Mahboube Hemmati; Morteza Alavian
Abstract
The view that education should be in accordance with the ideals and goals of Prebendal state as one of examples of corrupt states is a type of state that in which power elites and government agents demand rights in excess of their rights at the level of the political system. Basically, prebendal state ...
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The view that education should be in accordance with the ideals and goals of Prebendal state as one of examples of corrupt states is a type of state that in which power elites and government agents demand rights in excess of their rights at the level of the political system. Basically, prebendal state is the product of some factors such as elites’ mental perceptions and the trust and authority-citizenship culture at the cultural level, legitimacy and ideology at the political level, and rentierism and the big state at the economic level. The present article focuses on this main question that what are the consequences of prebendal state in IRAN during the second Pahlavi era? The hypothesis of the article seeks the consequences of such a state at two levels, individual and systemic consequences. The theoretical framework of the article is inspired by Max Weber's views and Richard Joseph's prebendal state theory. In the analytical model of the article, the prebendal state is as an independent variable and its consequences at the individual and systemic levels are considered as dependent variables. Methodically, the type of research is qualitative and the approach of the article is descriptive –analytical and the research method is based on library –documentary analysis. The findings of the article indicate that the prebendal state will lead to to alienation at the individual level and at the systemic level it will lead to the emergence of five types of crises such as legitimacy, efficiency, identity, accumulation and hegemony.The emergence and gaining of power in Iran during the second Pahlavi era had two lasting and effective consequences at the individual and systemic levels. At the individual and social level, it can be considered as the most important consequence of alienation, distancing and the emergence of a gap between the people and the elites of the country and finally the separation of the people from the Pahlavi system. The white revolution and agrarian reforms at the level of villages and industrialization, urbanization, modernization at the level of cities along with the weakening of the traditional middle class, administrative modernization, etc. have been the basis for such an outcome.At the system level, the establishment and expansion of the prebendal state in the country and the penetration of all power structures and the unaccountable access to huge oil resources and preventing it from being directed towards development-oriented investment and production provide the basis for the emergence of all kinds of crises in the country. brought including legitimacy crisis, identity crisis, hegemony crisis, accumulation crisis and efficiency crisis which intensified and eventually led to the fall of the Pahlavi regime system.In this article, the consequences of the prebendal state in the second Pahlavi era are analyzed in detail in two separate sections. In the first part, agrarian reforms and physical-identity displacement of villagers are examined as the first step of personal and social alienation. A process that physically led to the expansion of marginalization in big cities, and in terms of identity, it created a disintegration and an identity gap between rural immigrant villagers and urban dwellers. In the continuation of the policy of development, modernization and industrialization of the second Pahlavi regime, its effects and consequences on the alienation of urban people and the destruction of traditional classes in the cities are discovered and explained. In the second part, the consequences of gaining power and expansion of the prebendal state in the country and exclusive access to huge oil resources and preventing it from flowing towards development-oriented investment are examined in order to identify the causes of various crises in the country, crises that lead to the downfall of the regime. Pahlavi ended.The aim of this article is the examination of the consequences, results and effects of the prevalence of prebendalism in the second Pahlavi period, which crystallized on two individual levels - social and systemic - the political system. We have shown how the prebendal policies of land reforms and urban and industrial modernization of the Pahlavi system at the individual-social level led to alienation, distancing and the emergence of a deep gap between the people and the elites of the country and ultimately the separation of the people from the Pahlavi system. Also, based on numerous documents and sources, it was explained that the white revolution and agrarian reforms at the village level and industrialization, urbanization and modernization in the cities along with the weakening of the traditional middle class, a deep rupture between the rural and urban classes with the second Pahlavi regime and the prebendal elites. The ruler created it, which eventually led to the uprising of the rural dwellers along with the city dwellers against the system and the rulers of the second Pahlavi era.At the level of the political system and system, the establishment and expansion of the prebendal state in the country and the penetration of all the power structures and the unaccountable access to