Mahdi Khaghani Esfahani
Abstract
Historical challenging period of political authoritarianism in Iran has affected the criminal policy’s ineffectiveness. Public law and especially criminal policy in its both sources - Shiite jurisprudence and western legal thought - has experienced numerous challenges due to the lack of an active ...
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Historical challenging period of political authoritarianism in Iran has affected the criminal policy’s ineffectiveness. Public law and especially criminal policy in its both sources - Shiite jurisprudence and western legal thought - has experienced numerous challenges due to the lack of an active and continuous communication between those resources, and also due to the divergence of a broad range of formal and informal norms. Two other flaws in the traditional Islamic criminal policy are the lack of enough attention to Iranian criminal sociology, and the lack of consistency with contemporary collective wisdom. But the most important problem of the current criminal policy is the unavailability and lack of attention to the need for interdisciplinary teaching and neglecting the role of philosophical, sociological, and especially managerial aspects of criminal policy. Suffice to Fiqhi method is sign of limitation in this traditional flow. Scholars support this process, try to introduce the Islamic criminal policy with just Fatwa method; meanwhile criminal policy is not an arbitration-oriented science, and is a constructive paradigm-based science. This article, after criticizing the level, extent and state of presenting Fiqh in contemporary Iranian criminal policy, points to the capacity of other interpretations of Islam (such as Maqasidi Fiqh) in planning the local criminal policy pattern; and it also shows some commons of Islamic rationality and Western rationality in designing this local theory. Under the hypothesis of this article, the most important factor limiting the freedom and inadmissible resorting to violence in soft layers of subjective and objective approaches to criminal policy, including: theoretical foundations weakness, weak social base to believe in culture of participation in the public sphere, the lack of serious commitment to codify Islamic-Iranian model of progress.
Maghsood Ranjbar
Abstract
The perception and expression of state is the most important element in political thought. It is impossible to have a democratic system without a theoretical perception of state. Due to the fact that there are many different theories concerning state, the principal question of this research ...
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The perception and expression of state is the most important element in political thought. It is impossible to have a democratic system without a theoretical perception of state. Due to the fact that there are many different theories concerning state, the principal question of this research is as: within which of the theories of state does the state considered by the Islamic fundamentalists lie or to which of them is nearer? In this research, our assumption is that the theory of state from an Islamic fundamentalism point of view has more proximities to the theory of absolute state. In other words, in many features, the perception of the Islamic fundamentalists of state is near to the features of the theory of absolute state. In order to survey this subject matter, we have used a descriptive, analytical and comparative method. In this essay, the features of the Islamic fundamentalism approach to state have been surveyed with the help of the theory of absolute state based on such criteria as the kind of perception of authority, the bases of authority and its legitimacy, the expediency of state, the divine right of ruling, the base and realm of ownership, the concept and realm of the law and legislation and the goals of state and its realm. In the end, the relation of these findings and perceptions with the modern state has been studied, since the modern state has been the most important form of a democratic state.
Political Sociology
Javad Alaei Avargani
Abstract
Extended Abstract
Introduction
If the political system is viewed as a system with both outputs and inputs (Almond & Powell, 2005), it becomes clear that the inputs and data within this system strongly influence one another. Examining the status and balance of these inputs can help gain ...
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Extended Abstract
Introduction
If the political system is viewed as a system with both outputs and inputs (Almond & Powell, 2005), it becomes clear that the inputs and data within this system strongly influence one another. Examining the status and balance of these inputs can help gain insight into how the political system functions and identify its potential crises. One of the most important factors contributing to the stability of a political system is political participation and support for it, which can be considered an input to the system. The availability of resources and facilities within society is a significant factor influencing political participation and public support for the political system. Improving these resources is likely to increase participation levels. However, if resources are distributed in a manner that deepens the gap between social classes and fosters a sense of injustice, political apathy and reduced political participation are likely outcomes. It is important to note that the validity of the claim linking the (re)distribution of resources with political and social action in all societies is debatable. In some contexts, the nature of these processes may not influence individual actions. For example, in countries where an idealistic ideology or deep ethnic–tribal culture binds individuals together and guides their social actions, economic issues may hold less significance. Following the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the Islamic Republic of Iran sought to redistribute resources in order to enhance social justice. Over several decades, various distribution and redistribution policies were implemented. However, a review of economic statistics and data reveals that the government struggled to achieve significant success in equitably distributing resources. It is thus essential to understand the public perception of justice and the resource distribution. Given that students are recognized as an influential group within the political sphere, the present research aimed to explore their perceptions of the outcomes of distribution and redistribution policies. Focusing on graduate students at the universities located in Tehran, the study tried to explain the relationship between their perceptions of justice regarding (re)distribution policies and their political participation. The research is based on the hypothesis that the sense of injustice felt by graduate students has led to political passivity, apathy, and a reduced willingness to engage in politics at various levels.
Materials and Methods
This study is an applied and survey-based research. The statistical population consisted of graduate students from University of Tehran, Allameh Tabataba’i University, and Tarbiat Modares University across various disciplines. The Cochran formula was applied to determine the sample size. The maximum permissible error (d) was accurately calculated, and the confidence level was set at 0.95. The library and documentary methods were employed to review the literature and describe the theoretical framework. Moreover, a field study was used to collect data from the statistical population through a questionnaire. The questionnaire consisted of a series of closed-ended questions, each scored on a Likert scale. As a correlational study in nature, the research adopted a post-event design in terms of data collection method.
Results and Discussion
The results of the descriptive and empirical statistical analyses partially confirmed the main hypothesis. It is important to note that students’ perceptions of justice across various dimensions, as well as their views on distribution and redistribution policies, suggested that they believe these policies have not achieved the government’s intended goals. Students perceive the distribution of resources in society as unfair in the aforementioned dimensions. Moreover, in terms of participation, an average of 38.5% of students were not willing to participate in the presidential elections, while 35% showed interest in participating, and approximately 26.5% were neutral. As noted, factors such as religious–ideological ties, nationalism, and the importance placed on democracy are key determinants of electoral participation. These results align with findings of previous research. For instance, a study by Masoudnia et al. (2012) found a significant relationship between relative deprivation and electoral participation. Similarly, Castillo (2009) demonstrated that economic inequality strongly affects political participation. This is also consistent with studies by Gorsin (2018) and Brandsma (2016), which show that income inequality negatively impacts political participation and voter turnout. Moreover, Carlos and Castillo (2015) confirmed that the perception of fair distribution is linked to political participation—greater fairness in distribution leads to higher participation, while perceived unfairness discourages it. Concerning the participation in government political gatherings (e.g., conferences and rallies), the results revealed that about 42% were willing to attend, while 29.5% were unwilling. This reflects a weakening of the symbolic support for the government and the political system. Alternatively, one key reason for participation in the events is the ideological–religious connection that binds the public to the political system. However, if this bond weakens due to growing inequalities, the number of individuals participating in government-led political events will likely decrease. As stated by Almond and Powell (2005) and Easton (1953), in the systemic approach, inefficiency in distribution policies leads to a breakdown in support for the political system. Conversely, if the system successfully distributes resources and values within society, we see an increase in support through the feedback process.
