The State
Mostafa Kavakebyan; Azim Matin
Abstract
In explicating the essence of a modern state, one must navigate a theoretical landscape defined by a set of characteristics, criteria, and requisites that differentiate the theory of the modern state from alternative paradigms, notably the absolute state. This theoretical realm, characterized by a prescriptive ...
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In explicating the essence of a modern state, one must navigate a theoretical landscape defined by a set of characteristics, criteria, and requisites that differentiate the theory of the modern state from alternative paradigms, notably the absolute state. This theoretical realm, characterized by a prescriptive understanding of modern governance, serves as a guiding force, prompting governments worldwide to emulate its structural blueprint. This form of governance, intricately woven into the fabric of contemporary political landscapes, commands loyalty from its constituents. It wields influence both directly and indirectly, orchestrating societal affairs through a bureaucratic apparatus that intricately affects diverse aspects of citizens' lives.
In stark contrast to premodern governance reliant on tribute and force, the modern government garners economic sustenance directly from its citizenry, levying taxes to fulfill its distinct responsibilities. At the core of the modern state lies the imperative of nation-building, an endeavor necessitating the homogenization of social identity. However, the crux of our inquiry lies in the intricate relationship between us Iranians and the modern state. Delving into the historical narrative of the modern state as an experiential journey and scrutinizing it as a malleable theoretical model emerge as imperative undertakings.
The overarching purpose of this research is to meticulously examine the historical trajectory underpinning the formation and stabilization of the modern state in Iran. Anchored in the intellectual currents of Western thought, this scholarly pursuit aspires to enhance our understanding of the state's essence and its nuanced position within the Iranian milieu. A discerning analysis of the country's policies and orientations naturally unfolds as a byproduct of this historical exploration.
Guiding our intellectual journey is a theoretical framework rooted in historical institutionalism. This approach, a beacon in the study of state building in Iran, focuses on unraveling the intricate tapestry of social, political, and economic behaviors, tracing their evolution over time. Institutions, elevated to the status of independent variables, emerge as architects shaping individual and collective actions alongside the broader panorama of social and political phenomena. Recognizing that institutions not only mold actors' strategies but also sculpt their objectives, historical institutionalism, with its attention to structural variables such as class position and mediating entities like political parties and unions, provides a nuanced lens through which to study the formation and construction of the government in Iran.
The research methodology, a dual-pronged approach, employs the content analysis method to scrutinize definitions of the modern state put forth by Western thinkers. This analytical approach, eschewing the exploration of attitudes and beliefs in favor of dissecting produced messages, is complemented by the historical research method. This method involves a meticulous examination of specific past events within a defined temporal scope, integrating historical facts through a rigorous regimen of data collection, evaluation, and verification.
Tracing the historical trajectory of government formation in the West, political scientists posit that the foundations of the modern state or nation-state were laid in the late Middle Ages, influenced by the Catholic cultural context. The formation of modern national states was shaped by factors such as religious reform movements and conflicts among European countries. The Treaty of Westphalia in the 16th to 18th centuries is considered a pivotal event in the emergence of the modern state. From the 19th century onward, the modern government model gradually supplanted other political systems globally.
The indicators and criteria of modern governments encompass a legitimate monopoly on controlling the means of violence, a specific territorial territory, sovereignty, centralized power, a codified constitution, the use of impersonal power, nationalism, a public bureaucracy, authority/legitimacy, citizenship, and provincial tax.
The historical exploration of government formation in Iran reveals nuanced epochs, beginning with the Safavid era's establishment of a robust central government to counter threats from the Sunni Ottoman Empire. Shah Abbas I marked a zenith, unifying the country politically, relocating the capital to Isfahan, fostering a unified religious identity based on Shiite Islam, and expanding diplomatic relations. Subsequent governments, such as the Afshariya and Zand, did not significantly alter national and state organizations. The Qajar dynasty witnessed an expansion of central government power, albeit rooted in the Illyrian system. The constitutional revolution of 1285 emerged as a historical turning point, ushering in constitutionalism and paving the way for a more structured political system in Iran. The subsequent Pahlavi absolute government, while characterized by economic nationalism and centralization of power, laid the foundations for absolute rule.
In conclusion, this historical exploration, spanning from the Safavid era to the Pahlavi period, unveils Iran's trajectory of independent political thought and the evolution of a nation transitioning to citizenship. Constitutionalism emerges as the cornerstone of modern governance, establishing a balanced relationship between the government and the nation. The era of Reza Shah, marked by economic nationalism and the consolidation of government power, signifies a fundamental shift, laying the groundwork for absolute rule. This scholarly endeavor sheds light on the nuanced tapestry of Iran's political evolution.
The State
Masoud Akhavan Kazemi; Golnaz Narimani
Abstract
A few historical governments have existed for a long time, but the government is relatively old and lasts up to a few centuries, especially in its modern form. A modern government is an organization that controls legal law and applies it legitimately. The government is the only organization with the ...
