Abstract
In recent modernity era, especially between big war and the annihilation of communism, the most important political division in democratic countries has been the duality of Right/Left. Often the two biggest rival parties, apart from their different names, have been representing two tendencies, the social ...
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In recent modernity era, especially between big war and the annihilation of communism, the most important political division in democratic countries has been the duality of Right/Left. Often the two biggest rival parties, apart from their different names, have been representing two tendencies, the social democracy and the liberal democracy. The main difference between these two positions has been about functionality and ethicality of welfare state. Our question in this article is the following: From the point view of social and economic mechanism, the intersection of democratic countries is closer to system of preferences of social democracy or liberal democracy? It is to corroboration that, somewhat contrary to the twentieth century, a scientific-experimental and realistic approach to the social planning makes these two positions convergent in a pragmatist framework, and, despite of a propagandist atmosphere of challenge, their theoretical and ideological differences are leaving their seriousness and functionality. The conflict of Tax versus services is transferring from an ideological and ethical principle to a subject for a limited and temporary examination among a group of experts. The existence of welfare state is no more a problem, it is its ranges and limitations which is a subject of discussion and decision. Even the domain of disagreement here is to reduce.
Seyed Majid Hosseini; Vahid Asadzadeh
Abstract
In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development ...
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In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development and the second group that seeks the agent outside the domain of state. The question is which of the two theories have been more successful in their claims according to their historical results. The claim and hypothesis of this study is that the theories of the second group, in the search for ways of direct development of the state, eventually hinder reform, engage in direct conflict with the state, and lead the process of society's transformation to a revolution or a repressive state. To justify this claim, this article will look at the history of Iranian intellectual development theories after the Constitution. The research method in this paper is "Inference based on the best explanation ", abbreviated as IBE. It seems that in the first two constitutional and Pahlavi periods, statism and in the second Pahlavi and Islamic Republic era anti-statism were dominant. During the Second Pahlavi era and the Islamic Republic, two types of ideas were produced that were common to anti-statism and the main criticisms included: Theories of return to self and backwardness degeneration. Both are equally guilty of delaying the creation of a proper relationship between the state and the nation in the light of upholding up-to-date citizen rights and maintaining the sovereignty of the state.
Morteza Manshadi; Sara Akbari
Abstract
Political development, in the sense of expanding partnerships and ideological competition in the political arena, at least at the elite level, requires institutions, organizations and developments in the structure of traditional society. In the first Pahlavi period the programs for the modernization ...
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Political development, in the sense of expanding partnerships and ideological competition in the political arena, at least at the elite level, requires institutions, organizations and developments in the structure of traditional society. In the first Pahlavi period the programs for the modernization created the field, provided social political developments and, to some extent, the possibility of political competition and participation was provided. But the emergence of an absolute government stabilized a major obstacle to expanding partnerships and competition and reproduced authoritarianism. This paper tries to rely on the text of the negotiations of the sixth to twelfth sessions of the National Assembly, and based on the fact that the type of government and political system is directly related to the realization or non-fulfillment of political development, the concept of political development in the first Pahlavi period (1320-1304) was assessed. By selecting the model of "Bernard Crick ", the authors have presented the concept of political development in the context of the negotiations of the National Assembly of this period and in the light of the description of the historical context. Revising the text of the talks based on the model of the Crick, it is argued that the construction of the government, along with the presence of the parliament, which, in the eleven cases of the model under consideration, confirms that the government is absolutism, can be considered as one of the main reasons for the failure of political development.
Parham Mehraram; Mohammad Seyed Fatemi
Articles in Press, Accepted Manuscript, Available Online from 20 February 2020
Abstract
< p >There has been valuable research on the socio-political structure of the Sassanid era. Most have described Sassanid society as an example of feudal or authoritarian Eastern societies. But the historical evidence is not entirely consistent with these two theories. It seems that the existence of a ...