Conclusion
The analysis showed a significant relationship between the perception of justice and political participation. A change in this perception can influence participation in elections and rallies. It is important to note that the type of response, particularly protests, to perceived injustice depends on the social and political conditions prevailing in a society. At times, this perception may align closely with the actual state of society, with little difference between the two. However, there are instances when a substantial gap exists between the perceived situation and reality, often for various reasons. Moreover, statistics and economic indicators show an unfavorable distribution of resources and opportunities within the Iranian society, especially the inequality between the center and the periphery. This contributes to increased political apathy and decreased political participation.
Mahdi Abbasi Shahkooh
Abstract
This article, using the method of historical sociology and the sociology of knowledge, attempts to address the power relations between society and government in Iran before the emergence of the Pahlavi state. Powerful social masters such as the royal family and their relatives, clergies, landowners, ...
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This article, using the method of historical sociology and the sociology of knowledge, attempts to address the power relations between society and government in Iran before the emergence of the Pahlavi state. Powerful social masters such as the royal family and their relatives, clergies, landowners, merchants and marketers, and ultimately local rulers and head of tribes who had a high degree of control and regulation in society, made the Iranian society to be web like. The power of the leaders of the society prevented the government from fulfilling its reformative demands and policies. The constant struggle between the state and society led to ways of achieving "compromise" by the state. "Encouraging strife" in networked society has been another way for the government to overcome this inability. This paper analyzes the structure of Iranian society and the power of the pre-modern state from the Safavid era to the beginning of the Constitutional era based on Migdal's theoretical model and seeks to answer the question: “What pattern of power relations between the state and society in pre-modern Iran did it follow?” The purpose of this study is to examine the sociological power relations of the governments with social forces from a historical perspective in order to understand the reason for the problem of the weakness of the political power of the modern state in Iran. In this article, the results suggest a kind of confrontation and contrast between governments and social forces in which government is disintegrated and the network community struggles to survive the government and social rivals.
Faramarz Sahraei
Abstract
Introduction
In the digital transformation era, where technology and enterprise systems so much at the core of change for the way organizations and governments operate, data quality is considered one of the success factors for e-government. Due to particular dimensions and characteristics associated ...
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Introduction
In the digital transformation era, where technology and enterprise systems so much at the core of change for the way organizations and governments operate, data quality is considered one of the success factors for e-government. Due to particular dimensions and characteristics associated with data, data quality is vital for e-government. First, from the aspect of data quality, high-quality data records assist the Government in determining the right kind of service and addressing the needs of the citizens. Furthermore, data quality also plays an important role in government analysis and reporting. With quality data, the governments can carry out relevant and correct analyses and formulate their policies on factual evidence, real needs of the citizens, and information. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to examine the status of data quality in e-government and its impact on data governance.
Literature review
Numerous studies have been conducted in the e-governance models and structure. These studies can be categorized in three groups: studies related to e-governance and data governance, studies of data quality, studies that explain the role of e-governance in data governance. In the first group, Sarfarazi (2009); Nouri et al. (2019); and Zeynali Soume’eh, Pourazat, and Doodangah (2013) analyzed the e-governance models and frameworks. These studies identified factors, categories, concepts, functions and relationships between e-governance and developing new systems. In this regard, Meiyanti et al. (2018) had dealt with the problems inherent in the implementation of e-government in developing countries. They found organizational, managerial, human, and infrastructure challenges as the foremost with regard to e-government development in a given context.
The second category is followed by studies that revolve around data quality and its dimensions. Previous research Mollaii and Tahmasebi (2019); Khodizadeh et al. (2020); identified accuracy, validity, timeliness, and completeness as the main dimensions of data quality. These are also stressed in contexts of e-government and data governance. The third category embraces those studies that treat data quality specifically for e-governments. For instance, Bonyadi et al. (2023) designed a data quality management model for data governance by using the meta-synthesis method. They ended up with 12 main categories (including data characteristics, data, data files, data value, primary data value, data models, datasets, data access, data integration, data formatting, metadata, and objectivity) and 47 subcategories relevant to data quality management towards effective data governance.
Methodology
This study was applied in nature and employed a qualitative content analysis method. Using a documentary approach, models of data quality, e-government models, data governance indicators, best practices for improving data quality, and prior research on data quality were reviewed. In the first section, the best practices in this area were studied through credible reference and information databases. Subsequently, upstream documents such as the National Strategic Plan for E-Government Development, the Sixth Development Plan of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the 20-Year Vision Document, the Law on Freedom of Information, the Comprehensive Scientific Map of the Country, the Transformation Plan for a Popular Government, the National Digital Transformation Document, Comprehensive Document of Electronic Government, and Strategic Document of the Comprehensive Information Technology System of the Islamic Republic of Iran were analyzed. Finally, data quality in e-government and its impact on data governance were analyzed, and recommendations were proposed for improving the National Strategic Plan for E-Government Development with a focus on data quality.
Findings
The research revealed that e-government dimensions include: electronic services, intelligent processes, IT infrastructure, open government, services-oriented government, process improvement, legal and regulatory aspects, data analytics, data protection, transparency, efficiency, data liberation, data accessibility, citizen participation, and others. Data quality dimensions differ with every dimension of the government. They have a direct bearing on efficiency, transparency, effectiveness of service, and consequent outputs. In respect of electronic services, data accuracy and integrity are severely considered. On the other hand, the study shows that in data governance, the policymaking process, access management and permissions to data, monitoring and evaluation, data security, integrity management of data, data completeness with regard to data-related policies and regulations, privacy, data ownership, transparency and accountability, stakeholder participation, data ethics and equity, data interoperability, and value creation from data are of paramount importance. In this regard, various dimensions of data quality lay at the very foundation of each of these components of data governance.
Analysis of some of the key national policy documents in Iran shows that e-government is indeed considered as a major axis within the macro-level policymaking. They highlight transparency and ease of access to governments, which are part of the Law on Disclosure and Free Access to Information that also emphasizes transparency and better use of data. The quality of data—especially correctness, correctness, accessibility, and timeliness—is important in achieving this goal. It is clear from the dictates of these documents that processes in government such as taxation systems, health services, and civil registrations are all strongly dependent on the integration and standardization of data. Without access to high-quality data, inaccuracy becomes the order of the day in these systems, which are then prone to inconsistencies and errors in processing. It is worth noting that data security, integrity, and reliability are key components in achieving effective governance in e-government. The E-Government Transformation Document emphasizes the creation of intelligent systems, the elimination of redundancy, information accessibility, and the improvement of digital service quality. These goals can only be realized with accurate, up-to-date, and integrated data. In line with this, the Sixth Development Plan points to the development of information infrastructure and the participation of the private sector in electronic services. In this context, data quality not only requires trustworthiness and security but also the establishment of data exchange standards between public and private sector organizations.