huge oil resources and preventing it from being directed towards development-oriented investment and production will cause all kinds of crises. provided in the country. Among them, the legitimacy crisis, identity crisis, hegemony crisis, accumulation crisis and efficiency crisis which intensified during this period and ultimately led to the fall of the Pahlavi regime and the destruction of prebendalism in Iran. By marginalizing civil parties and groups and sidelining independent politicians, the prebendal system caused the lack of meritocracy and the placing of incompetent people who were dependent on the king at the head of the country's political, administrative and military-security system, which had no result but the reproduction of corruption. Because the agents and corrupt and dependent elites had to accept and continue the current relations for their survival in the pyramid of power. In this situation, the ways of communication and the link between the government institutions and the elites with the people were broken and the vacuum in the relationship between the government and the society caused the regime to not have a correct and accurate understanding of the people's wishes and demands, and as a result, it could not act based on the people's demands. The result of this was the failure to reform the affairs, creating dissatisfaction among the people and turning them to underground, secret, radical and revolutionary activities. In addition, such a situation in relation to government institutions and elites connected with the people caused the political institution to become informal and political and economic relations to be outside the legal framework due to political corruption, which resulted in nothing but the distance of the government from the people and the deepening of the gap between the state and the nation.
Fatameh Mirabasi; Ahmad Saie
Abstract
This paper aims to understand the nature and causes of fragility of bureaucracy in Iran from the perspective of political economy. Starting from the presupposition that bureaucracy crisis is first and foremost the reflection of the nature of state and its structure of capital accumulation, the present ...
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This paper aims to understand the nature and causes of fragility of bureaucracy in Iran from the perspective of political economy. Starting from the presupposition that bureaucracy crisis is first and foremost the reflection of the nature of state and its structure of capital accumulation, the present research argues that the twofold nature of Sultanist–rentier state in the second Pahlavi period gradually caused the structure–role distortion of bureaucracy, a decline both in the quality of bureaucratic elites and in the relative autonomy of bureaucrats from politics, the predominance of prebendal spirit and morality, the growth of bureaucratic bourgeoisie, and finally the emergence of a fragile bureaucracy which, in Weberian terms, intermediated between the Sultan and society. Such an intermediary position of bureaucracy exacerbated the crisis of legitimacy of power elites since bureaucracy not only lost its modernist spirit but also later turned into an obstacle to modernization. This situation eventually led to the inability of bureaucracy in performing its intermediary role and making a compromise and balance between the interests of state and social classes on the one hand and to the function of bureaucracy as a factor contributing to the dialectic of state and society, a delay in political development in society, and the facilitation of revolution on the other hand.
Roxana Niknami
Abstract
Since 2017, there have been signs of an escalating crisis of government legitimacy in France. The dehegemonization in Gramsci's theory seems to explain the current state of the French government. Hegemony refers to the material and spiritual domination of one class over another. This domination must ...
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Since 2017, there have been signs of an escalating crisis of government legitimacy in France. The dehegemonization in Gramsci's theory seems to explain the current state of the French government. Hegemony refers to the material and spiritual domination of one class over another. This domination must include political, economic, and social dimensions; In such a way that it becomes common sense. But in France, this feature of the government seems to have been disrupted and common sense questioned. The purpose of this article is to answer the question of how this rupture was formed and led to the crisis of government legitimacy? This article hypothesizes the weakening of the relationship between government and civil society led to the misfunctioning of common sense, the historical bloc, and the onset of the organic crisis in the form of the yellow vest movement. The method of data collection was both library and observation. Gramsci's theory of hegemony was used to test the hypothesis. Based on the qualitative research method of critical dialectics and cognitive praxis, it was found that the historical bloc of neoliberalism in France has interrupted, and this has damaged the hegemon's ability to use civil society. The result is an organic crisis that suffers from a lack of intellectual tools for political awareness. Consequently, the hegemon has entered the process of modernization by waging a position war, and the current situation, although it has weakened the hegemony; But there are no conditions for maneuvering war and creating a new hegemony.
