History
Mohamad Hosein Sadeghi
Abstract
IntroductionOne of the most contentious topics in the historiography of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution is the question of its influence by the Ottoman Empire. The geographical proximity and the extensive political, cultural, and economic relations between the two countries provided a fertile ground ...
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IntroductionOne of the most contentious topics in the historiography of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution is the question of its influence by the Ottoman Empire. The geographical proximity and the extensive political, cultural, and economic relations between the two countries provided a fertile ground for such influence. However, the nature and extent of this influence remain subjects of debate among historians of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution. Broadly speaking, there are two prevailing views on this matter: 1) Those who deny any influence of the Ottoman Constitutional Revolution on Iran, and 2) Those who acknowledge the influence of the Ottoman Constitutional Revolution on Iran. Representatives of the first group include Adamiyat, Nategh, and Tabatabai, while the second group is represented by figures such as Taghizadeh, Hazrati, and Feirahi. Other scholars, such as Zarinebaf and Raisnia, although not explicitly stating their positions, have discussed the Ottoman Constitutional Revolution and its relation to the Iranian Constitutional Revolution in a way that aligns them with the second group. Alongside the information based on historical documents and evidence, what makes the first group's perspective untenable is their contradictory discourse and misinterpretation of the second group's views. The perspective that denies the influence of Ottoman Constitutionalism on Iranian Constitutionalism began with Fereydun Adamiyat, was continued by Homa Nategh, and was further emphasized by Javad Tabatabai. This essay aims to address the contradictions in Adamiyat and Nategh's arguments and critique Tabatabai's misinterpretation. This misinterpretation stems from his belief that proponents of Ottoman influence argue that Iranians learned constitutionalism—entirely and directly—from the Ottomans, and that without the Ottoman Constitutional Revolution, Iran could not have experienced constitutionalism. Even though such a claim has never been made. While emphasizing the necessity of avoiding a 'single-cause' explanation for historical events, it must be acknowledged that during the period in question, the wave of constitutionalism had already begun and would inevitably reach Iran sooner or later. Nevertheless, in Iran's encounter with this wave, the Ottoman Empire played a more significant role compared to other centers of constitutionalism. This is precisely the focus of this research. Otherwise, in addition to the Ottoman Empire, England, France, India, Russia, and Japan each contributed to some extent to familiarizing Iranians with the 'idea of constitutionalism'. Considering what has been said, this research aims to review various perspectives on the influence of the Ottoman Constitutional Revolution on Iran, test them against historical evidence, and evaluate their validity using historical sources.Materials and ApproachThis research adopts a descriptive approach and relies on historical sources and studies to address its central question. Results and DiscussionThe influence of the Ottoman Empire on the Iranian Constitutional Revolution is one of the most debated topics, leading to diverse viewpoints. This study aimed to review these perspectives, assess their validity using historical evidence, and evaluate their accuracy based on historical sources. To this end, the study first categorized proponents and opponents of the influence of the Ottoman Constitutional Revolution on Iranian Constitutionalism Accordingly, Taghizadeh, Hazrati, and Feirahi, who acknowledge this influence, stand in contrast to Adamiyat, Nategh, and Tabatabai, who reject it. Next, by examining the Tanzimat reforms as a precursor to the constitutional movements in both Iran and the Ottoman Empire, the study explored various perspectives on the Tanzimat in Iran and its influence by the Ottoman Tanzimat. In this regard, Nategh, Tabatabai, and Feirahi argue that Iran imitated the Ottoman Tanzimat reforms. Hazrati, by rejecting the imitation view, asserts that the relationship between the Iranian and Ottoman Tanzimat was more about influence than mere imitation, while Adamiyat completely denies any imitation or influence. Based on the evidence presented in this study, the views of Nategh, Tabatabai, Feirahi, and Hazrati align more closely with 'historical reality' than Adamiyat's perspective. Similar disagreements exist regarding the constitutional movements. Adamity, Nategh, and Tabatabai, by rejecting that the first Ottoman constitution was truly 'constitutional,' also do not accept the influence of the Ottoman Empire on Iran's constitutional movement. The flaw in this perspective lies in its disregard for the historical context and its one-dimensional, purely legalistic view of the constitutional movement. It is undeniable that, despite its flaws, the First Ottoman Constitution embodied a form of constitutional governance. Tabatabai further argues that the intermediary for Iranians' familiarity with constitutionalism was not the Ottoman Empire but India. This claim is made even though no one argues that the Ottomans were the sole intermediary. Just as other countries such as Japan, Russia, England, and France played roles in introducing Iranians to constitutional ideas, so did India and the Ottoman Empire. What matters is the nature and manner of this role. Before Shushtari, whom Tabatabai references, encountered the 'Justice House' in India, Abu Bakr Ratib Efendi, the Ottoman ambassador to Vienna, had already discussed the 'new system' in his diplomatic reports. In the final step of this research, by examining the influence of Ottoman modernization (particularly the Tanzimat and constitutionalism) on Iranian constitutional pioneers such as Mirza Malkam Khan, Sepahsalar, Mostashar al-Dawla, and Mirza Agha Khan