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A few historical governments have existed for a long time, but the government is relatively old and lasts up to a few centuries, especially in its modern form. A modern government is an organization that controls legal law and applies it legitimately. The government is the only organization with the authority and right to use legitimate violence. Throughout history and during the past eras, many governments have been formed in all parts of the world, and each of them has reached the point of collapse after some time. Although the existence of the state is more durable and survival compared to the government, and in other words, it is "more or less than ever," the specific policies of the formation of the states are taken into consideration. However, the point is under what conditions they fall apart; it has received less attention from researchers. This article aims to answer the question, under what conditions can a government be destroyed or collapsed?To find the causes and factors of the collapse and fall of governments, the current research, using the theories of systemic analysis, besides explaining the various forms of government collapse, examines all the internal and external factors and factors of the collapse of a government. To understand this issue, it has been taken from systemic analysis; systemic analysis refers to a point of view that can be used to investigate and analyze a phenomenon. Systemic analysis leads to a better understanding of phenomena and avoids reductionism. In recent decades, system analysis has been proposed as an efficient tool for new sciences and specialized supplementary studies in various social fields in scientific and academic circles. This causes a general and multifaceted understanding of why and the phenomena and events governing behavioral affairs.In systemic analysis, the political system, as an intellectual system, has several subsystems. A crisis in any of these subsystems, including the economic or political subsystem, can lead to the fragility and collapse of the government. In this view, the government is a set of interconnected and systematic elements and propositions. Disruption in any of these elements can lead to the collapse or destruction of the state.In addition to the internal connection between its components, the government as a system also has a connection with external changes at different and numerous levels. The state has the property of food with its external elements. As a result of these connections between the government and the environment and the actions and reactions between them, differences or imbalances occur in the government system.In a general classification, the collapse and disintegration of governments can be classified in the form of two main categories—external factors and factors and internal factors. External factors deal with the relations between the government and other countries in the international community. The second category also refers to the relationship between the government and its internal society. It is essential to mention that these two groups of factors influence each other, and a change in the intensity and weakness of one causes a change in the intensity and weakness of the other. This means that the collapse of the government extends from the internal situation to the foreign relations of the troubled government. Also, the weakening of foreign authority substantially impacts its internal stability.Research studies indicate that at the external level of the government system, essential factors such as war and foreign invasion, climate change, the pressures of powers and economic sanctions, and issues of a succession of governments can become the fragility of the government and against it. It will eventually collapse. In the internal dimension, crises in three subsystems, political, economic, and social, can turn into the collapse of the government. In other words, factors such as political crises and the distortion of governance, economic crises such as inflation and damage, and social issues such as the crisis of failure to start and the crisis of participation are the main factors affecting the collapse and disintegration of a government. The weakening, incapacity, decline, and decay of governments either due to external factors, in the economic forms of political policies and foreign invasion and war, and in some cases, due to climate change and the succession of governments to another place. It occurs or results from internal changes in the political, economic, and social structure, civil wars, accumulation of crises, and loss of internal legitimacy.
The State
Elaheh Sadeghi; Samaneh Movahedi
Abstract
In 1978, the Islamic Revolution achieved victory with the aim of fighting injustice, oppression, tyranny, establishing security, freedom, independence, and most importantly, forming a single nation. After the victory of the revolution, the first Shiite democratic system was established under the title ...
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In 1978, the Islamic Revolution achieved victory with the aim of fighting injustice, oppression, tyranny, establishing security, freedom, independence, and most importantly, forming a single nation. After the victory of the revolution, the first Shiite democratic system was established under the title of Islamic Republic based on the principle of divine sovereignty (Islamism) and people's sovereignty (Republic). Undoubtedly, the establishment of an Islamic state is one of the ultimate goals of the Islamic revolution, so that the laws and rulings of the Islamic religion are implemented, which, in addition to regulating the current affairs of the people, also guides the direction of the society towards perfection and nearness to God. But until today, the actions and efforts taken were not enough and the Islamic state has not yet been realized in the real sense. Therefore, the explanation of Ayatollah Khamenei's point of view as the great leader of Iranian society and also as the most important Shiite thinker in the Islamic world regarding the foundations and indicators of the Islamic state is very effective and can be a guide for the formation and theoretical and practical activity of the Islamic state. Because during his leadership period, he explained the five stages of the objectives of the Islamic revolution (Islamic revolution, political system, Islamic state, Islamic society and Islamic civilization) and drew the Islamic state as the most important and third stage of this process and repeatedly They have emphasized the importance and necessity of forming an Islamic state as an important factor in the realization of Islamic civilization. Therefore, it is requisite and necessary to explain his point of view regarding the foundations and indicators of the Islamic state.Question: This research seeks to answer the question that, from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei, how are the foundations and indicators of the Islamic state drawn?Methodology: The method of this research is based on the qualitative content analysis method, in order to benefit from this method, attention was paid to the hidden themes of Ayatollah Khamenei's statements from 1981 to 2022 and inference and extraction of meaning was made from it. Thematic search of the word (Islamic State) among the statements of Ayatollah Khamenei was obtained with the help of MAXQDA software, and the search results of his statements were prepared in the form of a slip, which is about the topic of the foundations and indicators of the Islamic State. The next step after collecting the slips is the analysis procedure in three ways: purification, explanation and which is the structure analysis procedure of this research. The next step is to specify the units of analysis, which are divided into word (symbol), theme, character (personality), paragraph and title (item), and in this research, the unit of analysis is paragraph. The next step is coding to determine the categories. The next step is coding to determine the categories, which in this research was done in an open and inductive approach, because the qualitative view prevails in it. Therefore, for this coding, it is necessary to read and review the text of the statements 2-3 times, line by line, and then convert it into the smallest possible component, where similar codes are merged and categories are extracted from these codes. And finally, each of these categories is analyzed and interpreted.Result and Discussion: Using qualitative content analysis method, three categories were determined regarding the foundations of the Islamic state and ten categories were determined regarding the indicators of the Islamic state, and each of these categories was analyzed and examined, and several points can be made from the findings. He deduced the basic:From the point of view of Ayatollah Khamenei, the Islamic state is the most important and the third stage of the five-fold process of the ideal of the Islamic Revolution, and if it is not fully realized, the Islamic society will not be formed.What distinguishes the Islamic state from other states; Its Islamic foundations and orientation are rooted in the connection between religion and politics in Islam, the necessity of social life and the necessity of realizing a virtuous life for the Muslim community in material and spiritual dimensions.From his point of view, the model of the Islamic State is the prophetic and Alawite state, which has indicators for the formation of the Islamic state at present, the most important of which are justice-oriented, adherence to the standards of religious democracy (importance of people's vote and opinion)., anti-tyranny, law-oriented, value-religious orientation, preservation of Islamic identity, service, science-oriented, wisdom-oriented, fight against corruption, etc.