Conclusion
The findings of this article indicate that various factors influence data quality in Iran’s governmental systems. One major factor affecting data quality is poor policymaking. Governments lacking clear policies for collecting, processing, and updating data often suffer from unstructured, outdated, and duplicate data, resulting in reduced accuracy and quality. A data-driven culture influences the recognition of the importance of accurate and reliable data in decision-making, ultimately enhancing overall data quality. E-government requires accurate and up-to-date data to deliver better services. In this context, the role of citizens must not be overlooked, as a portion of the data is provided directly by them—for example, during registration on government platforms or when submitting online requests. If citizens do not enter their information correctly, the quality of the data deteriorates. Therefore, governments should encourage citizens to provide accurate and complete information. Overall, it could be said that data quality goes beyond technical aspects and also includes managerial, human, and process-related dimensions. This holistic approach is necessary to improve data quality, as poor-quality data can lead to challenges such as flawed decision-making, inefficiency in public services, and diminished public trust. In contrast, high-quality data not only improves e-government services but also enhances government transparency, accountability, and efficiency. Thus, governments must adopt appropriate policies and invest in both technical and human infrastructures to ensure the quality of their data.
Mohamad Hossein Jamshidi
Abstract
Abstract The purpose of this paper is to explain concept, nature and features of the state and the political system in Allameh Shahid Sayyed Mohammad Baqer Sadr’s thought. Among contemporary Emami thinkers, he is one of the thinkers that examined the question of the state with accuracy and attention ...
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Abstract The purpose of this paper is to explain concept, nature and features of the state and the political system in Allameh Shahid Sayyed Mohammad Baqer Sadr’s thought. Among contemporary Emami thinkers, he is one of the thinkers that examined the question of the state with accuracy and attention to the principle of human nature, spirituality and Islam. He believes that it is inevitable for man and is the basis for civilization. He also explains the government due to the major crisis of contemporary human which he calls it crisis of social and political system. Therefore it is important for us to investigate his theory. From belief in monotheism, divine justice, and human dignity Sadr derives three maxims: the absolute sovereignty of God over the world, human freedom and the need to devise collective destiny of man by himself. But the result of the acceptance of these three principles is "caliphate" and succession of man on earth instead of God and its political dimension through the formation of "state" which is undeniable due to requirements of human society. So the main question of this paper is that in political thought of martyr Sadr, what is the state and does it have any status? In response to this question, I study his theory about the state, on the basis of the logical reconstruction of the formation of thoughts. Methodology of this paper is logical reconstruction and analytical explanation, with regard to the question of nature and features of state theory in his thought, for presenting his theory in a coherent and logical format. On this basis, by reviewing his works, we find that in thought of martyr Sadr the state is a human and historical necessity that in its complete form is manifested in the Islamic state. So, the Islamic state is a religious necessity for realization of Islam and is a civil and civilizational necessity to bring people to perfection and well-being which is based on the principle of human nature and Creation and his needs.
Shoja Ahmadvand; Ahmad Reza Bordbar
Abstract
A controversial concept, state is a single denominator with diverse and multifaceted models, as well as a contentious phenomenon with numerous problems in meaning, concept and application. While some see the state as a phenomenon that dates back to the sixteenth century, others cite the state as a special ...
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A controversial concept, state is a single denominator with diverse and multifaceted models, as well as a contentious phenomenon with numerous problems in meaning, concept and application. While some see the state as a phenomenon that dates back to the sixteenth century, others cite the state as a special form of government; therefore, in this sense, every social order requires the state. In ancient Iran, the concept of government and governance will only mean with the concept of a prince, as the institution of the prince in the Iranian thought is the ideal king. The present study seeks to examine the nature of government in ancient Iran as the first center of dynamism and emergence of government in the human world. In this study, the main question is on what basis was the nature of government in ancient Iran during the Achaemenid era? After answering the question, it is hypothesized that the nature of government in ancient Iran was based on Iranian ideology of an ideal king based on religious and moral purity, since Iranian morality and spirit were based on Zoroaster teachings and the Achaemenid kings represented their attributes of heavenly monarchy. This hypothesis has been processed by a historical sociology approach and an analysis of the nature of state during the Achaemenid period in a descriptive-analytic method.
Khalil Sardarnia; Hosien Mohseni
Abstract
Intellectuals are one of the important efficient social forces in political processes and policy making at sovereignty level. Besides they are one of the important and influential reference groups that give shape to public opinion. In Iran in 19 century, with civilizational collision ...
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Intellectuals are one of the important efficient social forces in political processes and policy making at sovereignty level. Besides they are one of the important and influential reference groups that give shape to public opinion. In Iran in 19 century, with civilizational collision with the West was shaped the intellectual mainstream under the impacts of Iran’s socio-political developments. In this research, the authors try to explain the reasons and factors of intellectual’s transition from democratic ideas and beliefs to the idea of authoritative state in two time periods of constitutionalism and Pahlavi by using explanative method and knowledge sociology and romanticism. In response to this question, it must be told that in this metamorphosis rooted in socio-political factors in constitutional age such as political anarchy, Protorianism, national sovereignty crisis, non-realization of democratic ideals and principles and public tiredness of socio-political turbulence. The finding of this article shows that the intellectual mainstream in the beginning years of constitutional revolution and its critical situation came to this conclusion that in the absence of authoritative state or government as a main motivation for development, there would be no hope for national sovereignty and development and additionally without authoritative stability, liberties lead to anarchism and national humiliation.
Habib ollah Fazeli; Hadi Rajabi
Abstract
One of the essential problems in institutional policies in developing countries is the existence of abstractive institutions such as incompetent rents, the culture of kinship and the lack of transparency of administrative processes. This article focuses on the concept of clientelism as institution within ...
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One of the essential problems in institutional policies in developing countries is the existence of abstractive institutions such as incompetent rents, the culture of kinship and the lack of transparency of administrative processes. This article focuses on the concept of clientelism as institution within the framework of the new institutionalism theory, seeking to disclose the indicators and significance of this institution in the Pahlavi II government. Clientelism assumed as an abstractive institution which leads to the development of the cycle of vicious. The main hypothesis (idea) of this article is that the clientelism is the main reason for losing social trust of sovereignty and the reduction of social capital in the second Pahlavi state, finally, the main reason of its collapse. In the other words, social distrust as a result of the institution of Clientelism bring the second Pahlavi into a social catastrophe, its outcome was the collapse of the political system. Social trap means choice of advantageous policies by social networks and political system, which evidently to be profitable initially, but ultimately leads to social harm and harm. But ultimately it leads to social collapse and political fall down; the Islamic Revolution (1979) was the result of these extensions.