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< p >There has been valuable research on the socio-political structure of the Sassanid era. Most have described Sassanid society as an example of feudal or authoritarian Eastern societies. But the historical evidence is not entirely consistent with these two theories. It seems that the existence of a powerful aristocracy alongside a strong government seeking to concentrate more power makes this society a prominent example of Eisen''s bureaucratic empires. In this case, some concepts related to public law can be argued that they cannot be formed in the two former types. Examples include early national identities and, consequently, the independence of the state''s legal personality from the real ruler, which has significant effects on political traditions such as succession traditions and power relations between the king, the nobility, the people and the bureaucracy. It seems that in the Sasanian political-legal structure, it is impossible to deal with power and political-legal structures such as that of ruler. At the same time, the dual nature of the bureaucratic empires as both traditional and modern system and a dynamic point of view (as opposed to a static one) can well justify the inconsistencies in the Sasanian government and the inconsistent historical evidence.
Masoud Raei Dahaghi; Alireza Asadpour Tehrani
Abstract
Due to the developments in social relations in modern societies, and in particular the importance of restrictions on the political power of governments, the rule of people and the protection of individual rights and public freedoms as the foundations of constitutionalism and constitutional rule, it seems ...
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Due to the developments in social relations in modern societies, and in particular the importance of restrictions on the political power of governments, the rule of people and the protection of individual rights and public freedoms as the foundations of constitutionalism and constitutional rule, it seems to be necessary to introduce a new category of basic laws that are more consistent with modern constitutional rights and constitutionalism. Thus, all classical categories of constitutional laws are briefly introduced and criticized, and then a new categorization of basic laws to the liberal constitution and republican constitution is proposed and explained. As a result of this division, the state can be liberal or republican, but in the present time, both types of modern states must be constitutional. Of course, the republican holds this supremacy over the liberal state, which governs the protection of public freedoms. This essay is based on a fundamental assumption: the emphasis on the constitutional positivist concept. Since, the classical classifications are based on the inductive method; accordingly, the same method has been used to criticize and propose the alternative.
Political Sociology
mostafa ghorbani
Abstract
Affected by the decrease in political trust as an evident fact in recent years, Iran is fa cing many problems in the field of political governance. despite this, although the issue of political trust has been taken into consideration in sociological research in Iran, so far no comprehensive research ...
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Affected by the decrease in political trust as an evident fact in recent years, Iran is fa cing many problems in the field of political governance. despite this, although the issue of political trust has been taken into consideration in sociological research in Iran, so far no comprehensive research has been conducted on ways to restore or recreate political trust in Iran. therefore, in the cur rent research, with the perspective of political sociology, an attempt is made to analyze the ways of re-creating this important issue in today's Iran, referring to the state of political trust in today's Iran. therefore, the purpose of this research is to analyze how to recreate political trust in in today's Iran with the approach of political sociology, in order to present the necessary solutions to man age the challenge of reducing the level of political trust, as a very important challenge and at the same time affecting the quality of governance and the future of Iran's developments, while representing this macro issue. therefore, the current research has the nature of research policy. in this research To achieve this goal, by combining the cultural approach with the acute focus of Jean Baudrillard's hyper reality and the institutional approach in the form of systemic theory as a theoretical framework, as well as using the meta-analysis method with the approach, these results obtained that political trust in today's Iran is a variable whose level depends on the efficiency of the political system in providing valid answers to the demands of the citizens as well as their preferences and subjective perceptions. the latter case is especially affected by the acuteness of the hyper reality formed by the media's pretensions. In today's Iran, Political trust is declining due to the weakness in both mentioned fields. Based on this situation, in order to recreate the political trust in today's Iran, in order to strengthen the five capabilities of the political system in order to respond authentically to the demands of the citizens, the state should define a balancing nature for itself in the administration of the society and not be a part of the political conflict between the elites and political currents. become In this case, the state can make maximum use of the multiple capacities of the society. it is certain that paying attention to this matter is necessary to strengthen the efficiency of the government. In addition, strengthening efficiency, especially in the field of distributive justice and related to the basic needs of citizens, along with revising some governance methods or turning to some new procedures in the administration of the country, such as giving the field to the border characters, making governance more visible, strengthening intermediary institutions, strengthening Communicative rationality, employing public symbols to represent the whole society not just a specific section or sections, regulating the competition of political elites, accuracy in promises by officials, providing the first narrative of the country's events and strengthening the authority of the official media, in order to take media tools from the hands of foreigners, Strengthening the capacities of internal reform, accelerating the circulation of elites, the rule of law and etc can be effective in recreating political trust in today's Iran. The important point is that most of the solutions in this field have a functional nature rather than a media nature; Because the hyper reality that has been formed today in connection with Iran and its ruling political system, finds its driving force from the unfavorable objective realities existing in the Iranian society. Therefore, it is with the practical unraveling and resolution of the mentioned facts that the current reality is overturned.Finally, it is suggested that other researchers study other dimensions and angles of this issue, such as the futures studies of the state of political trust in Iran, the impact of socio-cultural changes on the state of political trust in today's Iran, the impact of the state of the country's foreign relations on the level of political trust, and also the impact of political elite conflicts on To analyze the level of political trust in today's Iran and etc.Keywords: Political Trust, System Theory, Hyper Reality, Meta-analysis, Efficiency, Equilibrium Nature of Government, Communicative Rationality.