Political Sociology
Nejat Mohammadifar; Ehsan Kazemi
Abstract
Imagining government as a powerful and all-encompassing institution which effectively controls a geopolitical area has affected the basic role of this institution in the development discourse. Because the government is considered as the main basis of political, economic and social order, its representative ...
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Imagining government as a powerful and all-encompassing institution which effectively controls a geopolitical area has affected the basic role of this institution in the development discourse. Because the government is considered as the main basis of political, economic and social order, its representative role is significant. Today, many thinkers and international organizations believe that the government still plays an essential role in advancing the process of development and poverty reduction but the problem is that always some governments have not been able or willing to play the expected roles. Many governments, due to various social, political, economic and structural reasons do not have the ability and capacities necessary for carring out development and poverty reduction, or basically do not show much political desire and will in this regard. Since the 1990s, those states that their governments lack the necessary ability to perform normal functions and lead their society to development have been known as fragile states. This is a concept that is more related to developing countries. On the basis of this, the main question of the current research is "what are the criteria for evaluating the capacity and willingness of fragile states in planning for development and poverty reduction?" The research method used in this research is systematic review and information are collected using library tools and internet resources. The theoretical framework of the research is based on Torres and Anderson (2004). From the point of view of Torres and Anderson, the development capacities of a government include the foundations of government authority, administrative capacity and efficiency, economic efficiency and the effective exercise of political power. A government that lacks these capacities or has these features just to a limited extent will lose its capacity and ability to advance development and reduce poverty to a large extent. In addition, from thier point of view, along with these features, the political will for development and poverty reduction must exist at the top of the government. In other word there should be an explicit political statement that shows the commitment and desire of a government to advance development and poverty reduction programs. As well, in this direction, attention should be paid to the existence of strategies, tools and motivations for implementation, so that services are provided in the best possible way and has the character of inclusiveness. Finally, Torres and Anderson (2004) present a fourfold typology of governments (weak willingness and capacity governments, strong willingness and weak capacity governments, strong willingness and capacity governments, and weak willingness and strong capacity governments) that can be used to identify the criteria for evaluating the capacity of fragile states in development planning and poverty reduction. The results of the research findings show that governments in fragile states could have a proper planning in order to improve development capacities and reduce poverty by strengthening the foundations of authority, effective exercise of political power, efficiency in macroeconomic management, administrative capacity for implementation, along with the political commitment to reduce poverty and provide comprehensive services. Based on this, the governments that have weak political desire and will, even if they have the necessary capacities for development and poverty reduction, will not succeed. Similarly, those states that have a strong political desire and will but lack the necessary capacities, will not be successful. In transition countries, where governments are usually more fragile, rapid changes may lead to instability. Therefore, it should be emphasized on gradual reforms and more accountability of governments in these countries. As the Iraq experience clearly shows, dramatic changes—including a sudden move toward fully competitive elections—in countries with weak cohesion, fragile institutions, and a history of intergroup hostility can be highly explosive and undermine the entire reform agenda. So, it is better to give priority to solidarity and security and gradually carry out broader reforms in the field of development and poverty reduction so that do not explicitly threaten the status quo. Limits such as increasing transparency and carrying out budgeting methods, strengthening non-governmental organizations, creating a strong civil society, strengthening public cohesion and trust, increasing income and reducing unemployment, improving the rule of law and the government's capacity to judge and implement it can improve relations between governments and people and provide the basis for other actions. It seems that the biggest determining factors eventually are the government, its leadership, policies and institutions; This does not mean ignoring the role of the society as sustainable development requires roles of both government and society. The development-seeking government and the development-seeking society, with their desire and high capacities for development, are the key to success in the advancing development and poverty reduction.
Behnam Medi
Abstract
In recent Iranian intellectual space, some thinkers of political thought and jurisprudence (in particular the late Dr. Davood Feirahi) have believed that Iran’s situation in Islamic world is similar to and comparable with England in Europe and Christian world. That's because Iran is a Muslim country ...
