Hamid Hakim
Abstract
Owing to their lasting and permanent effects, geopolitical factors play a significant role in the politics and behavior of state. Given Tajikistan’s geopolitics, it is important to consider geopolitical factors and their effects in order to understand and predict policies and behavior of the state ...
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Owing to their lasting and permanent effects, geopolitical factors play a significant role in the politics and behavior of state. Given Tajikistan’s geopolitics, it is important to consider geopolitical factors and their effects in order to understand and predict policies and behavior of the state in Tajikistan. This is also of special importance due the proximity of Tajikistan to the Islamic Republic of Iran as well as myriad commonalities between the two. Adopting a descriptive–analytical method and relying on library research, the present study aims to analyze the politics and behavior of the state in Tajikistan by investigating the effects of Tajikistan’s geopolitics on the state. The hypothesis is that the geopolitical characteristics of Tajikistan are factors causing tension for the country and creating, directly or indirectly, threats, instability, and insecurity which all affect the politics and behavior of the state in Tajikistan. This has led to the state’s authoritarianism and centralism in the domestic arena and its dominated, submissive character in the foreign arena.
Milad Heidari
Abstract
In addition to government and official institutions such as the police, the gendarmerie, and the National Organization for Security and Intelligence (SAVAK), the second Pahlavi government used militias to suppress its opponents. This use of armed non-state actors continued throughout this period (1942-1979). ...
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In addition to government and official institutions such as the police, the gendarmerie, and the National Organization for Security and Intelligence (SAVAK), the second Pahlavi government used militias to suppress its opponents. This use of armed non-state actors continued throughout this period (1942-1979). In fact, force and violence which should have been the monopoly of the state were also entrusted to non-state actors. Previous academic studies have ignored and underestimated the role of such informal/semi-official forces in the politics and militarism of the government. Moreover, these studies have paid little attention to their persistence. Therefore, the purpose of the present study was to explain why pro-government militias continued to exist in the second Pahlavi period. To explain this issue, the views of experts in the field of militias were used as the research hypotheses. The research method was functional-historical explanation and library, documentary, and field methods were used for data collection. The present study examined the performance of militias during the events and political developments of this period. The research showed that during the various political and security crises that the Pahlavi government was involved in from the beginning to the end, gradually, some of the advantages of the militias over the official and government military were realized. These advantages included the low cost of managing and training them, local and specialized knowledge, strengthening the legitimacy of the government, and their deniability. Therefore, the government insisted on strengthening and developing the militias.
Mohammad Taghi Ghezelsofla
Abstract
The present descriptive-analytical research has been conducted in an attempt to find the requirements of governance in the "post-…” era. Today, major developments in epistemology and fundamental changes of ideology have seriously changed the political affairs. These two transformations have ...
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The present descriptive-analytical research has been conducted in an attempt to find the requirements of governance in the "post-…” era. Today, major developments in epistemology and fundamental changes of ideology have seriously changed the political affairs. These two transformations have made the institution of the state and its governance in the development era the most important priorities of policymaking and theorizing. In response to the question raised, this article is organized in two sections: in the first section, after explaining the logic of transition to the “post-…” era and the reasons for finding the importance of governance, the most important requirements of governance in the age of development have been proposed by emphasizing the moral/native conditions of Iran as one of the countries on the path of development. For this purpose, a critical normative theoretical approach has been used considering the governments responsible for preparing "fundamental goods”. The results of this research show that issues such as rethinking the philosophy of development, paying attention to the idea of alternative development, improving the quality of the development-oriented government, and the teleology of governance in the age of development with local requirements are some of the most important issues that should be on the agenda of governments seeking development, including the government of Iran.
Behnam Medi
Abstract
In recent Iranian intellectual space, some thinkers of political thought and jurisprudence (in particular the late Dr. Davood Feirahi) have believed that Iran’s situation in Islamic world is similar to and comparable with England in Europe and Christian world. That's because Iran is a Muslim country ...
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In recent Iranian intellectual space, some thinkers of political thought and jurisprudence (in particular the late Dr. Davood Feirahi) have believed that Iran’s situation in Islamic world is similar to and comparable with England in Europe and Christian world. That's because Iran is a Muslim country yet at the same time a Shi'ite one and England in Europe is a Christian yet at the time an Anglican one. On the other hand, they have believed that the situation and the political project of John Locke in England is similar to and comparable with the situation and the political project of Allameh Mohammad Hossein Naeini in contemporary Iran. That's also because both of them tried to defend freedom and democracy on the basis of a religious ground, that means the holy text. And both of them had religious opponents (Sheiq Fazlollah Nuri and Robert Filmer). Therefore, the quarrel for democracy and freedom at the time of John Locke and Allameh Mohammad Hossein Naeini was a religious one. That means it was religion against religion, both authoritarianism and democracy was based on different accounts and interpretation of the hole text. Hence, in Iran Feirahi believed that secularism isn't our real problem but the problem is religious accounts of authoritarianism and democracy. He believed that the path of democracy passes through a democratic account of religion. Here, what he called as modern theology can make sense.The main concern of the present article is to evaluate this claim. Is Shi'ite Islam is comparable with Christianity and Anglicanism in particular? What are the differences? At least we know the Constitutionalism movement in Iran came to a different conclusion than the Constitutionalism movement. In Iran, only after two decades after the Constitutionalism revolution an authoritarianist government came to power and it can be said that Rezakhan destroyed democracy. The main subject of my essay is Law but not any kind of Law (Natural Law, Religious Law, etc.). It is only governmental law or human Law. What is created by man and in particular by a government. In order to evaluate the aforementioned claim and what people like Feirahi said I chose the concept of law and on the other hand I tried to study the concept in the context of the two important treatises of these two thinkers; the second treatise of John Locke on Government and Mohammad Hossein Naeini’s Tanbih o lommah va Tanzih o lmellah. It should be added that Law is very important for these two. Locke defines political power on the basis of Law. For Locke, that's Law which draws a distinction between a state of war and a political state. For