Mohsen Khalili
Abstract
Purpose: The aim of the present paper with emphasis on the main and original functions of states is showing the supremacy of state in the time of hegemony of the instruments and concepts of cyberspace over the linkage between rulers and obedient; although, the citizens have become more agile and more ...
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Purpose: The aim of the present paper with emphasis on the main and original functions of states is showing the supremacy of state in the time of hegemony of the instruments and concepts of cyberspace over the linkage between rulers and obedient; although, the citizens have become more agile and more aware too. E-government refers to the use by government institutions of information technologies that have the ability to transform relations with citizens, businesses, and other branches of government. These technologies can serve a variety of different ends: better delivery of government services to citizens, improved interactions with business and industry, citizen empowerment through access to information, or more efficient government management. As we speak of E- government as an instrument, concept and process, indeed, we have spoken of the continuity of the old phenomenon in response to the new questions of new governing a society. Electronic government is made of the distinguishable distinction between the old and the new definitions and functions of states with these advantages: The use of E- government, as a tool to achieve better government; the use of information and communication technologies in all facets of the operations of a government organization; the continuous optimization of service delivery, constituency participation and governance by transforming internal and external relationships through technology, the Internet and new media. The ultimate goal of the e-government is to be able to offer an increased portfolio of public services to citizens in an efficient and cost effective manner. E-government helps simplify processes and makes government information more easily accessible for public sector agencies and citizens. Design/Methodology/Approach: This paper is formed and based on the critical paradigm with the descriptive method for comparison explanation of the new perception of the legitimacy. Findings: The new achievement of this paper is reconfirmation of the classic and original mechanisms of all of states; such as force, enticement, persuasion, compulsion, command, requirement, replacement, dismissal, law and order. But, primary reason of governmentality in the era of the electronic government has changed to a triangle of rightfulness, lawfulness and effectiveness. The intent of original and first reason of statesmanship is the immemorial concept of legitimacy. Now, in the consequence of the new finding of the present paper, it seems that the question (why we ought to obey the government?) is not sufficient and correct. In other words, nowadays the new question (how does state become stable and continuous?) has been more efficient and right. Originality/Value: Cyberspace is an indicative of the new epoch which contains much difference with former period. Some new concepts of the space of politics such as globalization, global village, electronic state, cyberspace, cyber democracy, virtual civil society, have caused to change the operations of states. States, in the newfound of the era of virtualization of politics, use the soft power, such as propaganda, influence, parade, integration, exhibiting, attraction, and mentality making for durability.
Seyyed Mohammad Tabatabaei
Abstract
Purpose: A fundamental salubrious feature of western liberal democratic system of government is political parties which compete for power. Parties in western liberal democracies are crucial in that the political systems are divided into different bipartisan, single-party, and multiparty categories ...
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Purpose: A fundamental salubrious feature of western liberal democratic system of government is political parties which compete for power. Parties in western liberal democracies are crucial in that the political systems are divided into different bipartisan, single-party, and multiparty categories according to criteria as number of parties, role and special functions, and interactions among parties. The sheer diversity of the parties and ideological rift, which are closely related, indicates the health and vitality of the democratic system. With this in mind, it is argued that political behavior and competition in elections are interpreted in a framework informed by a single most important entity, i.e., political party. In the third millennium, with party system and political success and stability of states tightly associated, a question looming around relates the new mechanizations of democracy and party system. This is the major focus of the present article. Design/Methodology/Approach: To achieve the major focus of the present article which is an attempt to provide some answers to the above questions through bringing into the light issues as democracy and party system, the place and role of parties in legislative process in western democracies, power transition between parties, and typology of political parties, in a qualitative undertaking. Findings: In West, political parties are formed due to democratization and liberalization processes of the societies; and formation of party system is an essential stage in political development trend. It is believed that in liberal-democratic systems, political pluralism is abridged in political partisanship and peaceful competition among parties for gaining power. If, nowadays partisanship is an inseparable element of western political life, however it has not completely responded towards requirements and could be problem in democracy, their presence could be also considered as a barrier against political pluralism; because today, political pluralism is limited to competition of certain state parties which are not able to provide real democracy due to burdening their political will on national and nation’s will. Actually, state parties foreclose equality of opportunities and parity of facilities and accordingly, chance of any kind of power from other political groups and biases and thus prevent continues and real flow of power by concentrating power in their own hands. If partisanship has been dual of liberal-democratic system at first, however, according to enhancement of role and power of political parties and their internalization, democracy or ruling of people on people is gradually replaced by ruling of parties. Originality/Value: The main logic of the present research is laid on the hypothesis that “increasing governmental political parties” and “partisanship of western governments” has caused the establishment of “partitocratic state (party oriented state)” and challenging “democracy” by “partitocracy”. In present era, individual and plural thoughts are replaced by party reasoning; and national and public will is turned to party will. Therefore, today, national politics and policy of the nation are prescribed by political parties which are turned to part of governments, and those governments which are abridged in political parties. This process is called as foundation of “partitocratic state (party oriented state)” in western communities.