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In recent Iranian intellectual space, some thinkers of political thought and jurisprudence (in particular the late Dr. Davood Feirahi) have believed that Iran’s situation in Islamic world is similar to and comparable with England in Europe and Christian world. That's because Iran is a Muslim country yet at the same time a Shi'ite one and England in Europe is a Christian yet at the time an Anglican one. On the other hand, they have believed that the situation and the political project of John Locke in England is similar to and comparable with the situation and the political project of Allameh Mohammad Hossein Naeini in contemporary Iran. That's also because both of them tried to defend freedom and democracy on the basis of a religious ground, that means the holy text. And both of them had religious opponents (Sheiq Fazlollah Nuri and Robert Filmer). Therefore, the quarrel for democracy and freedom at the time of John Locke and Allameh Mohammad Hossein Naeini was a religious one. That means it was religion against religion, both authoritarianism and democracy was based on different accounts and interpretation of the hole text. Hence, in Iran Feirahi believed that secularism isn't our real problem but the problem is religious accounts of authoritarianism and democracy. He believed that the path of democracy passes through a democratic account of religion. Here, what he called as modern theology can make sense.The main concern of the present article is to evaluate this claim. Is Shi'ite Islam is comparable with Christianity and Anglicanism in particular? What are the differences? At least we know the Constitutionalism movement in Iran came to a different conclusion than the Constitutionalism movement. In Iran, only after two decades after the Constitutionalism revolution an authoritarianist government came to power and it can be said that Rezakhan destroyed democracy. The main subject of my essay is Law but not any kind of Law (Natural Law, Religious Law, etc.). It is only governmental law or human Law. What is created by man and in particular by a government. In order to evaluate the aforementioned claim and what people like Feirahi said I chose the concept of law and on the other hand I tried to study the concept in the context of the two important treatises of these two thinkers; the second treatise of John Locke on Government and Mohammad Hossein Naeini’s Tanbih o lommah va Tanzih o lmellah. It should be added that Law is very important for these two. Locke defines political power on the basis of Law. For Locke, that's Law which draws a distinction between a state of war and a political state. For Naeini, Law is an alternative for ismah (innocence) of imam at the time of qeibah (absence of imam).It should be noticed that Law in Iran was a goal that so many people had tried the achieve. One the main aims of the Constitutionalism revolution was to create Law and to limit and control the behavior of the governors on the basis of Law. So, the essay studied different aspects of the question of law in the project of those two thinkers (Naeini and Locke) and what the said in their most important treatises (Tanbih o lommah va Tanzih o lmellah of Mohammad Hossein Naeini and John Locke’s Second Treatise on Government). This study is a part of a wider research, which tried to find the basis of such comparison. My methodological approach in present essay is an interpretive-comparative one. That means that I tried to interpret both texts from the viewpoint of Law and after that and the same time I tried to compare the two texts. The present essay is divided in different parts. First, I studied the foundation of Law in the two treatises (a metaphorical one and a normative one). Then I wrote about the limitations of Law for Locke and Naeini. For Locke and Naeine there two different kinds of limitations. Locke limits Law by Natural Law or Natural Rights and the contents of the very basic contract between people and the governors. On the other side. Naeini limits Law by Shari'ah and the contents of the very basic contract between people and the governors. Then I talked about the Legislative Power (Parliament of Majlis). Here I studied the position of the the Legislative Power and its conditions. And in the end, I wrote about the goal or aim law, what Law tries to achieve. Here I pointed to the relations between public good and its relation with consent. In the final analysis, the present research shows that in spite of some similarities, there are fundamental differences between John Locke and Naeini, which cannot and should not be overlooked. I believed that the proponents of the claim are ignorant of the differences. Such ignorance twists our system of thinking more and creates more problems.
Mohsen Khalili
Abstract
The task of an intelligence agency is to monitor the ideas and behaviors of groups that are in conflict with the established system and are trying to overthrow the existing system. Monitoring opponents of the political system is not the sole task of an intelligence agency; Rather, it is the task of an ...
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The task of an intelligence agency is to monitor the ideas and behaviors of groups that are in conflict with the established system and are trying to overthrow the existing system. Monitoring opponents of the political system is not the sole task of an intelligence agency; Rather, it is the task of an intelligence agency to fight subversive opposition groups. Information institutions are an important part of a political system. The fundamental theory of the establishment of the state and the political-legal system determines the policy of the intelligence agencies. When two words are mixed, the breadth of a compound double word is lost and they are limited and conditioned by each other, and the word that is combined with the other word loses its semantic / functional independence. In this article, the political theory of the Intelligence and Security Organization of Iran is considered a lexical fusion due to the dual structure of government (republic and Islamic). Whenever a theory is chosen from among the various political theories that underlie the theoretical basis of government and is the basis for the actions of government and its institutional subdivisions (including intelligence agencies), the government and the intelligence agency are limited to theoretical underpinnings. Using Bernard Crick's model, the author tries to show how a change in the fundamental political theory of a state can led to a change in the character and actions of a country's intelligence organization.