Naeini, Law is an alternative for ismah (innocence) of imam at the time of qeibah (absence of imam).It should be noticed that Law in Iran was a goal that so many people had tried the achieve. One the main aims of the Constitutionalism revolution was to create Law and to limit and control the behavior of the governors on the basis of Law. So, the essay studied different aspects of the question of law in the project of those two thinkers (Naeini and Locke) and what the said in their most important treatises (Tanbih o lommah va Tanzih o lmellah of Mohammad Hossein Naeini and John Locke’s Second Treatise on Government). This study is a part of a wider research, which tried to find the basis of such comparison. My methodological approach in present essay is an interpretive-comparative one. That means that I tried to interpret both texts from the viewpoint of Law and after that and the same time I tried to compare the two texts. The present essay is divided in different parts. First, I studied the foundation of Law in the two treatises (a metaphorical one and a normative one). Then I wrote about the limitations of Law for Locke and Naeini. For Locke and Naeine there two different kinds of limitations. Locke limits Law by Natural Law or Natural Rights and the contents of the very basic contract between people and the governors. On the other side. Naeini limits Law by Shari'ah and the contents of the very basic contract between people and the governors. Then I talked about the Legislative Power (Parliament of Majlis). Here I studied the position of the the Legislative Power and its conditions. And in the end, I wrote about the goal or aim law, what Law tries to achieve. Here I pointed to the relations between public good and its relation with consent. In the final analysis, the present research shows that in spite of some similarities, there are fundamental differences between John Locke and Naeini, which cannot and should not be overlooked. I believed that the proponents of the claim are ignorant of the differences. Such ignorance twists our system of thinking more and creates more problems.
Faramarz Sahraei
Abstract
Digital transformation is one of the new areas that is key in almost all innovation and change processes which has been adopted by institutions and organizations due to its positive effects on increasing workflow efficiency and reducing errors, improving performance and quality productivity and, as a ...
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Digital transformation is one of the new areas that is key in almost all innovation and change processes which has been adopted by institutions and organizations due to its positive effects on increasing workflow efficiency and reducing errors, improving performance and quality productivity and, as a result, increasing customer satisfaction, this term has been considered in different fields and sectors. Despite all the advantages of using new technologies, the digitization of various departments of organizations has faced many challenges to governments. On the one hand, the rapid growth of technologies and the management of data generated in new environments have caused changes in many government processes. Data protection and citizens' privacy are among the issues that need to be given more attention in the transformation of the digital government. This article, with an analytical and applied approach, examines the comprehensive electronic government document of the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of indicators and components of the digital government as well as data governance. In the first part, the article explains the need to pay attention to digital transformation and the category of data governance and their impact on government processes. In the following, the main components of data governance are considered in order to apply digital transformation in e-government. In this regard, various dimensions of data governance such as data protection, data processes, laws, standards and related indicators are analyzed. Then, the comprehensive electronic government document of the Islamic Republic of Iran is evaluated from the perspective of the components of the digital government and with an emphasis on data governance. In this regard, components such as the transformation of government services, paying attention to user-oriented and data-oriented approaches, creating a government cloud, greater clarity and transparency of processes and adopting data-related approaches (data quality management, data security and protection management, content management and data warehouses, database process management) are emphasized. In the end, suggestions for improving data governance processes in the country are presented, emphasizing the components of digital government. In general, digital transformation has changed the expectations of governments and led to user-centric and data-centric approaches. Digital transformation does not mean only the digitization of resources and services; rather, transformation should be made in all goals, processes, procedures and structures. Considering the role of transformation and digital transformation in the development of governments, in this article, it is suggested to formulate a comprehensive and integrated data governance strategy based on data governance maturity models. It is necessary to adopt new strategies to protect, manage and develop data as a valuable organizational asset. Reviewing and updating proposed laws, regulations or policies related to electronic transactions, digital signatures and identification and leveraging digital technologies to bring together stakeholders from all levels of government and outside government to deliver better outcomes and develop individual and collective capacities to strengthen the impact of digital government Digital government is another necessity. In general, digital transformation has changed the expectations of governments and led to user-centric and data-centric approaches. Digital transformation does not mean only the digitization of resources and services; rather, transformation should be made in all goals, processes, procedures and structures. Considering the role of transformation and digital transformation in the development of governments, in this article, it is suggested to formulate a comprehensive and integrated data governance strategy based on data governance maturity models. It is necessary to adopt new strategies to protect, manage and develop data as a valuable organizational asset. Reviewing and updating proposed laws, regulations or policies related to electronic transactions, digital signatures and identification and leveraging digital technologies to bring together stakeholders from all levels of government and outside government to deliver better outcomes and develop individual and collective capacities to strengthen the impact of digital government Digital government is another necessity. The use of data governance models requires coherent and strategic planning for the use of digital technologies in all areas and at all administrative levels. Governments must ensure that their risk management capabilities, norms, structures and models are aligned with their digital government strategic vision. It is essential that governments also understand the level of organizational maturity of the public sector in relation to project management methods and approaches and can achieve appropriate levels of maturity in digital government investment. The failure of governments to transition to the new digital environment can have significant consequences, including poor service delivery, inadequate distribution of funds, privacy violations, security breaches, and loss of citizen trust. For this reason, effective digital government strategies must be responsive to public expectations in terms of economic and social value, data openness, innovation, personalized service delivery, and dialogue with business citizens.
Public Policy
Madjid Vahid
Abstract
The purpose of this contribution is to shed light on the evolution of public policy studies in France. It should be noted that this discipline was born in the United States in the 1950s mainly based on the works of Harold Lasswell who is known as the founding father of the discipline. Lasswell and his ...