Political Thought
Behzad Yazdani; Hossein Ali Nozari
Abstract
AbstractThe purpose of this article is to examine the place of ethics in the system of political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes, the English political philosopher of the 17th century. Although, according to political thought researchers, he has been considered the first great modern political philosopher; ...
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AbstractThe purpose of this article is to examine the place of ethics in the system of political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes, the English political philosopher of the 17th century. Although, according to political thought researchers, he has been considered the first great modern political philosopher; However, the prominence of his original and influential political philosophy has not been able to hide his moral philosophy from the eyes of today's prominent researchers. Hobbes, who is the author of the theory of political ruler with absolute power, how can he have a moral theory? Undoubtedly, Hobbes's concern was order, peace and security, and therefore, by combining moral philosophy (natural laws) and political philosophy (civil laws) and presenting an ethical view of human self-preservation, he creates a system consisting of dos and don'ts based on description. Human nature to form a peaceful government based on the theory of social contract. The origin of his moral philosophy is the theory of natural law, which includes the theory of natural rights.Natural law and natural rights are the two foundations on which Hobbes based his theory of ethics and politics, respectively. Hobbes's moral philosophy is the fundamental starting point from which his political philosophy developed. He claims in Leviathan that he has provided the only correct and true moral philosophy.Hobbes' thoughts in the field of moral philosophy have received less attention from thinkers, the main reason for which is the ambiguity in his moral philosophy. In this sense, in Hobbes's moral philosophy, on the one hand, there are defenses of a type of personal relativism, and on the other hand, there are defenses of the divine command theory; In one place, Hobbes defends the theory of the general principle of principled egoism, and in another place, he defends pious ethics. As a result of the paradoxical content of Hobbes's moral philosophy, there has been a difference of opinion among experts in the field of moral philosophy.On the other hand, many research texts and articles in research and specialized magazines have dealt with the political aspect and political theory of Thomas Hobbes in their analysis, and due to the influence of Hobbes's thoughts on the politics of Western countries and the exclusive and authoritarian interpretations of the thoughts of this influential thinker. It is important to examine the difference between his moral theory and the political sphere of his thoughts and to emphasize that he has a moral theory. In this way, until today, no comprehensive research has been done on Hobbes's thoughts on the place of ethics in his political philosophy, The approach and reciprocity of prominent political and moral philosophers is doubled with the beginning and rereading of Hobbes' thoughts. The political, economic and social situation of the 20th and 21st century justifies the return to Hobbes, at least in the sense that he tries to find a cure and solution for the political and social crises of his time. In addition to everything that can be said about his philosophical system and the coherence of his philosophical foundation, the most important of them is his methodological value in establishing the deep relationship between science, politics and ethics with the basis of realism. Hobbes's most important criticism of his predecessors was their idealism (idealistic approach) in the field of politics and ethics.The path taken by Hobbes and his contemporaries has been a gateway to return to man and his place in the world; Because before this, human being in the face of church-centered eschatology and idealistic virtue (meaningless and vague attempt to create a utopia that never existed in the history of color from Plato's effort in the Republic to Osho at the end of the 20th century) which, according to Hobbes, is a dream and a dream. It has not been more, it has been sacrificed. Hobbes showed how despite the relativism resulting from skepticism in the fields of culture (politics, ethics, society and spirituality), it is possible to establish natural laws in political society, natural rights (human freedom) and the insatiable desire of man to gain power and His self-control has been curbed and with an agreement based on the social contract and giving up some of his freedoms, peace and tranquility can be brought under the shadow of total authority.He showed that political legitimacy can be obtained from the selection and selection of people to have satisfaction resulting from the modernization and well-being of humans in the society and the order resulting from political security. A very important point is that justice and rationality are two wings of political and social peace and tranquility; Although the basis of human decisions is based on emotions, feelings and sensual inactions.His pessimistic view of human nature is based on the informative point that if man is left alone and there are no political and moral arrangements, the acquisition of power, fame and honor will undoubtedly lead to endless war, and in the meantime, he tries , to create a mental plan and a logical scenario in which the human being has fallen into a pre-political and social situation where the risk of violent death, poverty, poverty, unhappiness and short life will be the immediate result and no one will be safe.