Mohammad Taghi Ghezelsofla
Abstract
The present descriptive-analytical research has been conducted in an attempt to find the requirements of governance in the "post-…” era. Today, major developments in epistemology and fundamental changes of ideology have seriously changed the political affairs. These two transformations have ...
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The present descriptive-analytical research has been conducted in an attempt to find the requirements of governance in the "post-…” era. Today, major developments in epistemology and fundamental changes of ideology have seriously changed the political affairs. These two transformations have made the institution of the state and its governance in the development era the most important priorities of policymaking and theorizing. In response to the question raised, this article is organized in two sections: in the first section, after explaining the logic of transition to the “post-…” era and the reasons for finding the importance of governance, the most important requirements of governance in the age of development have been proposed by emphasizing the moral/native conditions of Iran as one of the countries on the path of development. For this purpose, a critical normative theoretical approach has been used considering the governments responsible for preparing "fundamental goods”. The results of this research show that issues such as rethinking the philosophy of development, paying attention to the idea of alternative development, improving the quality of the development-oriented government, and the teleology of governance in the age of development with local requirements are some of the most important issues that should be on the agenda of governments seeking development, including the government of Iran.
Roz Fazli
Abstract
The Taliban movement was born in the condition of internal and external conflicts. The domain for the emergence of this movement was events such as the internal coup d’état on April 28th, 1978, the invasion of the Red Army in 1979, and the civil wars of 1994-1992 in Afghanistan. Finally, ...
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The Taliban movement was born in the condition of internal and external conflicts. The domain for the emergence of this movement was events such as the internal coup d’état on April 28th, 1978, the invasion of the Red Army in 1979, and the civil wars of 1994-1992 in Afghanistan. Finally, the Taliban with a quasi-totalitarian identity tried to declare its existence and rule in that country under the title of the Islamic Emirate of the Taliban between 1996 and 2001. This article tries to look at the emergence of the Taliban movement by relying on Alain Touraine's theory about the emergence of movements, relying on the three principles of Opposition, Identity, and Totality, and analyzing the third principle of "Totality" among these three principles in the establishment of the Emirate of Taliban. The following article tries to answer the question of whether it is possible that the Islamic Emirate of the Taliban 1996-2001 can be recognized as a totalitarian state that has found its identity from the historical conflict situation. To answer this question, Hannah Arendt's opinions in the book Totalitarianism have been cited, and six indicators have been selected for this comparative study, all of which are analyzed according to Arendt's theory of understanding and describing the characteristics of totalitarian political systems. These indicators are: formlessness (informité), mass society, absolute loyalty, ideology and the meaning of borders, totalitarian leadership and Religion and rituals. Before examining these indicators, an attempt has been made to answer these two questions: to what extent is it possible to compare the State in the West and the State in the Islamic world? And also, to what extent can there be a relationship between the Islamic state and the totalitarian State? The theoretical framework used in this research is a combination of Alain Touraine's opinion (in understanding socio-political movements) and Hannah Arendt's theory (in understanding totalitarianism). The research method used in this article is the library and documentary method.
Sara Keshkar; Arefeh Ghanbari Firoozabadi
Abstract
The purpose of this research was to study the managerial performance of world sports organizations in the corona virus crisis and exploit superior experiences for the future similar situations. For this, a comparative study method was used. This research sought to answer the question of how the sport ...
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The purpose of this research was to study the managerial performance of world sports organizations in the corona virus crisis and exploit superior experiences for the future similar situations. For this, a comparative study method was used. This research sought to answer the question of how the sport organizations acted during the pandemic in Iran and other countries. The study population was public and private sports organizations of the top 20 countries in the field of sports industry in addition to Iran (N = 21) whose performance during the pandemic era was published in the world media. For this purpose, all relevant news and reports published in the world news agencies were analyzed. All collected data were categorized, and interpreted using George Brady's four-step model. The results showed that the performance of sports organizations was divided into two general parts: a) activities related to sports and b) activities related to social responsibility of organizations. The findings showed that there were similarities and differences between countries in the performance of their sports organizations. Meanwhile, Iranian sports organizations did not perform well in most aspects of support activities compared to other countries, so in the future, the managers of these organizations need to use the world experience in crisis management and develop flexible and responsive planning to deal with future crises. In this regard, managers need to put the possibility of training their staff to deal with future crises on their agenda.
Farzin Rahimi Zonouz; Shahrouz Shariati
Abstract
China's government has started the process of economic liberalization since the late 1970s with its own unique pattern. In less than half a century, China economy has gained significant growth. The liberalization also has gradually eliminated poverty in China significantly and has improved the quality ...
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China's government has started the process of economic liberalization since the late 1970s with its own unique pattern. In less than half a century, China economy has gained significant growth. The liberalization also has gradually eliminated poverty in China significantly and has improved the quality of Chinese citizens' lives. This paper examines the impact of policies based on economic liberalization model in the Chinese government and seeks to study the relationship between economic liberalization and national security in China through a policy-driven research process. This article, examines some of the most influential economic, political, military, and environmental indicators of the Chinese government over the past few decades. From this point of view, as this article shows for the past half century, with the exception of the "environmental and climatic security", China Government has been able to improve and stabilize other Chinese national security indicators. The paper also emphasizes that the Chinese model can be replicated by less developed countries.