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The purpose of this contribution is to shed light on the evolution of public policy studies in France. It should be noted that this discipline was born in the United States in the 1950s mainly based on the works of Harold Lasswell who is known as the founding father of the discipline. Lasswell and his collaborators aimed to study the actions of the State to then be able to help decision-makers act more effectively and of course more democratically. It was in the 1980s that this discipline entered the scientific field in France. We believe that four steps are distinguishable in this regard.
1- The attempts of synthesis aimed at bringing and knowing the discipline in France. The works of Madeleine Grawitz and Jean Leca, Yves Mény and Jean-Claude Thoenig, and Patrick Hassenteufel are notable in this regard. They brilliantly managed to clarify the foundations of the discipline and the research carried out in the United States and France in its frameworks. They were convinced that this new branch of political science would help to better understand the logic of public action, which would logically lead to its improvement.
2- The multiple works carried out since the 1980s were inspired by the sociology of organizations. Michel Crozier and Erhard Friedberg have particularly prepared a fruitful ground for public policy researchers to access epistemological, theoretical, and methodical tools to analyze French public policies. Of course, the sociology of organizations reveals its American inspirations, and the specialists of the Center for the Sociology of Organizations have not hidden it. The sociology of organizations emphasizes the theoretical values of some concepts such as actor, system, power, areas of uncertainty, and rationality of actors, which show a convincing capacity in the analysis of the strategies of the actors within the organizations and in the analysis of the organizations themselves which are the main frameworks of action in modern societies.
3- Research leading to cognitive analysis of public policies in France. Here, we should emphasize the founding works of Pierre Muller and Bruno Jobert. The elaboration of concepts such as representation, mediator, and référentiel in their analyses has opened very useful routes for future researchers to know the logic of public policies in France and the possible means of their change, especially since the 1990s. These researches show a certain utility in the analysis of some major turning points in French politics, among which the neoliberal turn made under the presidency of François Mitterrand, however socialist and attached to left-wing values.
4- A new direction of research is known by the studies and analyses of researchers such as Gérard Noiriel, Renaud Payre, and Gilles Pollet. They are at the origin of a new approach in the study of social phenomena and actions of public authorities. Gérard Noiriel in a part of his works gives an overview of an approach that is known as the socio-historical approach. Renaud Payre and Gilles Pollet are among the leading researchers who apply this approach in the field of public policy and the actions of public authorities. They reveal the sociological and historical foundations of policies and actions and show precisely how socio-history differs from historical sociology or sociological history. In the field of analysis of public action, socio-history provides useful tools for researchers to deepen their knowledge in areas such as the emergence of new social categories (unemployed, immigrants, etc.), the transfer of knowledge and experience from one country to another, and the establishment of regional entities such as the European Union.
In conclusion, we note that we had, throughout the writing of this article, an implicit objective in our mind: Clarifying the efforts made over the decades in France to be able to import a discipline that has proven its innovative abilities in its original cradle. Public policies are now part of the integrated disciplines in Iranian universities and it is of course necessary to know how the scientists of a developed country attached to its independence and originality, France, have worked at the entrance of a new scientific discipline created outside their country to be able to benefit from it for their development and be at the origin of its development in turn. We hope that Iranian academics and scientists will follow the example of their French colleagues, which appears fully promising.
Shoja Ahmadvand; Mojtaba Yavar
Abstract
Abstract The progressive changes in nineteenth century led Iranian governance to the distribution of absolute political power. It meaningfully was a minimal cession of the traditional authority of the king institution and its power that could be accomplished either conscientiously and non- conscientiously. ...
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Abstract The progressive changes in nineteenth century led Iranian governance to the distribution of absolute political power. It meaningfully was a minimal cession of the traditional authority of the king institution and its power that could be accomplished either conscientiously and non- conscientiously. This article has been based on this assumption: seeking for and pursuing improvement of the undesirable conditions, and generally, looking for "progression", need to accompaniment of two agent, both the political system (government) and scientific (intellectual) efforts. Basing on that assumption, in this article, we are going to show and demonstrate the government's roles and practices, to achieve the "progression". Undoubtedly, we can’t pursuit our goal with a mere glance on, and a superficial research about the nineteenth century evolutions. In another hand, no government likes to divide its unification and has no tendency to reduce its traditional capacities. Any changing, and any movement to modern "progressing", especially at the first stages, can’t be a continuous and permanent process without the government's supports and interferences. But, whereas in the primitive stage to modernization, the old administrative system (bureaucracy) is one of the original and elementary obstacles, every prosecution to modernization of the society and state is depended on the proportional changes in the government by itself. Problematically, in traditional Iranian state, the King was the "Zhellollah" (the God's shadow); it means that, the King had the topmost place in the hierarchical pyramid of power; in fact, the Kingdom as a traditional, legal and accepted institution in Iran was the comprehensive and fully qualified status of power. Thus, wherever this powerful institution is the most important bearer for modern "progress", its unified, centered and integrated authority has been effected by the uncharitable and serious element of modernity. We are looking to confirm and verify this claim in this article. To access such goal, we need an approach which can be explanatory; so, we need the Genealogy method of Michel Foucault. Genealogy approach can nicely and deliberately explain the coalition of the government's unconscious operation and conscious function in studious unit. We will show that such combination has been done within a complete coalition of awareness and non- awareness. It was full of awareness, because the general will of the government was going to accept emblems of western-modern changing, to adapt and perform it in the traditional society of Iran. So the government attempts to do it by itself. But it was higher than traditional King’s efforts and capacities. The government made decision to distribute and cession parts of its power just for ongoing social changing. The non-conscientious or undesired conclusion of power dispersion in the politics area was the genesis of a will to establish a constitutional government. In fact, the extensive portion of this matter was not only the consequence of intellectual or thinking pioneers efforts but also was a production of the government progressive actions.
