Introduction
Understanding the state as the primary actor in the political arena holds significant importance from a political sociology perspective. A precise comprehension of the structure, characteristics, and functions of the state is essential for an accurate analysis of its interactions with society. Over time, numerous scholars across political philosophy and sociology have theorized about the state. In Iran, the transition from traditional authoritarian models to a semi-modern state following the Constitutional Revolution prompted intellectuals to propose new paradigms of political authority. Scholars have examined the nature, origins, and functions of the state during the Pahlavi era, presenting concepts such as the “Dependent State,” “Authoritarian Modernizing State,” “Educated State,” “Neo-patrimonial Model,” “Absolute State,” and “Theocratic State.” Previous analyses of the Iranian state have largely emphasized structuralist perspectives, focusing on tangible factors such as social class, military capacity, geopolitical positioning, economic conditions, and cultural influences. Consequently, studies on state-society relations have predominantly adopted this objective lens. However, a critical dimension has often been overlooked: the role of cognitive or constructed factors—specifically, collective mentalities and social representations. Investigating these subjective constructs alongside objective factors may yield a more comprehensive understanding of the state as a powerful social actor. This study aims to explore the role of social representations in shaping state-civil society relations during the second Pahlavi era. This period is particularly significant for several reasons. First, it followed Reza Shah’s abdication in 1941, a moment that introduced a pluralistic political environment after decades of authoritarianism. This period, culminating in the 1953 coup, saw unprecedented growth in political parties, social movements, and public participation, fostering a collective mindset receptive to diverse intellectual, political, and social currents. Second, the nationalization of the oil industry bolstered public and elite confidence, reinforcing nationalistic sentiments and anti-colonial attitudes, while simultaneously promoting the idea that strengthening a national state was essential for overcoming domestic authoritarianism. Third, the post-coup period, including the Consortium Agreement and rising oil revenues, allowed the state to pursue social and economic reforms, such as land redistribution, women’s suffrage, worker participation in industrial shares, and educational initiatives under the White Revolution, which transformed both material and mental structures within Iranian society. Fourth, the expansion of education and communication intensified the gap between traditional and modern perceptions of the state. Whereas under Reza Shah the public primarily expected order and security, the second Pahlavi period raised expectations regarding welfare, employment, and economic management, thereby reshaping collective perceptions of the state. Overall, these events induced profound transformations in both the objective and cognitive structures of society, facilitating the transition from traditional to modern social forms. While prior studies of the second Pahlavi state have focused predominantly on objective factors, this article emphasizes the cognitive, subjective dimensions that collectively shaped the social representations of the state. Specifically, it examines how collective mentalities acted as active agents in social transformations, influencing revolutionary developments that culminated in the Islamic Revolution of 1979. The central research question is: to what extent can the conceptual framework of social representations or collective mentalities illuminate state-society relations during the second Pahlavi era?
Materials and Methods
This study adopts a qualitative research design, recognizing that social representations are not tangible phenomena measurable through conventional sampling or material metrics. Rather, they are intersubjective constructs derived from discourse and textual analysis. To investigate these representations, primary sources such as memoirs, speeches, and other firsthand accounts were examined, complemented by secondary sources including newspapers, novels, and social narratives. Historical context was necessarily considered, but the study’s purpose was not to recount events, battles, or biographical details of rulers. Instead, history was analyzed from a sociological perspective to understand how collective mentalities evolved. The data were analyzed using thematic analysis in six steps. First, extensive reading of sources was conducted to become familiar with the data and extract meaning. Second, key expressions related to the state and social representations were highlighted and coded. Third, related codes were categorized into basic, main, and organizing themes. Fourth, networks of themes such as freedom-seeking, anti-authoritarianism, anti-colonialism, justice-orientation, opposition to superficial modernization, enforcement of Islamic law, and revival of Aryan civilization were mapped and reviewed for validity. Fifth, the nature of each theme was defined based on the discussions within the data, considering the extent of influence. Finally, once a reliable set of themes was established, data analysis and report preparation were completed.
Results and Discussion
Transformation of Social Representations of the State The Constitutional Revolution marked a significant rupture in traditional perceptions of the state in Iran. This shift can be observed in Muzaffar al-Din Shah’s inaugural speech at the first parliamentary session, emphasizing the union of state and society. In the post-constitutional period, formal and informal associations, social gatherings, and publications rapidly expanded, fostering a new social representation of the state that valued modernization, national integrity, and engagement with Western ideas. This period gradually institutionalized a collective representation of a capable, developmental, and modern state, embodied by the first Pahlavi era. However, the authoritarian nature of Reza Shah’s modernization alienated segments of society and early supporters, despite the perception of efficiency in certain quarters. Following Reza Shah’s fall, the political environment encouraged the growth of civil associations and political parties, revitalizing demands for democracy, especially among urban populations, the middle class, and educated groups. This period witnessed the emergence of a collective social representation advocating a national state capable of defending national interests, ensuring civil liberties, and pursuing independence from foreign powers. Unlike previous eras, this representation emerged from dynamic social movements rather than intellectual salons or media alone. The post-1953 coup era introduced a period of disillusionment and trauma, producing societal disengagement and elite alienation due to the failure of the nationalist government. Concurrently, the dramatic increase in oil revenues during the 1960s facilitated a novel representation of the state as wealthy, capable of rapid socio-economic transformation without relying on taxation or direct public contribution. This “oil-based” state imagery promised modernization, equitable development, and welfare distribution. However, the state’s inability to meet rising public expectations, particularly among lower-income groups and the burgeoning middle class, led to widespread frustration. Intellectuals, writers, and religious leaders developed alternative representations of the state, emphasizing justice, local cultural values, anti-imperialism, freedom, and resistance to superficial modernization. These representations became catalysts for collective mobilization against state inadequacies. Nationalist intellectuals emphasized positive nationalism, leftist thinkers focused on anti-colonial struggles, and Islamic scholars promoted governance rooted in constitutional Islam. The intersection of these perspectives laid the foundation for the emergence of Mohammad Mosaddegh’s nationalistic government. In the post-coup Pahlavi period, Shah-led modernization, informed by neo-Aryan revivalism and oil wealth, clashed with social representations of governance emphasizing participation, justice, and cultural authenticity, ultimately contributing to societal unrest and revolutionary momentum.
Conclusion
This study demonstrates that social representations played a crucial role in shaping the cognitive dimension of social reality during the second Pahlavi era, functioning not only to interpret reality but also as active agents in societal change. Social groups such as intellectuals, writers, religious scholars, and political elites influenced collective imagination and societal action, particularly through movements like the nationalization of the oil industry. Collective representations evolved in response to historical events, reflecting aspirations for nationalism, independence, anti-colonialism, justice, and Islamic governance. The research highlights that the second Pahlavi state’s failure to reconcile modernization, economic development, and public participation with societal expectations intensified public discontent, facilitating the rise of revolutionary social representations. These evolving representations ultimately converged in the collective imagination, providing ideological and motivational frameworks for mass mobilization and the eventual collapse of the Pahlavi regime. The study underscores the importance of integrating cognitive, constructed factors into analyses of state-society relations, illustrating how mentalities and social representations actively shape political and social outcomes.