Hamidreza Rahmanizadeh Dehkordi
Abstract
Purpose: The relationship between cyberspace and democracy has been one of the most controversial issues during the last two decades. The main question particularly lies in the fact whether cyberspace can restrict the authoritarian state. The study aims, in the first step, to examine the arguments for ...
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Purpose: The relationship between cyberspace and democracy has been one of the most controversial issues during the last two decades. The main question particularly lies in the fact whether cyberspace can restrict the authoritarian state. The study aims, in the first step, to examine the arguments for and against some basic concepts which are related to the question of the study and those debates including “virtual civil society”, “virtual public sphere”, “state accountability” and “creating some spaces for resistance”. Then, Non-Democratic Sides of Cyberspace were examined and it was revealed that they are not related to cyberspace per se. These features arise from political, social and economic structures; but cyberspace can represent them, at the best. In other words, internet should be looked at as a tool or a medium, not as a goal per se. Design/Methodology/Approach: In this article, the main arguments for and against the democratic sides of cyberspace were examined and some evidence was given for each. Then, it was indicated that all of them are a part of truth. To understand the concrete reality on cyberspace we should refer to context (social, economic structures) which is known as structural approach. Findings: Our thesis can be summed up by one typical statement: "structures and actions determine the political and social system and internet and cyberspace can only act as a catalyst". No evidence could be found to show us that activity in cyberspace can make a great change in political, social relations and structures, on the contrary, there is clear-cut evidence that the state and social, economic institutions, have used this tool in promoting and achieving their goals. Originality/Value: The two different approaches toward cyberspace and its impact on promoting democracy process are not new. Our contribution to this process, in the first step, is to categorize and analyze them based on their reasons and evidence and more importantly, to show that these two approaches are Two sides of the same coin. To understand the democracy process and nature of the state, we should refer to the concrete context including social and economic structures and not to virtual tools.
Hamid Yahyavi
Abstract
Purpose: The present paper aims to articulate Michel Foucault’s thought for analyzing the problematic of the state. “Foucault vision of modern state” is not paid attention by political theoreticians as much as micro-physics analysis. While on the contrary, it can open a new research ...
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Purpose: The present paper aims to articulate Michel Foucault’s thought for analyzing the problematic of the state. “Foucault vision of modern state” is not paid attention by political theoreticians as much as micro-physics analysis. While on the contrary, it can open a new research domain through which one can survey and investigate the various domains of the state. Design / Methodology / Approach: Investigating on Foucault’s those works which have not been known such as College de France Lectures on the basis of “textual methodology” and taking advantages of descriptive-analytical approach, the paper seeks to elucidate Foucauldian method of analyzing procedures, mechanisms and components of modern state, rereading his theoretical arguments as well. Findings: The present paper indicates that in the course of a theoretical shift, Foucault begin to take into consideration the problematic of government as a new dimension in the analysis of power whereby the relations of power is studied within the viewpoint of leadership. He addresses to “the genealogy of Modern State”, which the connection between political rationality and the government lies at the heart of it, in addition to “the genealogy of Modern Subject”. Abandoning the problematic of the state and exploring it on the basis of Governmentality, Foucauldian approach has raised a new way of investigating the nature and component of the state. By inventing the concept of Governmentality, Foucault represents the process of affection of mentality upon government’s practices, besides concentrating on governmental practices rather than institutions. By this start point, he reveals a transformation in the mentality of government in modern ages which nowadays has became spread in a large scale. As a whole, in Foucault’s view, the state is considered as a construct which, on the one hand, is related to the governmental rationalities (as the intellectual dimension) and, on the other hand, to the art of government (as the Practical dimension). There is no such thing as a state, but there is art of government. Governmental apparatus can be added to this analytical framework (as an Institutional dimension) Originality / Value: Offering a Three-dimensional analysis of the "state" (composed of rationality, practice, institution) on the basis of a critical view, this sort of analysis will be included a wide range of liberal and illiberal governances. This analytical frame work, which is based on an anti-essential vision of the state, is considerably deserved to explain the components of modern state and seems useful in dealing with the problematic of the state in Iran.
Ali khaje Naieni
Abstract
Purpose: The present article is an attempt to describe the elementary forms of policy network in public policy and policy making. Government is actually not the cockpit from which society is governed and that policy making processes rather are generally interplay among various actors. Networks provide ...