Sajjad Sattari
Abstract
The present article is an attempt to describe the elementary forms of petro-life in the Middle East. I have tried to provide the readers, as far as possible, with a coherent theoretical framework about Middle East petro-societies by formulating “Hydrocarbonism” (as an alternative approach ...
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The present article is an attempt to describe the elementary forms of petro-life in the Middle East. I have tried to provide the readers, as far as possible, with a coherent theoretical framework about Middle East petro-societies by formulating “Hydrocarbonism” (as an alternative approach to Rentierism) and by proposing a series of new concepts such as “Hydrocarbonic Man and Society, Hydrocarbonic Mode of Production, Quasi-Market, Middle Eastern State of Nature, Welfare Technocracy, Rent Wishing Syndrom, Social-X-Factor, Middle Eastern Social Contract, and Tax Leviathan”.These concepts have had a central position in my perception of life of mind and living experience of human beings in the Middle East petro-societies. By proposing these concepts in the political economy and political sociology of Middle East, I wish to answer the fundamental question of “How can we understand the nature and the work procedure of Middle East petro-societies and the elementary forms of life inside them?.” In this regard, I have presented five basic arguments as follows:First of all; “Tradition, Petroleum and Quasi-Market” are a unified totality and the main sources of transition in the Middle East petro-societies from “Hydraulic Mode of Production” in Pre-Capitalist era to a “Hydrocarbonic Mode of Production” in twentieth century. These three inseparable sources, above all, have influenced the life of mind and the living experience of man in the Middle East petro-societies more than any other factor. Such resources as tradition, petroleum and quasi-market have given a particular feature to these societies which comprises a special internal dynamism to which are added their own content and values.Second, we can assume the endless unity of “Tradition, Petroleum and Quasi-Market” as a sort of “Middle Eastern State of Nature” which underlies establishment of a “Welfare Technocracy” (potent or impotent) in these hydrocarbonic societies. In such a condition, elites of power take advantage of welfare technocracy in order to continuously purchase political goods from social markets, an action which consequently ends in manipulation and distortion of “income, consumption and political life” in their own social context.Third, the result of this “Middle Eastern State of Nature” is the passivity of human subject due to his weakness and benefit at the same time and this State of Nature solves constantly “dilemma of reproduction” of established paradigms of power in these societies.Fourth, inability of welfare technocracy in the ongoing generation of “social-X-factor” gradually led to extreme alienation, decline of all forms of capital and finally, decrease in “sustainable economic growth along with embedded political development” in these societies.Fifth, moving towards a kind of “Middle Eastern Social Contract” and establishing a “Tax Leviathan” is a passing prerequisite, however, it is difficult and complicated for the Middle East hydrocarbonic societies. They have to leave their own specific state of nature and move towards their own especial social state.In order to understand the nature, work procedure and elementary forms of life in the Middle East hydrocarbonic societies, I have focused on these societies in their specific historical horizon and their own social context. I have also tried to reconstruct the experience of hydrocarbonic human via empathetic experience of his world-life.Accordingly, in the first section of the article, while describing the insufficiency of Rentisism literature, I present the “Hydrocarbonism” as an alternative approach. In the second part, I define the hydrocarbonic human and society as well as hydrocarbonic mode of production and I explain the historical process of constructing Hydrocarbonism in the Middle East petro-societies. In the third section, I focus on the causes of permanent unity and alloy-type mixture of “tradition, petroleum and quasi-market” and have described how to turn it to a kind of “state of nature” in the Middle East hydrocarbonic societies. In the fourth part, I explain the logic behind establishing welfare technocracy and its instrumental nature in the Middle East hydrocarbonic societies. In the fifth section, I elaborate the passivity of hydrocarbonic human due to his simultaneous weaknesses and benefits. In the sixth section, I explain the life of mind and the living experience of man in the Middle East hydrocarbonic societies. In the seventh part, I focus on the internal contradictions of these societies and at the end, I describe the necessity of moving towards a kind of “Middle Eastern social contract” and establishing a “tax Leviathan” in the Middle East hydrocarbonic societies.
Ayat Mulaee
Abstract
In the constitutional law of any country, constitutional reform is one of the ways out of legal barriers, as a result, there may be changes in the power of senior officials. In Iran, in 1989, constitutional amendments were made the result has been a shift in some of the powers of senior government officials ...
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In the constitutional law of any country, constitutional reform is one of the ways out of legal barriers, as a result, there may be changes in the power of senior officials. In Iran, in 1989, constitutional amendments were made the result has been a shift in some of the powers of senior government officials and it is worthwhile to address it from the point of view of constitutional law. Among the institutions that were reviewed in the mentioned reforms; it was the "presidency." The present article seeks to answer this question: What are the most important legal reasons for deprivation of the dignity of the Presidency of the "President" in the structure of the 1989 amended constitution? In answer to this question, using the research method: descriptive-analytical, the research results indicate that first; The dignity of the "presidency" was lost as a result of these reforms. Secondly; Due to the persistence of the institution of "presidency" in the constitutional logic, it is erroneously assumed that in these amendments, the institution of the "Prime Minister" was removed and his powers were transferred to the President However, what actually happened was the removal of the "presidency" institution and in this sense, the wording of the constitution needs to be amended.
Shahrouz Shariati
Abstract
Geographical continuities, intraregional requirements, underdevelopment, and energy issue are among the issues which can justify the convergence of the Iran-Iraq economic relations; Iran and Iraq both are among Middle Eastern countries whose fundamentals of power and political legitimacy have been ...
