Hanif Amoozadeh Mahdiraji; Mohsen Ranjbar
Abstract
For several years, corruption news has been heard from Iranian government agencies, a type of intra-group relationships in power structure in which members of each political faction act against the public interest and for their benefit and other members of their group. On the other hand, cooperation ...
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For several years, corruption news has been heard from Iranian government agencies, a type of intra-group relationships in power structure in which members of each political faction act against the public interest and for their benefit and other members of their group. On the other hand, cooperation on bribery and ransom with the public and agents at the lower levels of the country's executive system has developed in recent years, so that the perception of corruption in the country in recent years has decreased in comparison with the other countries in the region. Systematic corrupt practices in the power structure and in the interactions of agents with citizens and a kind of cultural relations referring to as the "culture of pessimism" have always existed in a stable manner in the Iranian society as if there were no way out. Therefore, this article tries to obtain a new and, of course, historical understanding of the financial relations between the government and the people from a historical sociology point of view. In this regard, valid historical documents and secondary analyses have been used. Moreover, for a good observation of the historical evidence, a conceptual model has been designed to better explain the relationships of the components of the observed events. In designing this model, the views of theorists such as Elias, Gambetta and Tilly have been used for a conclusion based on the best explanation. The research findings show that in the points of interaction of government agents with citizens, a set of financial relations with strictness, corruption and pessimism prevailed, which did not follow any ritualized codes.
Mehdi Mirkiaei
Abstract
The critique of the state and ruling elites is an important part of the political life of the masses, but the political action of the descendants in pre-constitutional era, with the exception of the rare cases of rebellion and riots, is reflected in their popular culture. Meanwhile, song is one of the ...
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The critique of the state and ruling elites is an important part of the political life of the masses, but the political action of the descendants in pre-constitutional era, with the exception of the rare cases of rebellion and riots, is reflected in their popular culture. Meanwhile, song is one of the most common genre of folk culture. The masses had to raise their protest or political views with simple or complex camouflages at the community level in order to remain immune from the harassment by the government agents. Oral capacities of folk culture provided them with a simple camouflage, and in sophisticated camouflage, taking advantage of the allegory and password, they created songs that made it possible for them to have both political and harmless readings. The research tries to answer these questions, what was the themes of the political folk songs in the pre-constitution era during the Qajar era, and what methods were used to cover these themes in songs? The premise of the research is that the theme of these songs was mostly based on the negation of the constructive elements of the "public view of government." What is more, the government's covert threat and litigation were the other themes of these songs. The masses used to cover these themes through methods such as subtilized threats, symbolic reversal, the memorial of good natured ruler and naïve king love. The conceptual framework of the research is “Secret narrations” theory of James C. Scott.
