Mahboube Hemmati; Morteza Alavian
Abstract
The view that education should be in accordance with the ideals and goals of Prebendal state as one of examples of corrupt states is a type of state that in which power elites and government agents demand rights in excess of their rights at the level of the political system. Basically, prebendal state ...
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The view that education should be in accordance with the ideals and goals of Prebendal state as one of examples of corrupt states is a type of state that in which power elites and government agents demand rights in excess of their rights at the level of the political system. Basically, prebendal state is the product of some factors such as elites’ mental perceptions and the trust and authority-citizenship culture at the cultural level, legitimacy and ideology at the political level, and rentierism and the big state at the economic level. The present article focuses on this main question that what are the consequences of prebendal state in IRAN during the second Pahlavi era? The hypothesis of the article seeks the consequences of such a state at two levels, individual and systemic consequences. The theoretical framework of the article is inspired by Max Weber's views and Richard Joseph's prebendal state theory. In the analytical model of the article, the prebendal state is as an independent variable and its consequences at the individual and systemic levels are considered as dependent variables. Methodically, the type of research is qualitative and the approach of the article is descriptive –analytical and the research method is based on library –documentary analysis. The findings of the article indicate that the prebendal state will lead to to alienation at the individual level and at the systemic level it will lead to the emergence of five types of crises such as legitimacy, efficiency, identity, accumulation and hegemony.The emergence and gaining of power in Iran during the second Pahlavi era had two lasting and effective consequences at the individual and systemic levels. At the individual and social level, it can be considered as the most important consequence of alienation, distancing and the emergence of a gap between the people and the elites of the country and finally the separation of the people from the Pahlavi system. The white revolution and agrarian reforms at the level of villages and industrialization, urbanization, modernization at the level of cities along with the weakening of the traditional middle class, administrative modernization, etc. have been the basis for such an outcome.At the system level, the establishment and expansion of the prebendal state in the country and the penetration of all power structures and the unaccountable access to huge oil resources and preventing it from being directed towards development-oriented investment and production provide the basis for the emergence of all kinds of crises in the country. brought including legitimacy crisis, identity crisis, hegemony crisis, accumulation crisis and efficiency crisis which intensified and eventually led to the fall of the Pahlavi regime system.In this article, the consequences of the prebendal state in the second Pahlavi era are analyzed in detail in two separate sections. In the first part, agrarian reforms and physical-identity displacement of villagers are examined as the first step of personal and social alienation. A process that physically led to the expansion of marginalization in big cities, and in terms of identity, it created a disintegration and an identity gap between rural immigrant villagers and urban dwellers. In the continuation of the policy of development, modernization and industrialization of the second Pahlavi regime, its effects and consequences on the alienation of urban people and the destruction of traditional classes in the cities are discovered and explained. In the second part, the consequences of gaining power and expansion of the prebendal state in the country and exclusive access to huge oil resources and preventing it from flowing towards development-oriented investment are examined in order to identify the causes of various crises in the country, crises that lead to the downfall of the regime. Pahlavi ended.The aim of this article is the examination of the consequences, results and effects of the prevalence of prebendalism in the second Pahlavi period, which crystallized on two individual levels - social and systemic - the political system. We have shown how the prebendal policies of land reforms and urban and industrial modernization of the Pahlavi system at the individual-social level led to alienation, distancing and the emergence of a deep gap between the people and the elites of the country and ultimately the separation of the people from the Pahlavi system. Also, based on numerous documents and sources, it was explained that the white revolution and agrarian reforms at the village level and industrialization, urbanization and modernization in the cities along with the weakening of the traditional middle class, a deep rupture between the rural and urban classes with the second Pahlavi regime and the prebendal elites. The ruler created it, which eventually led to the uprising of the rural dwellers along with the city dwellers against the system and the rulers of the second Pahlavi era.At the level of the political system and system, the establishment and expansion of the prebendal state in the country and the penetration of all the power structures and the unaccountable access to huge oil resources and preventing it from being directed towards development-oriented investment and production will cause all kinds of crises. provided in the country. Among them, the legitimacy crisis, identity crisis, hegemony crisis, accumulation crisis and efficiency crisis which intensified during this period and ultimately led to the fall of the Pahlavi regime and the destruction of prebendalism in Iran. By marginalizing civil parties and groups and sidelining independent politicians, the prebendal system caused the lack of meritocracy and the placing of incompetent people who were dependent on the king at the head of the country's political, administrative and military-security system, which had no result but the reproduction of corruption. Because the agents and corrupt and dependent elites had to accept and continue the current relations for their survival in the pyramid of power. In this situation, the ways of communication and the link between the government institutions and the elites with the people were broken and the vacuum in the relationship between the government and the society caused the regime to not have a correct and accurate understanding of the people's wishes and demands, and as a result, it could not act based on the people's demands. The result of this was the failure to reform the affairs, creating dissatisfaction among the people and turning them to underground, secret, radical and revolutionary activities. In addition, such a situation in relation to government institutions and elites connected with the people caused the political institution to become informal and political and economic relations to be outside the legal framework due to political corruption, which resulted in nothing but the distance of the government from the people and the deepening of the gap between the state and the nation.
Alireza Samiee Esfahani
Abstract
The main goal of the upcoming research is to analyze and read a piece of the history of "dominance and change" in Iran in the two decades of 1340 and 1350 AD, which in practice can be said to be a representation or a comprehensive mirror of the totality of state-society relations in the history of Iran. ...