Fatemeh Homayouni; Zahra Mirhosseini
Abstract
As one of the substantial factors influencing the persuasion of social structure during great crises, social capital plays a vital role in accelerating the implementation and effectiveness of policies adopted to control crisis. In this respect, this study aimed to examine the role of social capital in ...
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As one of the substantial factors influencing the persuasion of social structure during great crises, social capital plays a vital role in accelerating the implementation and effectiveness of policies adopted to control crisis. In this respect, this study aimed to examine the role of social capital in the level of satisfaction with government performance in COVID–19 control policy-making. The statistical population of the study comprised all citizens of Tehran. The Cochrane formula was used to determine the sample size, which amounted to 400. The study relied on multistage cluster sampling to choose the participants in 22 districts of Tehran in Iran. Having been collected by a researcher-made questionnaire, the data was processed through SPSS software with one-sample t-tests, Pearson Correlation, multivariate linear regression, and one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA). The findings indicate that citizens living in Tehran have a moderate level of satisfaction with government performance in controlling COVID–19. Moreover, the lowest satisfaction mean value was associated with supply chain management and access to health items while the highest mean value of satisfaction pertained to the constraints and social distancing. There was a high correlation between the variable of social capital and satisfaction with government performance in COVID–19 control (R=0.552), and it can predict 30.3% of satisfaction variances. The results show that the variable of trust was the most important predictor of satisfaction with government performance in COVID–19 control.
Roz Fazli
Abstract
The Taliban movement was born in the condition of internal and external conflicts. The domain for the emergence of this movement was events such as the internal coup d’état on April 28th, 1978, the invasion of the Red Army in 1979, and the civil wars of 1994-1992 in Afghanistan. Finally, ...
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The Taliban movement was born in the condition of internal and external conflicts. The domain for the emergence of this movement was events such as the internal coup d’état on April 28th, 1978, the invasion of the Red Army in 1979, and the civil wars of 1994-1992 in Afghanistan. Finally, the Taliban with a quasi-totalitarian identity tried to declare its existence and rule in that country under the title of the Islamic Emirate of the Taliban between 1996 and 2001. This article tries to look at the emergence of the Taliban movement by relying on Alain Touraine's theory about the emergence of movements, relying on the three principles of Opposition, Identity, and Totality, and analyzing the third principle of "Totality" among these three principles in the establishment of the Emirate of Taliban. The following article tries to answer the question of whether it is possible that the Islamic Emirate of the Taliban 1996-2001 can be recognized as a totalitarian state that has found its identity from the historical conflict situation. To answer this question, Hannah Arendt's opinions in the book Totalitarianism have been cited, and six indicators have been selected for this comparative study, all of which are analyzed according to Arendt's theory of understanding and describing the characteristics of totalitarian political systems. These indicators are: formlessness (informité), mass society, absolute loyalty, ideology and the meaning of borders, totalitarian leadership and Religion and rituals. Before examining these indicators, an attempt has been made to answer these two questions: to what extent is it possible to compare the State in the West and the State in the Islamic world? And also, to what extent can there be a relationship between the Islamic state and the totalitarian State? The theoretical framework used in this research is a combination of Alain Touraine's opinion (in understanding socio-political movements) and Hannah Arendt's theory (in understanding totalitarianism). The research method used in this article is the library and documentary method.
Kiyomars Ashtarian; Hasan Karimifard
Abstract
City councils are assumed to be one of the most important institutions for decentralization and realization of balanced development based on spatial-geographical features in Iran. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, city councils were formed in 1999 and have a relatively short history. On the basis of the ...
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City councils are assumed to be one of the most important institutions for decentralization and realization of balanced development based on spatial-geographical features in Iran. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, city councils were formed in 1999 and have a relatively short history. On the basis of the evaluation of the city councils’ life within four periods we can point to their not very favorable performance considering the goals set out in the related laws and documents. The present essay is trying to examine and analyze the reasons for their lack of success in different aspects. Our statistical population consisted of members of the city councils across the country, members of the parliament and experts in areas related to the city councils. Single sample t-test was used to investigate the function of the councils. To express the relationship between two variables and also prove significant or not significant relationship between them and the impact of each independent variable on the dependent variable, a bivariate linear regression analysis was used. The results indicate that the centralization, the rentier system and ambiguous legal status have led to unsatisfactory performance of the councils in Iran.
Aramesh Shahbazi
Abstract
The discipline of political science has developed many international legal principles, norms, concepts, agreements, and institutions in realm of contemporary international law. One of the key issues regarding the technique and the structure of this evolution is the mutual interrelation between philosophy, ...
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The discipline of political science has developed many international legal principles, norms, concepts, agreements, and institutions in realm of contemporary international law. One of the key issues regarding the technique and the structure of this evolution is the mutual interrelation between philosophy, law, society and political science. Meanwhile, reassessment and reconsideration of the theories of the philosophers and political thinkers could be an important vehicle to elaborate on the concepts and to provide the logical justifications and legal backgrounds of the phenomena. In this era, the classic form of State in International law as a complicated concept has been always at the center of the debates. The Montevideo convention (1933) has defined the rights and duties of states. It sets out the four criteria for States such as a permanent population; a defined territory; government; and also capacity to enter into relations with the other states. Yet it is believed that these factors originally refer to the legality of the states, while States are often assumed to be legitimized by value judgments of international community as a whole. Likewise, the concept of responsibility to protect, as a controversial occurrence in international environment, especially at the time of international or domestic conflicts, has created various arguments in both aspects of legality and legitimacy. The former refers to some declarations issued by competence international legal organizations such as the United Nations and the latter refers to admiration and acceptance by international community above all, including the States. The purpose of this paper is to securitize the concept of state and the notion of responsibility to protect by taking a look at Foucault’s thought and also to provide a context in which the mutual interrelations of international law and political thoughts could be emphasized.The first chapter of this article answers the questions concerning the importance of Foucault’s idea in international law and the ways his proposals could elaborate some evolutions in this matter, such as modern States and responsibility to protect. Chapter II examines the concepts has already been examined in the practice of international actors especially States. It also considers the legality and legitimacy of both concepts by way of analogy. The final chapter brings together the Foucault’s thought outlined in Chapter I and the International legal facts set out in Chapter II. It also discusses the relevance and the possibility of a context in which law and political thoughts could be closed.The rise of what Foucault calls as bio- power does not lead to eradication of the concept of law or result in ignorance of the concept of state in general. In Foucault’s thought the concept of State in a modern society has been changed. Consequently both legality and legitimacy could be the considered as important factors for modern States. On the other hand, the notion of responsibility to protect is also a new conception. Likewise, the legality and legitimacy of this concept could be found in international legal instruments and also in the practice and the confidence of international actors including States.