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Geographical continuities, intraregional requirements, underdevelopment, and energy issue are among the issues which can justify the convergence of the Iran-Iraq economic relations; Iran and Iraq both are among Middle Eastern countries whose fundamentals of power and political legitimacy have been formed on the basis of religion. These two countries have many convergence grounds including Kurds issue, cooperation with OPEC, cultural and religious subjects, and the problem of foreign intervention. But despite the convergence factors, there are some factors such as capturing the regional consumer markets and production and the sale of oil that place the two countries against each other. This article by political economy approach and using a theoretical framework which is based on "the rentier state theory" and "integration theory" will assess the internal problematic of integration between Iran and Iraq by studying the structure of power in the region, and it will deal with the feasibility assessment of the convergence grounds of these two countries. This essay will show that domination of rentierism over the two countries’ state is the most significant obstacle for regional integration. Finally, the article will present some proposes which can help the promotion of economic cooperation and integration between Iran and Iraq in the region.
Behnam Medi
Abstract
How the government is formed is one of the important themes about the phenomenon of government. Yet more important is the issue of the dissolution of government. This paper studies the dissolution of government from the viewpoint of John Locke as one of the greatest political philosophers ...
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How the government is formed is one of the important themes about the phenomenon of government. Yet more important is the issue of the dissolution of government. This paper studies the dissolution of government from the viewpoint of John Locke as one of the greatest political philosophers in the modern world. The main research questions are, what are the foundations in Locke’s political theology that can explain the dissolution of government? and what conditions should be met in order to concede the possibility of the dissolution of government or confer on citizens the right to it? Locke believes that in the state of nature, human beings have rights as well as the ability to govern themselves. Human beings enter the political society with some rights, the most important of which is the right to judge the performance of rulers. Moreover, they have the right to dismiss or even penalize rulers whenever they do not fulfil their obligations, and if rulers go against the popular will, people can resort to force and revolution. For Locke, revolution is not the worst thing in politics but in the despotic politics. In Locke’s viewpoint, revolution is necessary to ensure rulers’ adherence to their obligations. More importantly, revolution is both the foundation of freedom and the greatest manifestation of humans’ self-government.
Vahid Sinaee
Abstract
Purpose: The aim of the present paper is understanding the obstacles and causes of the low level of the cooperation and integration among Persian Gulf countries. Persian Gulf is one of the most important geopolitical subsystems in the world. The countries that are located in this region have ...
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Purpose: The aim of the present paper is understanding the obstacles and causes of the low level of the cooperation and integration among Persian Gulf countries. Persian Gulf is one of the most important geopolitical subsystems in the world. The countries that are located in this region have many indicators for integration. However, disintegration dominates the political relationships. As a result of this situation, conflicts, dark ties, deep crisis, and four wars have occurred only in the last four decades in this region.
Methodology: The origin of the challenges and conflicts in the Persian Gulf region could be studied at different levels, one of them is internal or national challenges and the most important of them is challenges of the nation-state building among countries in this region. In this paper, with the linkage between political and historical sociology and regional studies, the incomplete process of nation-state building and its influences upon regional integration and security in Persian Gulf have been reviewed.
Findings: This article studies the impact of the unfinished process of nation-state building on the growth retardation of the integration in the Persian Gulf region. Tribal and ethnic structures have been powerful obstacles to influence the new ideology, formation of the nation and the establishment of the institutions of the new state in these communities. The incomplete nation-state building process is rooted in the internal structure of these communities but their effects and implications are seen at the national, regional and International level. Cooperation and integration in this region needs the acceptance of civil, political and social citizenship right and the growth of nation-state building and formation of the national state.
Originality/Value: With regards to the importance of regional and political studies about Persian Gulf, this article is taken account as a new step and insight for emphasis upon internal factors for understanding the growth retardation of integration in the Persian Gulf. From this view, for finding the causes of disintegration and understanding the roots of conflict and war in this region, we should refer to the sociopolitical factors of state and society in Persian Gulf countries.
Abstract
In recent modernity era, especially between big war and the annihilation of communism, the most important political division in democratic countries has been the duality of Right/Left. Often the two biggest rival parties, apart from their different names, have been representing two tendencies, the social ...
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In recent modernity era, especially between big war and the annihilation of communism, the most important political division in democratic countries has been the duality of Right/Left. Often the two biggest rival parties, apart from their different names, have been representing two tendencies, the social democracy and the liberal democracy. The main difference between these two positions has been about functionality and ethicality of welfare state. Our question in this article is the following: From the point view of social and economic mechanism, the intersection of democratic countries is closer to system of preferences of social democracy or liberal democracy? It is to corroboration that, somewhat contrary to the twentieth century, a scientific-experimental and realistic approach to the social planning makes these two positions convergent in a pragmatist framework, and, despite of a propagandist atmosphere of challenge, their theoretical and ideological differences are leaving their seriousness and functionality. The conflict of Tax versus services is transferring from an ideological and ethical principle to a subject for a limited and temporary examination among a group of experts. The existence of welfare state is no more a problem, it is its ranges and limitations which is a subject of discussion and decision. Even the domain of disagreement here is to reduce.
Morteza Mardiha
Abstract
In recent modernity era, especially between big war and the annihilation of communism, the most important political division in democratic countries has been the duality of Right/Left. Often the two biggest rival parties, apart from their different names, have been representing two tendencies, the social ...
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In recent modernity era, especially between big war and the annihilation of communism, the most important political division in democratic countries has been the duality of Right/Left. Often the two biggest rival parties, apart from their different names, have been representing two tendencies, the social democracy and the liberal democracy. The main difference between these two positions has been about functionality and ethicality of welfare state. Our question in this article is the following: From the point view of social and economic mechanism, the intersection of democratic countries is closer to system of preferences of social democracy or liberal democracy? It is to corroboration that, somewhat contrary to the twentieth century, a scientific-experimental and realistic approach to the social planning makes these two positions convergent in a pragmatist framework, and, despite of a propagandist atmosphere of challenge, their theoretical and ideological differences are leaving their seriousness and functionality. The conflict of Tax versus services is transferring from an ideological and ethical principle to a subject for a limited and temporary examination among a group of experts. The existence of welfare state is no more a problem, it is its ranges and limitations which is a subject of discussion and decision. Even the domain of disagreement here is to reduce.