Political Sociology
mahmoudreza rahbarqazi; zahra sadeghinaghdali
Abstract
The central aims of this study encompass the identification and analysis of the elements that affect the emergence and escalation of political dichotomy between the state and society in Iran, the investigation of societal strategies employed in reaction to this phenomenon, the assessment of its social ...
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The central aims of this study encompass the identification and analysis of the elements that affect the emergence and escalation of political dichotomy between the state and society in Iran, the investigation of societal strategies employed in reaction to this phenomenon, the assessment of its social and political ramifications, and the provision of recommendations to address and alleviate its detrimental impacts. This research employs a qualitative methodology, grounded in the Strauss and Corbin framework, which entails conducting comprehensive and semi-structured interviews.The data for this study were obtained through in-depth and semi-structured interviews that were carried out with 24 experts, comprising mostly academic scholars with doctoral degrees. These interviews aimed to gather from them their experiences, perspectives, and methods regarding political bifurcation. For further data validation, relevant reports and documents dealing with political bifurcation were also used.Qualitative content analysis was carried out on the data. First, open coding was done in order to identify key concepts. Then, using focused coding, these key concepts were systematically compared and analyzed to discover the connections between them. Finally, selective coding was used in order to identify the central code and to detect meaningful patterns. This methodology allowed for a deep and comprehensive analysis of the origins, approaches, and implications of political dichotomy, which improved our understanding of the elements that contribute to this phenomenon.Validity and reliability of the data were critical components of this study. In addition to credibility, precision was ensured through the internal validation strategies of cross-checking and recoding. Furthermore, the preliminary analytical findings were continuously checked and confirmed through the involvement of experts and stakeholders, thus assuring the data reliability and accuracy of the analysis.The study suggests that "structural and cultural divides" come into being as the leading code, stemming from the complex interaction of causal, contextual, and intervening variables, which have deepened the political rift in Iran. The causal variables include social and economic inequality as well as ideological conflicts, which serve as the critical structure for this gap. These challenges arise out of unequal power relations and the uneven distribution of resources, resulting in a great deal of dissatisfaction among various groups in society. Situational factors that increase this division relate to the political and social culture within society, which, through institutions like the family and the education system, passes on conflicting political ideologies. This culture, instead of bridging the gaps, strengthens and reinforces them. Finally, intervening factors such as media and social networks further fuel political polarization by creating echo chambers and spreading misinformation. Moreover, ineffective political decisions and changes in legislation have often inflamed these tensions rather than reduced them, thus contributing to the crystallization of this divide.The theoretical framework developed in this study reveals that the political cleavage existing in society has caused the development of two basic strategies among the people: acceptance and resistance. Acceptance, as one of the responses to the political rift between the state and society in Iran, reflects a part of the population's willingness to adapt to the existing conditions and accept the hegemonic order. This strategy is generally adopted by groups that lack the motivation either to change the status quo or, because of conservatism, inability to access power, or uncertainty about what might result from change, opt for the maintenance of the status quo. Acceptance can either be passive, without open protest or resistance, or active, through