Kermani, the profound impact of Ottoman modernization and its models on their Iranian counterparts became evident. Conclusion Based on the findings of this study, it can be argued that the Ottoman influence is clearly visible in Malkam Khan's promotion of the Tanzimat idea, Sepahsalar's implementation of reforms, and Mostashar al-Dawla and Mirza Agha Khan Kermani's efforts to legitimize constitutionalism. An important point to note is that, except for Mostashar al-Dawla, who had a brief stay in Istanbul during his travels to France, all these individuals had a long history of residence in the Ottoman Empire (at least ten years). As long as the dominant discourse of reform was the Tanzimat, Iranian reformers were influenced by their Ottoman counterparts both in theory and practice. The similarities between the theoretical efforts (e.g., writing works such as Defter-i Tanzimat (Book of Reforms), Majlis-i Tanzimat (Council of Reforms), and Ketabcheh-ye Tanzimat-e Hasaneh (The Book of Beneficial Reforms) ) and practical endeavors (e.g., establishing institutions like the 'Majlis-i Showra-ye Dowlati' (State Consultative Assembly) and the 'Maslihatkhaneh' (House of Expediency) ) of Iranian reformers and their Ottoman counterparts further highlight the extent of this influence. This influence is also evident in the discourse of constitutionalism. It was in Istanbul that Malkam Khan recognized the role of the people in "legislation" and, for the first time, moved away from the Tanzimat discourse toward constitutionalism. Sepahsalar, as Iran's ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, acted as a "reporter of Ottoman reforms" for Iranian statesmen and played a significant role in introducing Naser al-Din Shah to the Ottoman Tanzimat and its outcomes during the Shah's visit to Arab Iraq, alongside Midhat Pasha. Later, as prime minister, he devoted all his efforts to advancing his reform project (Tanzimat-e Hasaneh). Mostashar al-Dawla, who took significant steps in legitimizing constitutionalism, was in contact with the Young Ottomans, and his discourse closely resembled theirs. If 'justice' is considered the central theme of his legal discourse, the influence of the Young Ottomans on him becomes even more apparent, as they had previously used the concept of justice in the same manner. Additionally, it is important to note that a significant portion of works containing constitutionalist thought in the Ottoman Empire (primarily Istanbul) were written there. It was in Istanbul that Mirza Agha Khan Kermani defined constitutionalism as the 'best foundation and form of governance.” Following the approach of the Young Ottomans and Mostashar al-Dawla, sought to legitimize constitutionalism by introducing concepts such as 'human rights” and “national interests' to his audience; an achievement that would have been impossible during his time in Iran.
History
Alireza Ashtari Tafreshi
Abstract
Qawanin al-Wizarah is one of the most significant works of Abul Hasan al-Mawirdi, a policy theoretical scholar of the 5th century AH, in which he presented a constructed image of the government; however, this image is not purely theoretical, but also that is to a great amount image of government with ...
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Qawanin al-Wizarah is one of the most significant works of Abul Hasan al-Mawirdi, a policy theoretical scholar of the 5th century AH, in which he presented a constructed image of the government; however, this image is not purely theoretical, but also that is to a great amount image of government with its essential working parts and process. Understanding the relationship between the variables active in the writer's thoughts and society with the content of this work is the main problematic issue of the current research. Despite the importance of Qawanin al-Wizara in the heritage of Islamic political thought and Islamic statesmanship, this work has been less studied by contemporary researchers when it has been more in the shadow of al-Mawirdi's more well-known other work, Ahkam al-Sultaniyyah, so usually scholars have not paid enough attention to Qawanin al-Wizarah`s significance. For this reason, the current research aims to identify the main characteristics of an efficient government in this important work of statesmanship. This research by applying the thematic analysis method has tried to explain the main factors of an efficient government in Qawanin al-Wizarah. This study has been done through a library method when its main concentration has been on the Arabic text of Qawanin al-Wizarah. A Part of the achievement of this research is the understanding of more than 300 themes of Qawanin al-Wizarah the work has been mainly constructed; The result of their analysis shows the division of themes into the categories of crisis themes, crisis causes, crisis solutions, and efficient government or crisis-free (ideal) government by them the work has been presented.Our final step is the attempt to understand the achievement of thematic analysis of the text through the conceptual approach of Thomas Spragens in his book Understanding Political Theory (New York, 1976). By this last step, it becomes clear that al-Mawirdi considered the political crisis of the 5th century AH as the lack of structural, behavioral, and program procedures for government administration, as the main issue of Spragens is finding political-social crisis behind motivations of writing every original book in political theory.In this step, it became clear that al-Mawirdi employed all his themes in his book to solve the crisis, when he carefully drew dozens of structural models, organizational behavior, and government programs for the ruler, Wazir, and some other main figures of government to use them to be well guided throughout the way of governing. Spragens believes that the model of "disorganization - trying to return to order" causes the emergence of political thought in the mind of political thinkers to transition from crisis to ideal.It seems that al-Mawirdi considered disorder to be the cause of the inefficiency of the government, and he made it possible to achieve an efficient government through a theoretical production of organizational