dominance of States. 3. Corona's survival, the centralization of power and the closing of democratic space. C) Possible future: long-term failure of Corona, economic crisis and maximum pressure on the people and the emergence of social protests.
Javad Emam Jomeh Zadeh; Zohreh Marandi
Abstract
Based on sociological and philosophical interpretations, there are two perspectives on democracy. Sociologically, democratic institutions take precedence over democratic thought and culture in practice. At the same time, the philosophical approach prioritizes the culture and theoretical foundations of ...
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Based on sociological and philosophical interpretations, there are two perspectives on democracy. Sociologically, democratic institutions take precedence over democratic thought and culture in practice. At the same time, the philosophical approach prioritizes the culture and theoretical foundations of democracy. Hence, some speak of the primacy of democracy over philosophy, and others of the primacy of philosophy over democracy. The main question now is according to which of the above democratic channels are the seventh and eighth administrations analyzed after the Islamic Republic of Iran? The authors of this article have tried to show that these administrations are evaluated using the conceptual possibilities of the philosophy priority approach to democracy. Accordingly, the main hypothesis states that solving the problems facing the seventh and eighth administrations in the context of democracy requires a philosophical approach. In this regard, this article tries to provide a suitable platform for understanding the process of democracy and proving the main hypothesis by presenting theoretical components such as human attitude to development, education of political knowledge, political culture, political development and political wisdom. The theoretical framework of this article is the priority of philosophy over democracy, which carries its philosophical theme well, especially by emphasizing awareness and knowledge before democratic action in the thoughts of Seyed Javad Tabatabai, Reza Davari Ardakani and Mostafa Malekian. The precedence of view over action shows that all three thinkers consider political, economic and social opportunities in society as a reflection of previously-trained actions of individuals, and in this regard, their thoughts can be a model. They are good for analyzing the actions of the seventh and eighth administrations. Paying attention to the conceptual possibilities of the theoretical model in the article shows that understanding and analyzing the state of democracy in the seventh and eighth administrations is theoretically very important. Therefore, the method of this research is descriptive and analytical and is evaluated with reference to the library method.
Ruhollah Safariyan; Seyed Javad Emamjomehzadeh
Abstract
Social changes in the global approach to development at the societies level has changed. Today a different social structure is required for the comprehensive development of the organization so that all social forces can be included in this structure. A good governance pattern with a different social ...
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Social changes in the global approach to development at the societies level has changed. Today a different social structure is required for the comprehensive development of the organization so that all social forces can be included in this structure. A good governance pattern with a different social and political framework is also in line with these new conditions. Accordingly, the main question of the present article is how good governance patterns affect overall development. Our hypothesis in this study is that in the model of good governance by creating social capital in its triple structure, it leads to the development of administrative, political, economic, social and cultural levels. Thus, in this approach, the state, with its distinctive nature and character and by organizing it rationally facilitates the development of partnership and participation of other social sectors, such as civil society and non-governmental public institutions, and the private sector. And the main feature of the new age and globalization is that decentralization is expected in this structure. Therefore, this research attempts to show by using descriptive-analytical method and using library and documentary sources that the model of good governance as a new approach to development studies emphasizes the state with institutional-managerial aspects and political and legal nature, and along with it, the various social forces that are co-ordinating with the perspective and the horizontal and network structure.
Ali-Akbar Gorji; mohammadshahab jalilvand
Abstract
Islamic Republic of Iran is a state with unique features in the present time that the matching characteristics with the characteristics of the modern state, there are many opinions dispersed. The modern state, which has its roots in the history of the West, has 10 features that distinguish it from pre-modern ...
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Islamic Republic of Iran is a state with unique features in the present time that the matching characteristics with the characteristics of the modern state, there are many opinions dispersed. The modern state, which has its roots in the history of the West, has 10 features that distinguish it from pre-modern states. Meanwhile, the Constitution is an essential characteristic of the modern state That means adherence to the constitution. Therefore, the theory of constitutional government emphasizes that the the government is basically guardian of order based on the constitution 's power structure and the structure of power in all its aspects should be based on the constitution. This article tries to comment on the constitutional criteria, in the characteristics of the modern state, and the state's political power structure in the Islamic Republic of Iran in this respect will be reviewed and concludes that although in cases such as: the structure of representation, separation of powers, rule of law and the judicial process of securing the Islamic Republic of Iran, there are roots of the development of a governance structure based on the constitution, but with a little reflection on some of the principles of the constitution and also delving into some practice, it is observed that in the context of community governance, constitutional ambiguities of criteria has occurred.
Ali khaje Naieni
Abstract
Purpose: The present article is an attempt to describe the elementary forms of policy network in public policy and policy making. Government is actually not the cockpit from which society is governed and that policy making processes rather are generally interplay among various actors. Networks provide ...