Hoda Ghafari; Fatemeh Afshari
Abstract
Purpose: Administrative decentralization seeks to redistribute authority, responsibility and financial resources to provide public services among different levels of the government. It is the transfer of responsibility for the planning, financing and management of certain public functions from the central ...
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Purpose: Administrative decentralization seeks to redistribute authority, responsibility and financial resources to provide public services among different levels of the government. It is the transfer of responsibility for the planning, financing and management of certain public functions from the central government and its agencies to field units of government agencies, subordinate units or levels of government, semi-autonomous public authorities or corporations, or area-wide, regional or functional authorities. When governments devolve functions, they transfer authority for decision-making, finances, and management to quasi-autonomous units of local government with corporate status. According to Article 3 of the Constitution of Malaysia, Islam is the country's official religion; therefore, studying the legal system of this country, which has a Muslim background, is essentially important to our country. In addition, given the importance of decentralization in Iran, it is of considerable importance to study the challenges of the decentralization system, even when they are formed in a federal system. The Malaysian legal system, modeled based on the English law, has, after independence of the former country, chosen federalism, and, consequently, the political decentralization system for their government. However, the important issue refers to whether the system of political decentralization has been achieved completely and properly in this country and what are its damages? Decentralization can be a way of improving access to services, tailoring government actions to private needs, and increasing the opportunities for state-society interactions. Design/Methodology/Approach: This paper is formed and based on the critical paradigm with the descriptive method, and has been conducted in two sections. The first section of the study investigated the levels of government, and, in the second part, the relationship between federal, state and local governments will be discussed. Findings: Malaysia is one of the three Asian countries and the only southeastern Asian country which has chosen a federal government. The important matter is whether the mentioned federal system results in decentralization? The Malaysian government includes three layers: the federal government, the government of provinces and local government. The provincial and local governments, as the symbol of decentralization in such countries, are determined in Malaysia’s Constitution with their duties, discretions and limitations. Actually, however, the federal government interferes in provincial activities. 91 percent of financial resources are controlled by the federal government. The independent activities of local governments are hindered by factors such as limited responsibilities, federal and provincial governments’ interference in local government affairs, the role of the national association and housing ministry parallel to the local government regarding law and policy-making, existence of unique obligatory policies for all local governments, limited financial resources, and the appointment of local authorities by the federal government. Consequently, the above explanations imply that federalism, as a governmental system, will not necessarily result in decentralization. Originality/Value: Given the large number of studies on the issue of decentralization in the Iranian legal system, this paper, with the aim of observing the originality principle, intends to conduct a comparative study on the legal systems of Malaysia and the United Kingdom.
Hoda Ghafari; Maziyar Khademi
Abstract
The function of protection institution of the constitutional in every legal system is always protecting the aspirations of the nation and fundamental rights. This institution can accelerate or even weaken the movement of people in countries that are transitioning to democracy. Public trust in these institutions ...
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The function of protection institution of the constitutional in every legal system is always protecting the aspirations of the nation and fundamental rights. This institution can accelerate or even weaken the movement of people in countries that are transitioning to democracy. Public trust in these institutions is closely linked to their independence. The effective factor of this independence is the appointment of the judges of the courts. As for the various systems of selection of judges, it is possible to determine the extent and manner of the interference of other organizations in this regard. Iraq and Turkey, which have undergone democratic changes in recent years, have experienced varying degrees of independence and, consequently, legitimacy by following different patterns of selection of constitutional judges. With the implementation of administrative model, the Iraqi state has strongly influenced the executive branch, and the issuance of unilateral sentences for the benefit of the ruling party can prove this hypothesis. However, Turkey, deviating from the executive model and accepting a multi-domain pattern, has increased the participation of civil society organizations and other branches in the selection of court judges and increased the legitimacy of the court.
Ahmad Golmohammadi; Nasir Ebadpour
Abstract
From an institutionalist point of view, political development is essentially defined as the process of institutionalization of political power within the state institution, an important criterion of which is the institutionalization of political power acquisition. This paper studies the evolution of ...
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From an institutionalist point of view, political development is essentially defined as the process of institutionalization of political power within the state institution, an important criterion of which is the institutionalization of political power acquisition. This paper studies the evolution of political development in the Islamic Republic of Iran with respect to the institutionalization process of political power acquisition, aiming to identify the difficulties inherent in this dimension of political development in Iran. The content analysis of the data collected through a documentary method shows that there are two major difficulties in the institutionalization process of political power acquisition in the Islamic Republic of Iran. One of the difficulties is linked to the continuing dispute over the ‘identity’ of those who lay claim to power, which involves debates over the identity of natural and legal persons, including political and quasi-political groups. The second difficulty is related to the dispute over the ‘process’ of political power acquisition, including analyzing eligibility, monitoring, and voting. Despite many obstacles to access various and valid documents containing valuable data about these difficulties, the findings of the study can provide powerful impetus for collecting more data and conducting thorough research in future. They can also offer different perspectives for finding more effective ways to cope with the difficulties and face the obstacles inherent in the institutionalization of the process of political power acquisition.
Mohsen Abbaszadeh Marzbali
Abstract
As one of the most visible aspects of political life in recent years, the populist rises imply the ‘crisis of representation’ that means the existing institutional mechanism of representative democracy is ineffective in representing the variety of social demands. While this situation, according ...