attempts to use the existing conditions for the betterment of oneself or one's group. In this approach, both individuals and collectives strive to adjust to the prevailing conditions while maximizing the opportunities available in the system to assert their place. While acceptance may provide temporary relief from social tensions and bring about political stability, it can also work to reinforce inequalities and further entrench political polarization, as the social and economic disparities continue to exist and can even exacerbate.On the other hand, resistance is an alternative strategy characterized by the actions of part of society to challenge the status quo and bridge the gap between the state and society. This type of resistance may be carried out in different ways: public protest, oppositional political activities, acts of civil disobedience, and so on. People who apply this strategy usually are not satisfied with current conditions and would like to make significant changes in political, social, or economic structures. The notion of resistance often arises from perceptions of injustice, inequality, and discrimination within political and social ideologies. In contrast to acceptance, which tends to consolidate the prevailing order, resistance seeks to challenge and change the system for the betterment of disadvantaged and disenfranchised people. However, resistance can increase tensions and sharpen political polarization, particularly when it hits the wall or otherwise fails to gain support across the board. Ultimately, resistance lies at the very core of the formation of political and social dynamics and can serve as a catalyst for broader changes.The theoretical framework demonstrates that such a political dichotomy between society and the state is a complex and multifarious phenomenon with huge implications for Iran's social, political, and economic frameworks. An exploration of these implications reveals that such political dichotomy has deepened social and political cleavages, practically bifurcating society into two often hostile and rival camps. These divisions have fueled a rise in polarization and growing social and political unrest, which, in turn, further amplifies the sense of inequality and discrimination among some quarters. From such an environment, political and economic instability has emerged as the most likely outcome. Severe market volatility, lower investment, capital flight, and continued political unrest are just some of the results of this bifurcation and the failure to achieve national cohesion. Furthermore, rising public discontent is another major consequence, as clearly seen in widespread protests, growing feelings of injustice, and increased pessimism about the future. These complaints have fostered an atmosphere of increased violence and social unrest, driving society into street confrontations, political instability, and cyber attacks on social media platforms.Concomitant with these developments, a major issue that has emerged is the marked decline in trust in government institutions. Citizens have gradually lost confidence in democratic processes and state institutions; hence, there is a growing sense of powerlessness and political apathy. This precarious situation has posed a direct threat to national cohesion, evidenced by the weakening of social bonds, deepening ethnic and religious divides, and a decrease in participation in national affairs. Lastly, political polarization has also contributed much to the aggravation of emigration and brain drain. Part of the intellectual and cultural elite of the country, disillusioned by the local situation and dissatisfied with the prevalent conditions, are leaving the country, which may further weaken Iran's human capital and undermine its development potential. This only goes to prove that the political divide between state and society tends to jeopardize stability and progress in a society, which eventually leads to further crises due to increased divides and growing unrest among the citizens of such society.
The State
Abdolrasoul Kavehfard; Hojjatollah Ayyoubi
Abstract
Extended abstractTitle: The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouyeh countiesAbdolrasoul Kaveh Fard, Ph.D. Student in Political Science/Political Sociology/Faculty of Lows, Theology & Political Science, Science and Research ...