Hossein Shirazi
Abstract
It is a common assumption that the government’s responsibility in policy-making is to formulate official policies and pave the way for achieving specified objectives. However, little attention has be paid to encouraging citizen participation and inspiring an individual sense of responsibility towards ...
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It is a common assumption that the government’s responsibility in policy-making is to formulate official policies and pave the way for achieving specified objectives. However, little attention has be paid to encouraging citizen participation and inspiring an individual sense of responsibility towards achieving large-scale policy objectives. In fact, most policy objectives cannot be achieved—at least not efficiently—without an individual sense of responsibility on the part of citizens. The question is, how can the government increase citizen participation and help them take on responsibility towards achieving policy objectives? To answer the question, this article argues that the government has to empower citizens. Empowered citizens are able to make optimal decisions under different circumstances, which can improve the quality of one’s life and society. In this respect, this paper recognizes the key role of behavior change policy-making which refers to government interventions to empower citizens and encourage citizen participation. Behavior changes policy-making influences citizens’ beliefs, awareness, and behavior, making them compatible with large-scale government policies. The present study argues that citizen empowerment through behavior change policy-making can get citizens to take on responsibility towards achieving large-scale policy objectives. Besides large-scale policy-making in various areas, it is thus necessary for the government to consider behavior change policy-making in order to get citizen participation in achieving the objectives in a given area. The present study employed rational choice theory as the theoretical framework as research on behavior change emphasizes that an individual acts based on cost–benefit analysis.
Hossien Salimi
Abstract
In the article two claims about the future of state have been posed. These claims have been emphasized and considered in the late prof. Golmohammadi`s writings. The first is about the future of globalization process. And the second is in about the future of state in the context of globalization, based ...
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In the article two claims about the future of state have been posed. These claims have been emphasized and considered in the late prof. Golmohammadi`s writings. The first is about the future of globalization process. And the second is in about the future of state in the context of globalization, based on the Weberian definition of state. My main question in this article is what is the future of state? from contending theories of globalization`s point of views. Will Weberian state be continued or not? The main hypothesis is alongside the continuation of globalization process States will survive but the function of State will change. If we understand globalization as a deep compression of time and space, most important theoreticians believe that in spite of some backwards after Corona pandemic as well as Ukraine War, this process will be continued. Simultaneously, states will exist but their essence and function shall be changed and abandon from the Weberian meaning. At the end I will try to test the claims by come experimental data.
Elhame Rasooli Saniabadi
Abstract
The main aim of this paper is the study of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) from the perspective of the concepts of international relations. As the one of the important actors in the international politics, ISIS needs to be paid attention from different points and we do it in this paper. We attempt ...
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The main aim of this paper is the study of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) from the perspective of the concepts of international relations. As the one of the important actors in the international politics, ISIS needs to be paid attention from different points and we do it in this paper. We attempt to study ISIS from the view of the concepts such as actor, security, power, identity, ontological security and globalization. For this aim in the first part of this paper we study the concept of state in the international law and we will conclude that we cannot consider ISIS as a state. So it is in governmental actor. Then we study ISIS as a social movement and an anti system movement. In the second part of this paper we study the concept of power in ISIS from the perspective of discursive power and coercive power. In the third part of this paper we study the concept of ontological security in ISIS and finally we study the concept of globalization and its relation to ISIS. The main question in this paper is how we understand ISIS from the perspective of concepts in international relations. We will conclude if the international society wants to deter ISIS, it should understand the relation between ISIS and concepts in international relations.
Seyyed Mohammad Tabatabaei
Abstract
Purpose: A fundamental salubrious feature of western liberal democratic system of government is political parties which compete for power. Parties in western liberal democracies are crucial in that the political systems are divided into different bipartisan, single-party, and multiparty categories ...
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Purpose: A fundamental salubrious feature of western liberal democratic system of government is political parties which compete for power. Parties in western liberal democracies are crucial in that the political systems are divided into different bipartisan, single-party, and multiparty categories according to criteria as number of parties, role and special functions, and interactions among parties. The sheer diversity of the parties and ideological rift, which are closely related, indicates the health and vitality of the democratic system. With this in mind, it is argued that political behavior and competition in elections are interpreted in a framework informed by a single most important entity, i.e., political party. In the third millennium, with party system and political success and stability of states tightly associated, a question looming around relates the new mechanizations of democracy and party system. This is the major focus of the present article. Design/Methodology/Approach: To achieve the major focus of the present article which is an attempt to provide some answers to the above questions through bringing into the light issues as democracy and party system, the place and role of parties in legislative process in western democracies, power transition between parties, and typology of political parties, in a qualitative undertaking. Findings: In West, political parties are formed due to democratization and liberalization processes of the societies; and formation of party system is an essential stage in political development trend. It is believed that in liberal-democratic systems, political pluralism is abridged in political partisanship and peaceful competition among parties for gaining power. If, nowadays partisanship is an inseparable element of western political life, however it has not completely responded towards requirements and could be problem in democracy, their presence could be also considered as a barrier against political pluralism; because today, political pluralism is limited to competition of certain state parties which are not able to provide real democracy due to burdening their political will on national and nation’s will. Actually, state parties foreclose equality of opportunities and parity of facilities and accordingly, chance of any kind of power from other political groups and biases and thus prevent continues and real flow of power by concentrating power in their own hands. If partisanship has been dual of liberal-democratic system at first, however, according to enhancement of role and power of political parties and their internalization, democracy or ruling of people on people is gradually replaced by ruling of parties. Originality/Value: The main logic of the present research is laid on the hypothesis that “increasing governmental political parties” and “partisanship of western governments” has caused the establishment of “partitocratic state (party oriented state)” and challenging “democracy” by “partitocracy”. In present era, individual and plural thoughts are replaced by party reasoning; and national and public will is turned to party will. Therefore, today, national politics and policy of the nation are prescribed by political parties which are turned to part of governments, and those governments which are abridged in political parties. This process is called as foundation of “partitocratic state (party oriented state)” in western communities.
naser pourhassan
Abstract
The nature of the state in Iran is one of the most controversial issues among political science researchers. Unlike new states which were established in the post-colonial era, the state in Iran has a long history, so that it is considered as the first state of history. After the end of the Second World ...