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The main goal of the upcoming research is to analyze and read a piece of the history of "dominance and change" in Iran in the two decades of 1340 and 1350 AD, which in practice can be said to be a representation or a comprehensive mirror of the totality of state-society relations in the history of Iran. It is contemporary. Investigating the capacity of enforcing “Social control” and finally the ability and will of "social transformation" and the obstacles facing it, based on the theory of “limited State” or government within society" Jul. S. Migdal, is at the center of the discussion of this article. According to Migdal, in order to have a correct and accurate understanding of the government in the third world, one must avoid the transcendental approach and the myth of the "perfect" government desired by the statists, which puts the government in front of the society and is based on the algebraic zero-sum game between the government and society is, he avoided and paid attention to the approach of the government is a part or a piece of society. In clearer words, this view requires changing the focus of analysis from the government as an independent bureaucratic organization (structural view) to a "process oriented" view of the government in society. With this description, the main question of the research is why the politics of Mohammadreza Shah Pahlavi's social transformation in the form of the White Revolution (in the 40's and 50's) did not reach the desired result and finally the second Pahlavi faced a crisis of dominance? The findings of the research show that despite having a relatively high level of social control, the second Pahlavi government could not provide a more attractive and efficient survival strategy for the social forces and the necessary resources to support to mobilize the desired social transformation policy, therefore, it inevitably turned to the survival policy.
Omid Shokraneh Arzanaghi; Masoud Akhavan Kazemi
Abstract
The present study examines and analyzes the impact of the participation crisis on the fall of the second Pahlavi regime from the perspective of crisis theory. The main question of the present study is what role did the participation crisis play in the fall of the Pahlavi regime? The research findings ...
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The present study examines and analyzes the impact of the participation crisis on the fall of the second Pahlavi regime from the perspective of crisis theory. The main question of the present study is what role did the participation crisis play in the fall of the Pahlavi regime? The research findings indicate that with the end of dictatorial rule in 1320, Iranian society entered a new phase and the provision of open political space and the activities of political parties and organizations doubled the motivation of the people for political participation. But with the coup d'état of August 28, 1943, a new era of authoritarian rule began in Iran. Political tyranny, lack of growth and inefficiency of parties, lack of free elections, suppression of freedoms and political rights of the people, severe weakness of popular organizations and lack of freedom of the press, caused the Pahlavi government to face a crisis of political participation. The continuation of the crisis of participation in the Pahlavi government and the negligence of the officials of the government to resolve the crisis, paved the way for the fall of the Pahlavi regime. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical and causal research. Data collection in this study was done through library and documentary methods.
Alireza Samiee Esfahani
Abstract
The main question of the present article is that what effect did the structure of the international system in the Cold War era have on the state-building process in Iran during the second Pahlavi period? The hypothesis of the research is that the characteristics of the structure of the international ...
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The main question of the present article is that what effect did the structure of the international system in the Cold War era have on the state-building process in Iran during the second Pahlavi period? The hypothesis of the research is that the characteristics of the structure of the international system in the Cold War era, caused the second Pahlavi in order to maintain the existence of the country and the survival of his regime, seeking security in the form of alliance and coalition on the agenda. Iran's foreign policy, in other words, because of the strong military aspect of security during the Cold War on the one hand and the regime's lack of legitimacy and dependence on the United States after the 1953 coup, on the other hand, "national security" is mostly narrow. "Government security" or "regime security" was defined, and as a result, the state-building project in the second Pahlavi era deviated from its original path and took a military-security direction. To explain this issue, a combination of structural neo-realist theory and state-building theory has been used. Findings show that Iran's sensitive geopolitical position and structural requirements for playing an active regional player in the US global defense strategy in the Cold War bipolar order, fear of Soviet communism and radical Arab nationalism, the most important and obvious factors influencing the structure of the international system are the security-militarization of the state-building policies of the second Pahlavi regime
Mohammad Radmard
Abstract
The second Pahlavi state has been the subject for many works so far. But in the meantime, less research has discussed the nature and form of the political system of this period. Now that, according to some scholars, economic development has been on the government's agenda during this period; by emphasizing ...
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The second Pahlavi state has been the subject for many works so far. But in the meantime, less research has discussed the nature and form of the political system of this period. Now that, according to some scholars, economic development has been on the government's agenda during this period; by emphasizing the issue of modernization, the form of the political system in this period of contemporary Iranian history can be examined. Edward Schiles is one of the thinkers who has categorized political systems from the perspective of development and with an emphasis on political development. Schills divides political systems into five categories: political democracy, guided democracy, modernist oligarchy, totalitarian oligarchy, and traditional oligarchy. Accordingly, the research question is which type of political system can be considered in line with the realities of the second Pahlavi state? It seems that in the context of the division of Schiles, the second Pahlavi state (1372-1357) should be considered as a modernist oligarchy. Thus, this research, while expressing the salient features of modern oligarchic systems from Schiles' point of view, tries to adapt the prevailing realities of the second Pahlavi period (1357-1332) to it. The application of this theory in this historical period can well show the ratio and degree of cooperation and accompaniment of dictatorship and modernization in some periods of a country's history and its cost-benefit. This research uses descriptive-analytical method and data is collected in a library.