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Extended abstractTitle: The role of Government in Political Development of Counties Case study: Governorates of Dashtestan, Genaveh and Asalouyeh countiesAbdolrasoul Kaveh Fard, Ph.D. Student in Political Science/Political Sociology/Faculty of Lows, Theology & Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranHojjatallah Ayyoubi Associate Professor, Faculty of World Studies, Tehran UniversityMojtaba MaghsoudiAssociate Professor, Faculty of Political Science, Islamic Azad University. Central Tehran Branch. Tehran, Iran.Introduction: Since development in developing societies, especially in Iran, depends a lot on the approaches, policies and plans of the government, knowing the special tasks, capabilities and capacities of agents and representatives of the government in the regions is also of fundamental importance in this field. Therefore, the topic of this article, which is derived from a scientific research, among various possible factors, is to study the role of governors in the political development of cities, which is examined from the perspective of political sociology.The purpose of the research: The general purpose of this research is to investigate the role and influence of governorates on the political development of cities.Method: In terms of purpose, this research is applied and among quantitative researches, the data has been collected by survey method. In the research process, a questionnaire was distributed electronically among all the employees of the governorates of "Dashtestan", "Genaveh" and "Asalouyeh" cities (including governors up to assistants in the number of 100 people) in the territory of Bushehr province. Therefore, the sample size was determined to be 100 people using the full enumeration method. Cronbach's alpha method was used to measure the reliability of the measuring instrument, and the questionnaire was confirmed with a reliability coefficient of 0.907. To analyze the data, one-sample t/t tests, analysis of variance and variance-oriented structural equation modeling approach and related software (PLS) were used.Report of findings: The findings of the research show that the highest average in the political development index is related to the "Governorship of Asalouyeh" and the lowest average is related to "Governorship of Genaveh". In the sub-indexes of political development, the governorates of all three cities have had a positive performance. "Activity of news-analytical media" in Dashtestan city has the highest average (3.85), and the lowest average related to the sub-index "political participation" (3.32), in Genaveh city, the sub-index of "activity of political parties and organizations" has the highest average (4.00) and the lowest average related to the sub-index of "political participation" (2.74); and in Asalouyeh city, the sub-index of "efficiency and effectiveness of the government" was the highest average (4.10) and the lowest average was related to the sub-index of "political participation" (3.65). Therefore, overall, in the political development index, the performance of Asalouyeh governorate has been better than other governoratesTo evaluate the political development index, 13 questions were asked, which were evaluated using the single-sample T/T test. The analysis of the collected data shows that the average of all the items of the political development index, except for the item of "governor's performance in the participation of the people in the elections of the Assembly of Experts" are above average, and thus there is a good satisfaction in the political development index. The value of the alpha error or the significance level of the T/T test for all items except for the item of "Governor's performance in the participation of the people in the elections of the Assembly of Experts" is equal to 0.000, since this error rate is less than the acceptable error rate for the test, i.e. is less than 0.05, as a result, it can be argued that the difference between the observation satisfaction level for these measures and the average level of satisfaction is significant at the 95% confidence level. The general results of the political development index express favorable conditions and a positive view of the governorates of the studied cities from the point of view of the statistical community of this research. Following up on the political affairs of the cities is one of the important tasks of the governorates, and in this field, the studied governorates have achieved relative success.Conclusion: on the functions, specialties and capabilities of governors as agents and high representatives of the government (and sovereignty) at the city level and their role in political development, clearly shows that governors, considering their duties and powers, as well as their role The leadership that they have, within the framework of their institutional structure, has helped to facilitate various indicators of political development in the regions and regions, and they play a prominent and prominent role in promoting the indicators of political development in the cities. Because the philosophy of establishing local governments in regions and districts also comes from the need to facilitate development at the regional level and as a result of national development. But in this process, some factors such as the presence of inefficient people at the head of the governorate as governor and the subsequent appointment of inefficient deputies and managers of executive bodies and government organizations at the city level, the sometimes security attitude of the governors to the administration of local affairs and especially the political activities of political currents at the level in the region, very weak financial resources, cumbersome laws and regulations, weak and insufficient human resources within the structure of the governorates and the lack of transparency in decision-making have caused their potential capacities and capabilities to perform effectively and carry out developmental tasks in the political dimension.The results of this research with the conclusion of "Shiari and Farhangi(2018)" research that the role of the government and its policies in the process of political development and the formation of civil society is prominent and significant, as well as the research of "Abiyar et al.(2018)" on this basis that Local governments play an important role in accelerating the process of political development, it is completely consistent.
International Relations
Fariborz Arghavani Pirsalami; Sajjad karimian
Abstract
One of the most important attentions to international affairs as well as the category of power and order is giving importance to ideas, values and concepts. The importance of ideas, values and concepts in formulating and presenting the best options for order creation in the international arena is always ...