Behnam Medi
Abstract
How the government is formed is one of the important themes about the phenomenon of government. Yet more important is the issue of the dissolution of government. This paper studies the dissolution of government from the viewpoint of John Locke as one of the greatest political philosophers ...
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How the government is formed is one of the important themes about the phenomenon of government. Yet more important is the issue of the dissolution of government. This paper studies the dissolution of government from the viewpoint of John Locke as one of the greatest political philosophers in the modern world. The main research questions are, what are the foundations in Locke’s political theology that can explain the dissolution of government? and what conditions should be met in order to concede the possibility of the dissolution of government or confer on citizens the right to it? Locke believes that in the state of nature, human beings have rights as well as the ability to govern themselves. Human beings enter the political society with some rights, the most important of which is the right to judge the performance of rulers. Moreover, they have the right to dismiss or even penalize rulers whenever they do not fulfil their obligations, and if rulers go against the popular will, people can resort to force and revolution. For Locke, revolution is not the worst thing in politics but in the despotic politics. In Locke’s viewpoint, revolution is necessary to ensure rulers’ adherence to their obligations. More importantly, revolution is both the foundation of freedom and the greatest manifestation of humans’ self-government.
Fatemeh Ahmadvand
Abstract
A significant aspect of political thought and theoretical concept about Ideal Government in Islam, is presented in the form of advices. Siraj al-Muluk by Turtushi is one of these works written in the period of degeneration of Ismaili Fatimid Caliphate in the late 5th and early 6th century AH. The main ...
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A significant aspect of political thought and theoretical concept about Ideal Government in Islam, is presented in the form of advices. Siraj al-Muluk by Turtushi is one of these works written in the period of degeneration of Ismaili Fatimid Caliphate in the late 5th and early 6th century AH. The main gole of this article is the presentation of an understanding of Turtushi`s thought about the crisis of degeneration. In other word, the main question of the study is about the reasoning of the political crisis and Turtushi`s advices for making up the ideal government. In this research, the conceptual model of Thomas Spragens in Understanding of Political Theories has been used. The hypothesis is the historical studying of Turtushi`s political thought and his era when he used to think that period of Fatimid`s degeneration is a crisis. His work is coming across Spragens Thought in political understanding of crisis, its reasons, the solutions for passing it and reaching the ideal government. The methodology is content analysis of Siraj al-Muluk in order to compare the most significant concept of this work with Spragens`s model. This research shows that Turtushi used to want reform in order to solve the crisis and reaching an ideal government which has a great deal of virtualism as a policy to have pure statesmen, reform in government, justice in courts and in relationships between classes, and the improvement of clerics in government as advisers for rulers in order to reach high pure in government.
Shoja Ahmadvand; Ahmad Reza Bordbar
Abstract
A controversial concept, state is a single denominator with diverse and multifaceted models, as well as a contentious phenomenon with numerous problems in meaning, concept and application. While some see the state as a phenomenon that dates back to the sixteenth century, others cite the state as a special ...
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A controversial concept, state is a single denominator with diverse and multifaceted models, as well as a contentious phenomenon with numerous problems in meaning, concept and application. While some see the state as a phenomenon that dates back to the sixteenth century, others cite the state as a special form of government; therefore, in this sense, every social order requires the state. In ancient Iran, the concept of government and governance will only mean with the concept of a prince, as the institution of the prince in the Iranian thought is the ideal king. The present study seeks to examine the nature of government in ancient Iran as the first center of dynamism and emergence of government in the human world. In this study, the main question is on what basis was the nature of government in ancient Iran during the Achaemenid era? After answering the question, it is hypothesized that the nature of government in ancient Iran was based on Iranian ideology of an ideal king based on religious and moral purity, since Iranian morality and spirit were based on Zoroaster teachings and the Achaemenid kings represented their attributes of heavenly monarchy. This hypothesis has been processed by a historical sociology approach and an analysis of the nature of state during the Achaemenid period in a descriptive-analytic method.
Abdolmajid Seifi; Naser Pourhassan
Abstract
Since the failed coup in June 2016, a series of developments have begun in Turkey that are not comparable to the post-coup era of the past decades. The purpose of this article is to analyze the nature of the government in Turkey after the coup. The main question is what is the nature of the Turkish government ...
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Since the failed coup in June 2016, a series of developments have begun in Turkey that are not comparable to the post-coup era of the past decades. The purpose of this article is to analyze the nature of the government in Turkey after the coup. The main question is what is the nature of the Turkish government after the abortive coup of June 2016? The paper also hypothesizes that the developments and set of changes that Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his party (Justice and Development) have initiated in recent years, accelerated since the 2016 coup so that the nature of government in Turkey would be changed from fragile democracy into “anocracy". In this government, while some democratic institutions are in power, the symptoms of authoritarianism and the transition to anocratic government is increasing. The findings of the article show that changing 18 articles from the Turkish constitution, transforming parliamentary system into presidential, enhancing the power of the President and weakening the supervisory organizations, severe weakening of the judicial system, intense violation of human rights, particularly tough violence against Gulenists and Kurds and the widespread suppression and liquidation of government opponents at the level of the military and civilians, are the hallmarks of the emergence of anocratic government in Turkey after the 2016 coup. The data collected for the paper hypothesis were processed in a descriptive-analytical method.