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As one of the most visible aspects of political life in recent years, the populist rises imply the ‘crisis of representation’ that means the existing institutional mechanism of representative democracy is ineffective in representing the variety of social demands. While this situation, according to the liberal democratic approach, warns of the revival of mass society and new versions of authoritarianism, the radical democratic approach considers it a possibility to retrieve democracy. Which variables determine the contending evaluations of the impact of populism on democracy? The present paper presupposes that the contending evaluations are driven by different conceptions of the principal constituent of democracy (rule of law or general will?) and the populism entity (a manner of governance or a movement constructing collective will?). Given the postulates of the contending democratic theories (liberal and radical), the paper hypothesizes that evaluating the effects of populism on democracy depends on the way of interaction of some variables: a) the content of the populist discourse (egalitarian articulation of plural demands or discriminatory one?); b) the context in which the populist movement arises (democratic structure of opportunity or authoritarian one?) c) the mutual strategy of political actors whether from opposition or in position ones (the connection between street politics and institutional one or disconnection?). Taking advantage of the contending democratic theories (liberal and radical) in a combinative theoretical framework, the paper attempts to justify the hypothesis by highlighting the fact that both democratic theories are built on one aspect of the conception of democratic order. Marking the elements such as individual subjectivity, rationality, the rule of law, pluralism, etc. as characteristics of democratic order, a liberal democratic approach considers populist popular and exclusionary (i.e., determined by populists’ particular definition of the people) orientation as a threat to democracy. It is because such orientation restricts public debates and leads to weakening democratic institutions, the opposition’s rights, and the plurality of society. On the contrary, the radical democratic approach points to the significance of the populist mobilization for the democratization of status quo democracies owing to re-politicization of the issues neglected by the sovereign elite, provided that to articulate accumulated demands around a democratic egalitarian nodal point. Such evaluation emanates from the fact that this approach identifies democracy with collective subjectivity, general will, participation, and so on. It seems that a non-paradoxical and justifiable reference to both the above-mentioned approach in an analysis of the effect of populism on democracy entails taking their different concentrations into account. It means ‘populism-in-power’ (as a way of governance) puts the structural foundations of democracy in danger and facilitates the emergence of authoritarianism due to its anti-institutionalism, anti-pluralism, and tendency to mass politics. It is whilst, in the status of ‘opposition’ (a mobilizing movement), populism might be an opportunity to revive democratic politics. This argument resorts to the action of constructing a new collective will, in populist strategies of mobilizations, which reveals shortages of representative systems such as the monopoly of a minority, technocratic elitism, and so on. Nevertheless, the actualization of the progressive effects of the populist movements on democracy depends heavily on the interaction of variables which are as follows. a) If the populist discourse articulates accumulated social demands around a democratic egalitarian will, then the populist moment (as the moment of crisis in a representative democracy) can be of progressive connotations for democracy-deepening. Conversely, discriminatory articulation (like racist or class populism) paves the way for authoritarianism. Hence in terms of democratization and de-democratization, various populisms can be imagined; ranging from democratic populism to authoritarian, leftist to far-right. b) Realization of the above-mentioned progressive version of populism depends on the ‘democratic structure of political opportunity’. The possibility of mobilization by democratic egalitarian populism is only imaginable where the rules of the democratic competition are guaranteed. In other words, if there is no equal and fair opportunity to declare the policies in electoral campaigns and implement them after taking into power, then there can be just governmental types of populism that mobilize the mass for advocating governmental policies and decisions. Here, populism appears in its authoritarian face in a mass society. c) The third variable is the strategy that political actors of both realms, movement, and institution, in a political structure adapt. If the populist movement ties its street activism with institutional bargaining (e.g. by resorting to parliamentary parties) and, mutually, the government opens up the policy-making input to populist demands (rather than rejecting them), then the rise of a democratic egalitarian populist movement might result in democracy- deepening. Otherwise, populism can bring about some contending de-democratizing mass mobilizations, whether in the shape of authoritarian up-to-down governmental populism or fruitless gross-root radical populism. In brief, the paper maintains that by vindicating ‘popular sovereignty’, populism has double-edged effects in terms of weakening or strengthening democracy; ranging from an infertile radicalism leading to authoritarianism to radical reformism containing the possibility of retrieval of democracy. Hence democratic theory needs to develop an order that balances the rule of law and public will as two sides of democracy. It calls for a new social contract based on a balanced relationship between specialism and democratic responsibility. To reach such a situation, more inclusive politics should be targeted by current-day democracies. The key, however, is hearing the demands of populist advocators rather than populist leaders’ programs.
Reza Razeghi; Faez Dinparast
Abstract
This article analyzes the role and power of the military in Turkey and how they interfere in Turkey's political arena, using deep state-of theory. The research question is that with regard to the Turkish constitutional amendments and the reduction of military influence on political affairs, is it possible ...
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This article analyzes the role and power of the military in Turkey and how they interfere in Turkey's political arena, using deep state-of theory. The research question is that with regard to the Turkish constitutional amendments and the reduction of military influence on political affairs, is it possible for the country's military to become an active actor in the political arena? The conceptual framework of research is the theory of deep state. The research findings indicate that the military still has the potential for political participation and intervention in Turkish affairs, but for reasons such as reducing legitimacy, foreign pressure and a new understanding of security issues in Turkey, the military has found that issues Political should be solved by the government, not the military and the army headquarters. On this basis, they have implicitly entered the coalition with Erdogan and the AKP because of their common enemies with the AK PARTy, including the Pkk and the Gulen Movement, and given Erdogan's security National and fight against internal and external enemies need military support, and the army will cooperate with the AKP government if they consider national security and defense issues in their regard. The data collection method is document and library and data analysis is done by process tracking analysis.
Political Science
Ali Aqajani
Abstract
Mencius and Farabi are prominent representatives of two important Eastern intellectual traditions, namely Confucian-Chinese philosophy and Islamic-Iranian philosophy, who had basic reflections on the nature and functions of the state and how to moralize it efficiently. The basic question of the article ...
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Mencius and Farabi are prominent representatives of two important Eastern intellectual traditions, namely Confucian-Chinese philosophy and Islamic-Iranian philosophy, who had basic reflections on the nature and functions of the state and how to moralize it efficiently. The basic question of the article is the attitude of these two political philosophers towards the fusion of ethics and politics in the state and how to draw the moral state. The hypothesis is based on the elaboration of ethics and politics in the concepts of utopia, prosperity, legitimacy and justice and the formation of the moral state from the perspective of Mencius and Farabi and their major similarity in the general approach, which, based on the comparative research method, has many commonalities and noteworthy differences. Government, essential good, continuity and unity of ethics and politics, instrumental and maximal government/comprehensive social security/providing security-welfare-virtue, Hakim-Shahriar government, relationship between religion, politics, spirituality and ethics, happiness is a multi-faceted and multi-dimensional matter/achievement Happiness is a relative matter, the legitimacy of the heavenly and earthly duality, moderation and middle ground/opposition to its excess and immorality/and comprehensive justice are the commonalities of these two. Establishing a balance between the elitist and populist approach by Mencius, more clarity on the instrumentality of the state/and in terms of the right of revolution, more emphasis on the duties of the government/servant government, empirical-rational-detailed description, comprehensive happiness between nature and will, the role of the people Beyond Farabi's theory/the voice of the people is the voice of God, and more emphasis on political justice, the differences between Menisos and Farabi in the field of moral government can be enumerated.Mencius, a great thinker and philosopher of East Asia, and Farabi, a thinker and a high-level philosopher of West Asia, are two examples of treasures that the explanation of their opinions in the field of government can increase the connection between these two rich and deep traditions. In this research, an attempt has been made to analyze the fields related to ethics and politics, which are the components of the term called political ethics, and based on this, to clarify the similarities and differences between the two. Mensus, like Farabi, who is the second teacher in the philosophical tradition of Islam, can be called the second teacher in the Confucian tradition. He explained and explained and of course invented and theorized in the school of Confucius and is considered the closest interpreter of Confucius to him.Like Aristotle, Mencius and Farabi believed that man is a political animal and can only fully expand these relationships when he is inside the state and society. He considers the government to be a moral institution and they believe that its head should be a moral leader. According to these two philosophers, the distribution of charity among all the members of Madinah is based on the eligibility of people. Charities include officials and positions, security, health, dignity and status, sanctity, property, wealth and the like. Therefore, all citizens have rights, and everyone has the right to have a job and work suitable to their social personality.Unlike today's political philosophy in the West, Farabi does not believe in the separation of public and private spheres and considers them to be the same. The similarity between Al-Farabi and Mencius is the special prominence of political philosophy in the thoughts of these two. But in this field, the difference between the two is also clear. While Farabi follows political philosophy in the form of political wisdom in theory. Mencius seeks political wisdom in the public arena.According to Mencius and Farabi, a good, efficient and superior government is the result of the combination of ethics and politics. Based on this, the work of a good government should start from the people and go up, not from the ruling class and go down. People are not only the root but also the last judge of the government. Utopia, which is an ideal society, is realized when ethics and politics are combined. Happiness is multifaceted and multidimensional. Learning the benevolence of the community and the people is the extension of justice. Justice is realized when people have the ability and power to exercise sovereignty and can criticize the government and, if necessary, criticize it or correct it. In response to this question, Mencius considers the government a moral institution and believes that its head should be a moral leader.