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Purpose: The present article is an attempt to describe the elementary forms of policy network in public policy and policy making. Government is actually not the cockpit from which society is governed and that policy making processes rather are generally interplay among various actors. Networks provide platforms where highly interdependent policy actors are contacted and interact frequently to deal with common problems. “The resulting formal and informal interactions have the potential to increase policy effectiveness at less cost than authority-based structural changes arrived at through formal reorganization”. Policy networks are Clusters of actors, each with an interest, or stake in a given policy, and the capacity to determine policy success or failure. The policy network concept is strongly influenced by inter-organizational theory, which stresses actors are dependent on each other because they need each other’s resources to achieve their goals. Policy networks are “relatively stable sets of private and public organizations that negotiate in a horizontal, coordinating manner.” Actors converge around various policy problems and interact through the sharing of information, expertise, and political support. The types of networks that form depend on the balance of political power and resources between private and public actors. Policy network analyses attempts to explain policy development by examining networks of actors concerned with a given policy problem across public and private sectors. Design/Methodology/Approach: Studies of networks had been “guided primarily by two theoretical perspectives: resource dependence and related exchange perspectives. The policy network approach focuses attention on the interaction processes between interdependent actors and the complexity of objectives and strategies as a consequence of that interaction. The functioning of networks can be addressed using this network analytical approach, since we defined functioning as the process by which certain network conditions lead to certain network outcomes. In network analysis, the ‘nodes’ and ‘relations’ - that comprise the network - gets analyzed and explained. Findings: In political science, networks are often interest groups. Public management network researchers have attempted to develop a network management paradigm comparable to the hierarchical organizational authority paradigm of bureaucratic management. There are three main approaches to using the network concept: Policy networks as a specific form of governance, Typologies of network structure in a policy subsystem and Formal network analysis. Network Management is a form of management consisting of coordinating strategies from different participants with varied goals and preferences in regards to a problem/policy measure within an inter-organizational network. Number of actors involved, Complexity of policy networks, Degree that network is self-referential, Absence of conflicts of interest, and the Cost involved affect success . Each of dimensions of policy network performance can be linked to the costs of policy networks. Policy networks goes beyond the one-dimensional new public management conceptualization of performance that focuses on efficiency and effectiveness Originality/Value: To sum up, this essay is an insightful and intuitive one for anybody who wants to ponder on the different and various dimensions of policy network in formulation of policies and policy making.
Reza mousazade; mahmood ganjbakhsh
Abstract
The way governments deal with the claims of victims of terrorist incidents is one of the most important political issues of the day. Since the Canadian government claims that it fights terrorism the political strategies that govern this government are important in responding to the survivors of the terrorist ...
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The way governments deal with the claims of victims of terrorist incidents is one of the most important political issues of the day. Since the Canadian government claims that it fights terrorism the political strategies that govern this government are important in responding to the survivors of the terrorist events. By accusing the Iranian government, it has done its most important action against one of the victims of terrorism. By using the theory of Barry Buzan in analyzing this action of the Canadian State the findings of this paper show that Canada by utilizing some policies like a particular definition of international terrorism advocating state and regarding Iran as one the biggest countries which advocate terrorism, giving up the diplomatic relation with Iran, repudiating the immunity of Iran’s properties and their seizure in the interests of victims of terrorist attacks in occupies lands is a way of cooperating with the US and Israel. According to Buzan theory about security dilemma and the complexities and contradictions inherent in political choices about that the operation of Canada about the Iranian government's immunity in international law is not defensible. In this article we are looking for answers to this question that "What are the political fields of Canada’s action against Iran?" This review is based on Barry Buzan's theory and was conducted by using descriptive analytical method.
Mahdy Haddady; Mohamad Setayeshpur
Abstract
Nowadays, many wrongful acts have been committed in the international community that multiple states play role in its commission. In spite of recognizing Independent Responsibility as the cornerstone basis for allocating international law of responsibility, International Law Commissions (hereinafter ...
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Nowadays, many wrongful acts have been committed in the international community that multiple states play role in its commission. In spite of recognizing Independent Responsibility as the cornerstone basis for allocating international law of responsibility, International Law Commissions (hereinafter ILC) draft Articles on Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts (2001) (hereinafter ARSIWA) and its draft Articles on Responsibility of International Organizations (2011) (hereinafter ARIO) have recognized that attribution of acts to one actor does not exclude possible attribution of the same act to another state which is called Derivative Responsibility. Aid or Assistance, Direction and Control, Force and Circumvention of an International Obligation are the only four situations in the scope of derivative responsibility. Despite recognizing these, it is not expressly clarified what kind of relationship exists between them, or how to allocate these two responsibilities as secondary obligation and or how the related contribution is. In the situation of aid or assistance, each one is just responsible of its aid or assistance, so if the wrongdoer commits more internationally wrongful acts, the state in question is just responsible for the aid or assistance and not more; in the situation of direction or control, joint responsibility is applicable; in the situation of force, the forcing party is responsible; so the forced party is not responsible at all; And in the last one, circumvention is not justifiable at all; so the state in question cannot and must not escape from its primary obligation.