Vahid Sinaee; Abol-Ghasem Shahriari
Abstract
The outbreak of World War II and the occupation of Iran on the pretext of the presence of German troops in this country had unfortunate consequences. The end of Reza Shah Administration meant the beginning of a new era in which absolute authority did not exist anymore. The deterioration of conditions ...
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The outbreak of World War II and the occupation of Iran on the pretext of the presence of German troops in this country had unfortunate consequences. The end of Reza Shah Administration meant the beginning of a new era in which absolute authority did not exist anymore. The deterioration of conditions in the country prompted Iranian thinkers to speculate about Iran for the post-Shah era. One of these thinkers was Ahmad Kasravi. According to his many years of experience in the Iranian politics and his life experiences, Kasravi achieved to reconstruct the theory of government in post-Reza Shah Period. Hence; this article will examine the nature and specifics of post-Reza Shah Administration in Ahmad Kasravi’ thought. In order to answer this question using qualitative content analysis method, Kasravi's writings have been investigated from 1942 to 1945. The findings indicate that Kasravi, considering the existing conditions and pursuing a realistic approach, selected an elitist government and recalling what occurred during Iran’s Constitutional period and Reza Shah reign, he believes that neutrality in foreign relations, formation of an independent army, trying to inform people and considering Iran’s cultural conditions in legislation are this elitist government’ duties.
Mehdi Mirkiaei
Abstract
The critique of the state and ruling elites is an important part of the political life of the masses, but the political action of the descendants in pre-constitutional era, with the exception of the rare cases of rebellion and riots, is reflected in their popular culture. Meanwhile, song is one of the ...
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The critique of the state and ruling elites is an important part of the political life of the masses, but the political action of the descendants in pre-constitutional era, with the exception of the rare cases of rebellion and riots, is reflected in their popular culture. Meanwhile, song is one of the most common genre of folk culture. The masses had to raise their protest or political views with simple or complex camouflages at the community level in order to remain immune from the harassment by the government agents. Oral capacities of folk culture provided them with a simple camouflage, and in sophisticated camouflage, taking advantage of the allegory and password, they created songs that made it possible for them to have both political and harmless readings. The research tries to answer these questions, what was the themes of the political folk songs in the pre-constitution era during the Qajar era, and what methods were used to cover these themes in songs? The premise of the research is that the theme of these songs was mostly based on the negation of the constructive elements of the "public view of government." What is more, the government's covert threat and litigation were the other themes of these songs. The masses used to cover these themes through methods such as subtilized threats, symbolic reversal, the memorial of good natured ruler and naïve king love. The conceptual framework of the research is “Secret narrations” theory of James C. Scott.
Hamdallah Akvani
Abstract
One of the issues that can be studied in the thought of the middle Ages is the perception of Muslim scholars is "the political". Every conception of the political also implies the prescription of a specific type of government pattern. What is the point of view of Muslim scholars on the political and ...
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One of the issues that can be studied in the thought of the middle Ages is the perception of Muslim scholars is "the political". Every conception of the political also implies the prescription of a specific type of government pattern. What is the point of view of Muslim scholars on the political and what has affected the pattern of government is the question in the present research. What is the purpose of this article in the two important approaches of the thought of the Islamic period, namely, the philosophical ethics and the Andarz Nameh writing, which is prominent in the political narrative, and which model of government it emanates from. In the narrative of philosophical ethics, the political means to create an organic and transcendental environment for the continuation of action arising from the inner desire of humans. "Friendship" is the most important part of the achievement of such a community. This narrative leads to the presentation of the state's organic model. In the second narrative, the world of human beings is a permanent controversy. In this situation, the political means the efforts of rulers to maintain power from the struggle of "others"; a struggle that is permanent and endless. The second narrative offers a toolkit for a mechanical state to sustain and expand power.
nayere dalir
Abstract
The views of Khadjeh Nezam al-Mulk have always been significant among the intellectual experts of political schools of thought, particularly the views in relation to organizing governmental relationship with people, all of which considerably affected the formation of the beliefs of future scholars. The ...
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The views of Khadjeh Nezam al-Mulk have always been significant among the intellectual experts of political schools of thought, particularly the views in relation to organizing governmental relationship with people, all of which considerably affected the formation of the beliefs of future scholars. The question is how and at which level Khadje Nezam al-Mulk has categorized these mutual relations of the governors and people? In response, this theory has been brought forward by the author of Seyr al-Muluk, using the “justice seeking” approach in three different levels explaining the relations of the governor and people. This categorization has taken into consideration their encounter with the Almighty God as the paradigm of Islamic ideology. First categorization is “choosing based on destiny decided by God” or “taghdiraat” in Arabic. The 2nd one is pragmatism, which relates to worldly responsibilities, and finally the 3rd categorization is accountability approach in regard to hereafter. In this research, through using the methods of “historical explanations” and the “textual interpretation” approaches, there will be a systematic review of the characteristics of each level of the categorization. The biggest challenge to all the levels will be the deep reliance of Khadjeh Nizam al-Mulk on the theory of “distribution of justice”, disregarding the theoretical lacuna of “power” on his writings most of which can be justified by the concepts of “requirements of the time” and the “authoritative power” of kings/governors.