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The nature of the state in Iran is one of the most controversial issues among political science researchers. Unlike new states which were established in the post-colonial era, the state in Iran has a long history, so that it is considered as the first state of history. After the end of the Second World a large part of Iranian state studies focused on the Marxist nature, especially the Stalinist, of the five socio-economic formation. Another part of the state's studies was to criticize and reject the above-mentioned views. The nature of the state in Iran is the main issue of this article. In response to the question of what is the nature of the state in Iran, the following hypothesis has been formulated:with regard to the climatic roots and ecosystem of Iran and the dominance of the Eilat (nomads ), it is possible to formulate a " dawlat -eil"(nomads- state ) for a predecessor Iran, especially from the Seljuk to the end of the Qajar Dynasty . The nomads-state, due to the identity-related, organizational, and military features of the nomads structure, also refers to the formation of the state by the supreme nomads, and includes the nomads that, without being governed, are as quasi Governments ruled over their territory. This hypothesis has been processed by the methodology of historical sociology and the analysis of the nature of the ruling states from Safavid to the end of Qajar by descriptive-analytic method.
Alireza Dabirnia
Abstract
The nature of the nation practice (nation-state) in creating and amending a constitution is usually measured by two legal and political perspectives: In the legal approach, this jurisdiction is defined within a legal system, but in the political approach the jurisdiction is considered to be the basis ...
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The nature of the nation practice (nation-state) in creating and amending a constitution is usually measured by two legal and political perspectives: In the legal approach, this jurisdiction is defined within a legal system, but in the political approach the jurisdiction is considered to be the basis of the constitution and the power of government derives exclusively from the political will of the nation. It appears that the Constitutional Review Council was constituted in 1989 on the basis of the political theory of "political will of the nation as the foundation of the Constitution" and that the nations ‘intended reforms was done because basically no right was included for the nation to amend the constitution in 1979. The main purpose of the present study is to examine the theoretical foundations of the competence of the nation in drafting and amending the constitution; what is more, the results of this research can be considered as one of the political theories of government in Iran. The research method is descriptive-analytical and the research question is "On what basis and the theory of the 1979 constitution has been revised and amended"? It can be argued that the constitution is credited with a basis called the political will of the nation
Fatemeh Ahmadvand
Abstract
A significant aspect of political thought and theoretical concept about Ideal Government in Islam, is presented in the form of advices. Siraj al-Muluk by Turtushi is one of these works written in the period of degeneration of Ismaili Fatimid Caliphate in the late 5th and early 6th century AH. The main ...
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A significant aspect of political thought and theoretical concept about Ideal Government in Islam, is presented in the form of advices. Siraj al-Muluk by Turtushi is one of these works written in the period of degeneration of Ismaili Fatimid Caliphate in the late 5th and early 6th century AH. The main gole of this article is the presentation of an understanding of Turtushi`s thought about the crisis of degeneration. In other word, the main question of the study is about the reasoning of the political crisis and Turtushi`s advices for making up the ideal government. In this research, the conceptual model of Thomas Spragens in Understanding of Political Theories has been used. The hypothesis is the historical studying of Turtushi`s political thought and his era when he used to think that period of Fatimid`s degeneration is a crisis. His work is coming across Spragens Thought in political understanding of crisis, its reasons, the solutions for passing it and reaching the ideal government. The methodology is content analysis of Siraj al-Muluk in order to compare the most significant concept of this work with Spragens`s model. This research shows that Turtushi used to want reform in order to solve the crisis and reaching an ideal government which has a great deal of virtualism as a policy to have pure statesmen, reform in government, justice in courts and in relationships between classes, and the improvement of clerics in government as advisers for rulers in order to reach high pure in government.
Ramin khochiani
Abstract
The legislature is a manifestation of national sovereignty and one of the most important issues of policy and decision making in the country. Parliamentarians not only express their views on the status of the law, opinions but rather the selection of the Cabinet of Ministers and their removal, the comment ...
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The legislature is a manifestation of national sovereignty and one of the most important issues of policy and decision making in the country. Parliamentarians not only express their views on the status of the law, opinions but rather the selection of the Cabinet of Ministers and their removal, the comment declares themselves. Therefore the power of a parliamentary member is to apply his vote through voting. But how can this voting power be changed? The purpose of this paper is to measure the voting power of the members related to major political coalitions in the Islamic parliament using the theory of games. Using Shaply-Shubik's index, voting power of the three coalitions, reformist, and independent were measured in three election periods of 2007, 2011, and 2015. The results show that in the eighth period (2007-2011), all of voting power was for the principlists and the other two coalitions were dummy coalitions. In the ninth period (2011-2015), the voting power was again restored by the principlists and the other two coalitions were dummy coalitions. In the tenth period (2015-2019), despite the difference in the seats of the principlists and reformist and independent coalitions, the voting power is equally divided among all three coalitions. This is a very interesting conclusion that the number of seats in a coalition does not always reflect the strength of that coalition. It is suggested that the Islamic parliament Research Center use this approach in measuring the voting power of the fractions in the specialized parliamentary committees.