Political Thought
Sajjad Chitfroush
Abstract
The modern state is among the major political institutions that encompass all dimensions of human life. Despite its useful aspects, this institution, drawing from foundations that may diminish human freedom in its interaction with individuals, ultimately hinders the growth of human thought and the revelation ...
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The modern state is among the major political institutions that encompass all dimensions of human life. Despite its useful aspects, this institution, drawing from foundations that may diminish human freedom in its interaction with individuals, ultimately hinders the growth of human thought and the revelation of the true essence of humanity. The historical experience of Western countries and the subsequent spread of this thinking to other nations have led many thinkers to critically examine various aspects of the Modern State, aiming to reform and evolve it into a theoretical framework. One of the most important critics and theorists of the Modern State, adopting a humanistic approach, is Hannah Arendt.Some of the most important research on the critique of the Modern state includes:Steven E. Aschheim, in the book "Hannah Arendt in Jerusalem," examines Arendt's controversial views on the Eichmann trial and also discusses the nature of justice and the Modern State. The focus is primarily on the case study of Eichmann, without providing a comprehensive framework for Arendt's critical thinking on the existence of the Modern state.Richard King, in the book "Arendt and America," analyzes Arendt's interaction with American political thought and critiques of the Modern State. The emphasis is on the political and societal features of America, with limited philosophical discussions.Dana Villa, in "The Cambridge Companion to Hannah Arendt" gathers articles from researchers addressing various aspects of Arendt's political philosophy, including her critique of the Modern state. However, direct critiques of Arendt on the Modern state are the focus of only one article, and the overall article leans more towards a review of Arendt's critiques without presenting a philosophical argument.While foreign research on Arendt's critique of the Modern state differs from the present study in several aspects, the most notable differences lie in the lack of explicit attention to existential aspects of criticism and the relatively limited exploration of the pragmatic aspect and establishing a conceptual relationship between these two aspects in the research. Additionally, the presuppositions of researchers in geography-based or ideologically-specific research have not been explicitly stated, and interested readers can refer to the following sources for examples of such research.Examining books and articles written about Arendt within the country also indicates limited research on government in her thought. One of these articles, titled "Politics and Existentialism" by Dr. Mostafa Younesi and Ali Tadayyon Rad, explores the connection between politics and existentialism through the discussion of "action" and considers the role of politics and government institutions in creating a space for human growth.Another article, titled "Political Order in the Thought of Aristotle and Hannah Arendt and Critique of Its Place in the Present Era" by Seyed Javad Emam Jom'ehzadeh and Ali Tadayyon Rad, argues that political order in the modern era has found a different definition and, contrary to the past, where political order aimed at the excellence and happiness of society, current affairs are mundane and lack a metaphysical position in modern thought. The author aims to challenge modern political order through a reevaluation of Arendt's ideas.Although foreign articles have extensively addressed Arendt's critiques of the Modern State, this study innovatively focuses on differentiating existential aspects from non-existential ones. The innovation lies in initially critiquing the political philosophy of the new West from Arendt's perspective and suggesting her alternative. This study, using a descriptive-analytical method, first refers to Arendt's most important texts and books to describe her intellectual method (with an emphasis on epistemological discussions). Subsequently, it highlights the main indicators of the Modern state and, as a research framework, compares them with Arendt's theoretical-political views. One of the most important indicators of the Modern state is the existence of a unified authority and power within a specific geographic area. Another important indicator is the control of violent instruments by the Modern State. This political structure implies that superior power is not in the hands of individuals but is entrusted to governance through the use of legal structures and norms. One of the significant indicators of the Modern state discussed in this research is the bureaucratic and administrative structure where individuals are placed at various administrative levels based on their interests and competence. Nevertheless, critics argue that in this space of Modern state and bureaucracy, the freedom of individuals is compromised.This article attempts to present Hannah Arendt's criticism of the Modern state based on her impartial perspective on government. Typically, the prevailing view of government tends to be biased. Using Arendt's impartial perspective, Pierre Bourdieu argues that the characteristic of this institution is the struggle for power among groups and different interests, often hidden behind a façade of impartiality and objectivity. The article aims to emphasize the importance of political action and the public sphere for human freedom from Arendt's perspective, demonstrating how the Modern state has weakened these values. Additionally, the article explores the conceptual frameworks of civic virtue and individuals' need for participation in public life based on Arendt's views.Another overlooked point in most domestic research is the examination of Arendt's critique of the Modern state at a macro level, i.e., the critique of the Modern state itself. Arendt's criticisms are often focused on a limited scale, examining actors within political systems such as totalitarianism. However, it is essential to recognize that these criticisms, even when specifically addressing certain types of political systems, are presented under a political system that exists in the modern context. Therefore, the present article innovatively addresses this aspect as well.This research aims to critique this extensive and significant institution using Arendt's perspective. Findings based on Arendt's principles indicate that modern philosophy has led to the separation of theology from nature, the expansion of positivism, and the excessive growth of a form of individualism. This has resulted in the Modern state becoming an extensive and harsh authoritarian regime, dominating economic aspects over political and cultural facets of human life. Arendt suggests that the only way to reform this extensive, inefficient, and dehumanizing institution is through gradual reform of people's interactions in the public sphere and the utilization of theories such as councils in political structures.
Abbas Alli Rahbar; Farzad Souri
Abstract
Purpose: Security is one of the major issues that the need for it is felt tangibly and effectively in all aspects of human life and searching for that has an unbreakable bond with the essence of human existence. Political thinkers generally consider security as one of the government’s main tasks. ...