Saeed Ghiasi Nodooshan; Ebrahim Khalili
Abstract
"University autonomy" is considered as the cornerstone of the university system and it means that universities are to be free in the setting of their goals and priorities and implementation of them. University autonomy is significantly dependent on the university overall perspective and the degree of ...
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"University autonomy" is considered as the cornerstone of the university system and it means that universities are to be free in the setting of their goals and priorities and implementation of them. University autonomy is significantly dependent on the university overall perspective and the degree of political interference. Despite the fact that securing the independence of universities in higher education is relative, it has not been fully realized in any higher education institution. But this concept in its lifetime, has always been faced with two major problems; misunderstanding of dimensions and indicators, and particularly, the different obstacles and barriers to it especially those that are affected by government interference. Thus, this study is aimed to assess different aspects of university autonomy and the role of government in achieving its obstacles and barriers and qualitative approach based on structuralism method and used the documentary analysis as the means for data collection. The findings suggest experts on the four dimensions of organizational autonomy, financial, academic and staffing as the main dimensions of independence, most opinions are, Political processes of countries, the rule of political thought, decision making centralized system of government, financial constraints and recruitment, particular bias or sectarian factions of the most important obstacles and barriers on the path to achieve university autonomy which in formation of all these obstacles and barriers, governments play an essential role.
Yashar Zaki; Javad Hassanzadeh
Abstract
Different spheres of human life as a result of the emergence and spread of the phenomenon of "Internet" has changed. "E-government" covers all platforms and applications of ICT that services citizens, businesses, other government agencies and civil servants. In this study, we tried by using library resources ...
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Different spheres of human life as a result of the emergence and spread of the phenomenon of "Internet" has changed. "E-government" covers all platforms and applications of ICT that services citizens, businesses, other government agencies and civil servants. In this study, we tried by using library resources in the theory and by using of data of “The United Nations e-Government Survey” first described the concept of cyberspace and e-government and then using statistical tests and SPSS, regions of the world to be compared with each other. The results show that e-government development index in Western Europe and North America and also somewhat in Eastern European countries become more developed than other areas. It should be noted that some countries of Eastern and Western Asia are on the list of top countries in e-government index, but the average is much lower in Asia than in Europe and North America, which represents the digital divide in Asia. Another thing worth mentioning is that the most difference between regions is in the telecommunication infrastructure and online services index and differences in human capital index is lower. For example, although the online services and telecom infrastructure in Iran is relatively poor, but the Human Capital Index is in good condition. Finally, using a questionnaire that was satisfactory reliability and validity, Students and graduates of the geo-political attitude in relation to factors in the development of e-government in the country was measured.
Ebrahim Barzegar; sayyad hosseinzadeh
Abstract
policymaking in Iran is done, because of the rupture of two-stage collection and execution, often different from what was promised, Academic communities due to the inevitable specialization gave analyses and different strategies and sometimes competing with their own perspective ...
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policymaking in Iran is done, because of the rupture of two-stage collection and execution, often different from what was promised, Academic communities due to the inevitable specialization gave analyses and different strategies and sometimes competing with their own perspective to policy-markers which does not have the capacity to repair the rupture . Therefore, the researchers by using multi-pattern analysis '' combined rationality'' Snellen made it possible to criticize government comprehensive policies in the scientific community, and subsequently provide consistent feedbacks having the strategic and repairing capacity to put on theire agendum(program).. Studying the case of the "Equity Distribution Shares Plan" in the form of Snellen's combined rationality, which includes four types of rationality (economic, political, legal, and professional), researchers are trying to resolve the foregoing paths of policy. The data collection method is a non-structured interview and data analysis method is analytical -structural. The statistical population of the study consisted of twenty interviewees who have been selected judiciously. Each field of rationality has been covered by five related experts. The findings show that the plan for the distribution of equity has been operationalized for reasons such as not paying attention to the requirements of practical and economic rationality and overlooking the requirements of different political rationality than promised. The proposed strategies also include legal, political, economic, and administrative areas.
Ruhollah Safariyan; Seyed Javad Emamjomehzadeh
Abstract
Social changes in the global approach to development at the societies level has changed. Today a different social structure is required for the comprehensive development of the organization so that all social forces can be included in this structure. A good governance pattern with a different social ...
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Social changes in the global approach to development at the societies level has changed. Today a different social structure is required for the comprehensive development of the organization so that all social forces can be included in this structure. A good governance pattern with a different social and political framework is also in line with these new conditions. Accordingly, the main question of the present article is how good governance patterns affect overall development. Our hypothesis in this study is that in the model of good governance by creating social capital in its triple structure, it leads to the development of administrative, political, economic, social and cultural levels. Thus, in this approach, the state, with its distinctive nature and character and by organizing it rationally facilitates the development of partnership and participation of other social sectors, such as civil society and non-governmental public institutions, and the private sector. And the main feature of the new age and globalization is that decentralization is expected in this structure. Therefore, this research attempts to show by using descriptive-analytical method and using library and documentary sources that the model of good governance as a new approach to development studies emphasizes the state with institutional-managerial aspects and political and legal nature, and along with it, the various social forces that are co-ordinating with the perspective and the horizontal and network structure.