Mehdi Zibaei
Abstract
According to the International Monetary Fund forecasts, the Middle Eastern economy will shrink by 5.2 percent in 2020 compared to the previous year due to Covid-19. These statistics, which are just one part of the devastating result of the spread of the corona virus in the international arena, show the ...
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According to the International Monetary Fund forecasts, the Middle Eastern economy will shrink by 5.2 percent in 2020 compared to the previous year due to Covid-19. These statistics, which are just one part of the devastating result of the spread of the corona virus in the international arena, show the most unprecedented recession in the Middle East. Although the initiative of governments to restrict social mobility has curbed the spread of the virus in question, it also disrupts the production process and deepens destitution in the region. The question now is how the quarantine programs of the regional governments have caused the GDP reduction and the domestic recession. It seems that the implementation of control programs to prevent the spread of the corona virus at both the regional and international levels has disrupted the global value chain. On the one hand, this situation disrupted the supply of goods and services in domestic economies, and on the other hand, it reduced demand on a large scale. The crystallization of the existing conditions can be well seen in the declining trend of investment and foreign trade, falling oil prices, remittances and the tourism industry in the region more than other sectors. In the light of the theory of interdependence from the subset of liberal international political economy and in the framework of the quantitative analysis method based on figures and statistical data provided by international monetary institutions over the past year, this article intends to examine the effects of internal and external control constraints of governments on the Middle Eastern economy.
Public and International Law
Mohammadmehdi Barghi
Abstract
In recent decades, the provision of basic human rights has become one of the most important concerns of human societies. Therefore, the governments try to protect these rights by approving international and regional documents, and they set tasks for the governments in this regard. In the meantime, European ...
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In recent decades, the provision of basic human rights has become one of the most important concerns of human societies. Therefore, the governments try to protect these rights by approving international and regional documents, and they set tasks for the governments in this regard. In the meantime, European countries took the lead in compiling regional human rights documents and in the first years after the Second World War, on November 4, 1950, they approved a document entitled "European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms".One of the articles of the "European Convention on Human Rights" that specifically deals with basic human rights is Article 8 of this convention. This article contains two clauses. In the first paragraph, four basic human rights are mentioned and it is emphasized that governments should respect these rights. This is stated in this paragraph: " Everyone has the right to respect for his private and family life, his home and his correspondence ". In the second paragraph of Article 8, the convention prohibits the interference of member states in these four rights of their citizens and only in exceptional circumstances and if the conditions mentioned in this paragraph are met, it has allowed governments to interfere with these rights. It is stated in paragraph two in this regard: " There shall be no interference by a public authority with the exercise of this right except such as is in accordance with the law and is necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security, public safety or the economic well-being of the country, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals, or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others. "The present study, which has been written in a descriptive manner using library and Internet resources, aims to answer the main question whether the obligation provided for in Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights for the member states of this convention is merely a negative obligation in the sense of refraining from any unauthorized interference or, under this article, do governments have positive obligations to ensure that their citizens have access to these rights? In case of acceptance of positive obligations for governments, what are the conditions for applying these obligations? What are the most important challenges that the European Court of Human Rights faces when dealing with complaints related to violations of the positive obligations of governments?In order to answer these questions, we first examined the concept of the four rights that are protected in Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights. Then we explained the concept of negative obligations and positive obligations of governments under Article 8. Then we have examined the conditions of applying positive obligations by countries and examined the most important areas that have led to challenges for the European Court of Human Rights in this regard.The research findings show that Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights is an article that has two aspects. This article, in addition to providing for a negative commitment to refrain from unauthorized interference with the four rights set forth in this article, also includes a positive commitment by States to take the necessary measures to protect these four rights against unauthorized interference. The identification of positive obligations for states in Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights was discussed for the first time in 1979 and in the case of "Marckx v. Belgium" by the European Court of Human Rights. In this case, referring to the word "respect" which was used in the first paragraph of Article 8 of the Convention, the court recognized the existence of positive obligations on the governments. The court decided that considering that the first paragraph of Article 8 obliges governments to "respect" the "private", "family life", "home" and "correspondence" of the citizens, therefore the government Both in approving laws and in the process of dealing with lawsuits, they must take the necessary measures to protect these four rights of citizens. Accordingly, the European Court of Human Rights has convicted member states of violating the Convention in cases where they refuse to fulfill their positive obligations. However, the European Court of Human Rights has faced the challenge of how to strike a balance between the public interest of society and the individual interest of individuals in dealing with cases involving the recognition of positive obligations to governments.
Roxana Niknami
Abstract
In the last 30 years, the welfare state has been doubted and many believe that the welfare state is in conflict with the nature of modern and post-industrial capitalism. The financial crisis in the eurozone, which began in 2008, once again, has entered the state into European theoretical waves. And it ...
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In the last 30 years, the welfare state has been doubted and many believe that the welfare state is in conflict with the nature of modern and post-industrial capitalism. The financial crisis in the eurozone, which began in 2008, once again, has entered the state into European theoretical waves. And it led to serious reconsideration of state`s functions in the continent. With the onset of the second phase of the crisis, this idea has got power that the existence of a welfare state was the main cause of this crisis and economic downturn. In order to cover the deficit imbalance and the lack of State funding, many theories were put forward to reduce the burden on the state's social and welfare responsibilities. As a result, many European states were forced to apply profound structural reforms and adhere to austerity policies. The result of these policies was a significant reduction in wages, reduction of social services, and privatization of the public sector. The question is: how has the eurozone financial crisis affected the welfare state in the EU and what is the welfare state function in the European social model? The eurozone's financial crisis has lowered the quality of the welfare state in the European Union, due to the slowdown in economic growth, and the only way to save the welfare state is to create a growth with employment,which is achieved through increased competitiveness. To test the above hypothesis, the Danish sociologist Gustavo Sping-Andersen's model will be used.