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One of the most important attentions to international affairs as well as the category of power and order is giving importance to ideas, values and concepts. The importance of ideas, values and concepts in formulating and presenting the best options for order creation in the international arena is always considered. In this context, values, concepts and intellectual ideals act as raw materials for building the international order. With Deng Xiaopeng coming to power and adopting a different foreign policy, China's economic growth dazzled the eyes. As a result of economic growth, China's military growth accelerated. In recent years, these two fields have attracted so much attention of international relations researchers that the third field, namely Chinese culture, is on the sidelines of international attention and is paid less attention to it. Considering the increasing power of this country and also being among the great international powers, the importance of the ideas, thoughts and ideals of this country in building order is taken into consideration.According to what was said, what are China's ideals and ideals for the desired order of this country? Paying attention to ancient history and thought in this country is one of the basic requirements to answer this question. When China's long and deep history turns its pages, one of the most important and basic ideas of Chinese human life is the category of "harmony". This issue is so broad and deep that it is not far from reality if I say that the central signifier of social discourse in China is the concept of "harmony". Accordingly, the main research question is what is the nature of Chinese international order under the concept of coordination? In other words, how does the concept of coordination shape the Chinese international order? This article, relying on the descriptive-analytical method and using intellectual propositions in the context of Chinese history, asserts that the Chinese order does not seek uniformity and pursues a balance achieved through recognizing differences. Therefore, the Chinese international order reflects this meaning in the international system.Chinese worldview is a unique and exceptional worldview among the attitudes of different people in today's world. Apart from the five thousand years of historical continuity of China, in the philosophical perspective of this country, there is no existence of a creator that is outside of world creation. This feature makes this worldview completely naturalistic, self-sufficient and self-generating. Accordingly, good and evil do not exist in the mental geometry of Chinese people, and instead there is balance and harmony in contrast to disharmony. Balance has been the guiding light of man and Chinese society throughout the history of this society, and this harmony has emerged as the central sign of various thoughts in China. One of the most important of these ideas is Confucius and Taoism, which is several thousand years old.According to Confucius, the main goal of government is to create harmony, and the last step in achieving this goal is to achieve harmony at the global level. The three basic principles of moral force, empathic understanding and harmony with differences were recognized as the foundations of creating harmony in the international arena. Taoism, like Confucius, pays special attention to the concept of harmony and order. However, Taoism has a different view on the category of harmony and interprets it as cosmic. In this view, the category of order has a place to organize order in the cosmic system. The important and common Taoist principles are isolation, simplicity and harmony with nature.The emphasis of Chinese culture is on fostering harmony not only between different people, but also between people and the fundamental world. The four basic characteristics of harmony are balance in the whole, harmony in difference, order in complexity, and unity in diversity. It was on this basis that certain viewpoints were created to explain and describe the category of harmony in Chinese philosophy, which had a special application in the field of domestic and foreign politics, and therefore are highly contextual and historical. Based on this, the representation of the concept of harmony and social balance in the political sphere of China can be seen in the creation of political constructions such as the Son of Heaven, a strong family system and orderly social hierarchies. These structures, which have always declined and risen for many years, are not the only representations of the concept of harmony emanating from Confucian and Taoist thoughts in China's domestic political sphere. The history of China's political history makes it clear that China has been characterized by the growth and expansion of the hierarchical structure and the formation of the Confucian bureaucracy and, as a result, a powerful political system. In general, the ontology of Chinese man and all aspects of his social and individual life cannot be imagined outside of the concept of under the sky. Accordingly, the inclusion of the concept of harmony includes all areas of Chinese human life.In the Chinese intellectual geometry and the concept of harmony arising from mutual recognition and deepening it is not to meet needs but to create harmony and prevent distance from a balanced world. Based on this, it can be said that order based on demand from the concept of hegemony and geometry in Chinese thought is fundamentally different from Western order in terms of ontology and epistemology, and its nature and essence does not seek to create uniformity and equalization; Rather, it seeks to recognize diversity and at the same time build a world based on mutual understanding. Based on this, it can be concluded that from the point of view of the geometry of Chinese thought and harmony, the role of China is benign. In this way, according to the aforementioned, this country seeks to create a balance at the world level with an emphasis on harmony.Based on the Chinese point of view, order should be based on the deep expansion of China's relations with all countries of the world. In such a way that the final result of these relations should lead to the improvement of the level of world peace and prosperity. Another characteristic of this type of international relations is that it leads to the production of power relations for each side of these relations. The most important examples of promoting coordination and balance in China's international order in the fields of institutions, security and international economy are the Belt and Road Initiative, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Asian Development and Infrastructure Bank. In terms of rules and regulations and the degree of China's presence and authority in them, each of them reflects the category of international coordination and the resulting order in the international arena.