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Purpose: Security is one of the major issues that the need for it is felt tangibly and effectively in all aspects of human life and searching for that has an unbreakable bond with the essence of human existence. Political thinkers generally consider security as one of the government’s main tasks. This issue has been of particular position and importance in Islam and designing it in Islamic system has been noteworthy. The Holy Quran considers the security as one of the goals of God sovereignty and the righteous succession. Security in the Holy Quran has several levels which involves spiritual, personal, social and political aspects. Methodology: In this article, we attempt to examine the concept of political security in epistemic system of Holy Quran by using interpretive works on Quran. This choice is according to division of Islam into three original, theoretical and practical spheres and also known classification of Islam as beliefs, morals and laws, to reach a typology of political security which is theological-intellectual, ethical-psychological and practical-behavioral. Findings: In this article we argue that in modern political thought the government is responsible for security and taking care of it in anarchic atmosphere. In this view, governments are the major subject of security. Also from the perspective of political sociology, political security can be known as product of social interaction which manifests from interaction between individuals, groups and political institutions. In other words, feeling political security is in fact a form of social production and all the social and political institutions are involved in its formation. So it can be said that feeling political security is a multifaceted and complex concept, because the feeling shapes in a mental and intersubjective space, and because this sense of security is in the political sphere which, according to Max Weber, is the area of power. From his perspective, our understanding of the politics would be a set of efforts to participate in power. Value: This article concludes that the most important ways and requirements to achieve political security is the cases such as avoiding tyranny and oppression, establishment of justice in society, coping with domestic disrupters and fighting with foreign enemies. It also can be extracted from the presented arguments that in Quran there is a special attention to the action–behavioral aspect of political security, in addition to considering two other aspects which were mentioned before.
Davoud Paran; Shoja Ahmadvand
Abstract
The theory of progress of constitutionality(Mashroutiat) which was aptly named “the new threshold” was aimed to lay the basis for constitutionalism by limiting the State. But the constitutionality didn’t last long and “the great misfortune” of the King Reza was formed out ...
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The theory of progress of constitutionality(Mashroutiat) which was aptly named “the new threshold” was aimed to lay the basis for constitutionalism by limiting the State. But the constitutionality didn’t last long and “the great misfortune” of the King Reza was formed out of it. Our question in the present research is the reason why all the great hopes of the constitutionalists and the intellectuals ran to waste and the historical reality that brought the country to the verge of destruction convinced the people that a central authoritarian state should be created. The explanation of the failure of the theory of progress is possible through the study of the relation between this era’s thought system, the thought tradition in Iran and the thought of the European Modernity. The fact that what eventually was the end of this thought system of constitutionalism in relation to the historical reality and consequences it had for Iran is the main aim of this article. The theory of progress-modernization in Iran had totally new epistemic foundations in comparison with the traditional “narratives” in Europe tried to constitute the Modernity on the basis of the western thought’s appearances. By reducing “the Metanarrative of Emancipation” in the thought of the European intellectuals they reduced that to freedom from despotism. Trying to find the legitimacy of these new institutions in tradition led to the formation of a returning model of the logic of transformation of the structure of political thought in Iran with which the political events conformed necessarily.
Hojjat Kazemi; Hadi Keshavarz
Abstract
The attempt to control and direct the population in any society by power and government through new institutions and techniques of governance is one of the modern debates that was first proposed and developed by Foucault. By targeting individuals and the population to meet its needs, power designs techniques ...
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The attempt to control and direct the population in any society by power and government through new institutions and techniques of governance is one of the modern debates that was first proposed and developed by Foucault. By targeting individuals and the population to meet its needs, power designs techniques and institutions that, while making individuals visible, increase their control and guidance in society. In this context, in a descriptive-analytical manner, this article intends to examine the relationship between population and government through the actions of Abbas Mirza, Amir Kabir, Nasser al-Din Shah, the Constitution and Reza Shah, based on new governance institutions and techniques in Iran, especially the school institution, since the late nineteenth century, and show what developments took place in Iran facing the West and the formation of a crisis of awareness in the field of government and governance with the elite, And how and why did the population become the target of new rules and techniques of governance? For responding to these questions, this study seeks to prove the changing pattern of governance in Iran on the one hand and the state's efforts to control and guide the population in new institutions on the other hand in order to strengthen the foundations of its government while increasing productivity and obedience.
seyedreza mousavinia; Seyed Javad Tahaee
Abstract
War and peace is one of the most important challenges of states and nations. Peace compare to war, has an unclear and inexpressive concept requiring to be clarified. Modern state theory explaining the peace in context of politics and international relations alleges: peace is a product of sovereignty ...
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War and peace is one of the most important challenges of states and nations. Peace compare to war, has an unclear and inexpressive concept requiring to be clarified. Modern state theory explaining the peace in context of politics and international relations alleges: peace is a product of sovereignty of one or more states backed by military power and its resulting terror. This simple and widespread theory has become a dominant paradigm in peace discussions in politics and international relations of 20th century. This article, however, alleges that modern theory of peace not only lacks historical backgrounds but also is the contrary to them. Based on that, the question is that: is peace an order and stability established by states in region or has some reality of more developing and deeper? We will argue that peace, in fact, is the ability of the society to make compatible the regions surrounding it through developing cultural unconsciousness. It is the classical approach to peace that contrast to modern theory of peace. What the approach leads to is that peace is a functional characteristic of states but of societies, peace is not unilateralism but bilateral interaction, peace shall not obtain through exercising the power but it arises from freedom and self-inducement. Iran is among these historical societies that had a peaceful relationship based on a classical approach with its communities throughout history and hence it is recommended for foreign policy to base upon classical approach to peace.
Seyed Majid Hosseini; Vahid Asadzadeh
Abstract
In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development ...
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In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development and the second group that seeks the agent outside the domain of state. The question is which of the two theories have been more successful in their claims according to their historical results. The claim and hypothesis of this study is that the theories of the second group, in the search for ways of direct development of the state, eventually hinder reform, engage in direct conflict with the state, and lead the process of society's transformation to a revolution or a repressive state. To justify this claim, this article will look at the history of Iranian intellectual development theories after the Constitution. The research method in this paper is "Inference based on the best explanation ", abbreviated as IBE. It seems that in the first two constitutional and Pahlavi periods, statism and in the second Pahlavi and Islamic Republic era anti-statism were dominant. During the Second Pahlavi era and the Islamic Republic, two types of ideas were produced that were common to anti-statism and the main criticisms included: Theories of return to self and backwardness degeneration. Both are equally guilty of delaying the creation of a proper relationship between the state and the nation in the light of upholding up-to-date citizen rights and maintaining the sovereignty of the state.