order. From the early Islamic period, the experience of the government system in Sassanid Iran was transferred to the Islamic Caliphate and caused its prosperity. But during al-Mawardi`s lifetime, the government system had suffered from internal problems and degeneration;The historical books of this period are full of all kinds of narrations about very ridiculous conflicts between government officials, such that due to a little annoyance and greed, the leaders of the government used to draw swords at each other, and the government treasures were easily looted. The Turkish generals, who were considered the special and main troops of the caliph, were also the main threat against the government structure.In this period, the dominance of the Turkish generals over the usual routines of the Abbasid caliphate, which was previously based on the regulations of Iranian Sassanid manner, had caused the deterioration of the government's performance. Thus, the hierarchy and structure, professional ethics, and organizational behavior were also destroyed in court. In such circumstances, the Qawanin al-Wizarah, focusing on the themes of regulations, had been a theoretical support to overcome this internal degeneration of the government and a response to the needs of the author`s era. The final result of this research has analyzed the relationship between the era and the text which was the solution to the crisis that had been the reproduction of the concept of efficient government.
History
Mehdi Mirkiaee
Abstract
Water issue" has been one of the main issues of Iranian human life throughout history, and the research about it can shed light on various aspects of the political, economic and social life of Iranians. Artificial irrigation has long been one of the necessities of people's lives in this semi-arid climate. ...
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Water issue" has been one of the main issues of Iranian human life throughout history, and the research about it can shed light on various aspects of the political, economic and social life of Iranians. Artificial irrigation has long been one of the necessities of people's lives in this semi-arid climate. The dispersion of water resources, which was subject to dispersion of the population, required the country to have an innumerable number of dams, aqueducts, reservoirs, wells and streams. Building a dam to store water and control floods and building aqueducts, which sometimes reached tens of kilometers in length, required spending a lot of money and a lot of labor. At first glance, the government was expected to be responsible for the creation and repair of water facilities as institution that has the most resources of the country. The question is, considering that pre-modern governments played a minimal role in solving people's problems and providing their necessities of life, to what extent did the Qajar government accept responsibility for the creation and repair of these facilities in the territory of Iran? What evidence confirms the minimal involvement of Qajar government in the water issue? What were the reasons for the non-interference of the government in water supply and how could the people be responsible for solving this problem? Our assumption is that the Qajar government did not consider itself obligated to provide water to villages, farms and even cities with minimal interference in civil affairs, and the countless number of dilapidated dams and aqueducts is a sign that the government has a duty in this field for He did not imagine and only in a few cases where he was sure that the profit would quickly reach the treasury, he accepted a small investment. In the meantime, the further some areas were from the center, the less government intervention in their irrigation systems. Also, the Qajar government looked at the water issue as an opportunity for earning money by selling running water and collecting taxes from other water sources. Governors of the provinces were also interested in creating irrigation system for their fields only if they were the owners of land in that province. In the meantime, the main burden of creating and maintaining water facilities was the responsibility of the people, who mainly provided the expenses to the landlords and the labor to the subjects. The tradition of endowment was another factor that weakened the role of the government in this field. People's participation in the construction and repair of dams, aqueducts, reservoirs and streams, as well as group oppressions and settlements, as well as collective conflicts, along with the management of water distribution and the selection of Mirabs, led to the emergence of self-organized groups and circles and their greater cohesion in society. Previously, the views of people like Karl Marx and Karl August Wittfogel about the active involvement of Asian governments in solving the water problem in semi-arid climates had gained supporters. Marx believed that in these areas, governments took control of limited water resources and established water supply security, and by managing water resources, they made the producers highly dependent on themselves, and made the government subjects critical. Influenced by him, Wittfogel also realized the need of these communities for huge water supply facilities that only the government could cover. He knew the first and fundamental factor of the formation of the absolute power of the government in these regions. In our research, we have tried to show by relying on a lot of data from the history of Qajar era Iran that not only the government was not involved in many waters supply matters, but also the realities and limitations of the pre-modern world, the Qajar government in planning to intervene in the water issue, especially in remote areas. From the center, he was disabled. This research was done with descriptive-explanatory method and using the documents, especially the petitions of the Majlese Tahqiqe Mazalem. The theoretical framework of the research is derived from Patricia Crone's point of view about the minimal government in the pre-modern world. Previously, no independent research has been conducted on the minimal role of the Qajar government in the water issue.