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Purpose: The present article is an attempt to describe the elementary forms of policy network in public policy and policy making. Government is actually not the cockpit from which society is governed and that policy making processes rather are generally interplay among various actors. Networks provide platforms where highly interdependent policy actors are contacted and interact frequently to deal with common problems. “The resulting formal and informal interactions have the potential to increase policy effectiveness at less cost than authority-based structural changes arrived at through formal reorganization”. Policy networks are Clusters of actors, each with an interest, or stake in a given policy, and the capacity to determine policy success or failure. The policy network concept is strongly influenced by inter-organizational theory, which stresses actors are dependent on each other because they need each other’s resources to achieve their goals. Policy networks are “relatively stable sets of private and public organizations that negotiate in a horizontal, coordinating manner.” Actors converge around various policy problems and interact through the sharing of information, expertise, and political support. The types of networks that form depend on the balance of political power and resources between private and public actors. Policy network analyses attempts to explain policy development by examining networks of actors concerned with a given policy problem across public and private sectors. Design/Methodology/Approach: Studies of networks had been “guided primarily by two theoretical perspectives: resource dependence and related exchange perspectives. The policy network approach focuses attention on the interaction processes between interdependent actors and the complexity of objectives and strategies as a consequence of that interaction. The functioning of networks can be addressed using this network analytical approach, since we defined functioning as the process by which certain network conditions lead to certain network outcomes. In network analysis, the ‘nodes’ and ‘relations’ - that comprise the network - gets analyzed and explained. Findings: In political science, networks are often interest groups. Public management network researchers have attempted to develop a network management paradigm comparable to the hierarchical organizational authority paradigm of bureaucratic management. There are three main approaches to using the network concept: Policy networks as a specific form of governance, Typologies of network structure in a policy subsystem and Formal network analysis. Network Management is a form of management consisting of coordinating strategies from different participants with varied goals and preferences in regards to a problem/policy measure within an inter-organizational network. Number of actors involved, Complexity of policy networks, Degree that network is self-referential, Absence of conflicts of interest, and the Cost involved affect success . Each of dimensions of policy network performance can be linked to the costs of policy networks. Policy networks goes beyond the one-dimensional new public management conceptualization of performance that focuses on efficiency and effectiveness Originality/Value: To sum up, this essay is an insightful and intuitive one for anybody who wants to ponder on the different and various dimensions of policy network in formulation of policies and policy making.
Mohammad Javad Gholamreza Kashi; Sanaz Karami
Abstract
Purpose: The key problematic of this paper is to reach a solution to link three sources of reproduction of legitimacy in Iran: ancient Iranian tradition (Pre-Islamic), Islamic tradition and modern pattern which is based on people. It’s necessary to propose two presupposition: 1) Dictatorship or ...
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Purpose: The key problematic of this paper is to reach a solution to link three sources of reproduction of legitimacy in Iran: ancient Iranian tradition (Pre-Islamic), Islamic tradition and modern pattern which is based on people. It’s necessary to propose two presupposition: 1) Dictatorship or democracy are contradictory terms to describe surrounding countries. Such dualism of political systems prevents deep understanding of complexities of third world countries (developing countries). In order to better comprehend the circumstances which are neither fully democratic nor dictatorship, western theorists articulate terms such as transient regimes or semi-democratic or quasi-democratic regimes. Such naming again prompts a dualist mentality and centers understanding around the notion that if a country is not totally dictator, it is moving toward a democratic model and will soon be a democratic country. Such dual pattern has led to epistemological problems regarding understanding complicated situation of Islamic countries and therefore it has been difficult to face their problems practically. In fact, in Islamic countries complicated systems of traditional heritage are active and current changes do not mean that these systems are declining or weakening. Nevertheless, democratic and modern institutions exist too. Design/Methodology/Approach: The approach to this paper is that we need to follow names that are situated outside such dualisms and hence we have chosen the term “Hybrid Regimes”. In hybrid order we are faced with institutions and arrangements that are conformed to democratic patterns and are legitimized through peoples’ votes. At the same time, there are institutions that are legitimized through tradition, culture and history. 2) Often this question is raised that what are hybrid regimes’ legitimization patterns. We argue that legitimization pattern as a theoretical action contains logical cohesion and follows a theoretical foundation, but in practice politically based systems draw legitimation from different sources and therefore practical patterns of reproduction of legitimacy has always been hybrid. But unfortunately in the context of political conflicts, to vilify and ostracize the rival, actors have followed the logic of theory rather than committing to practical necessitates. Regarding the above prerequisites we will tend to the current problem of legitimization in Iran which relates to people as fundamental foundation of modern legitimization and to Islamic-Iranian heritage. In intellectual and political struggles of last one hundred years, we have faced many narratives of legitimacy which have prioritized one of three resources of legitimacy and through rejection of others have created gaps in political arena. Is it possible to embrace all various legitimization foundations in politics of Iran in an organizing pattern without marginalizing any of these resources? Finding: In this paper we show that both Iranian and Islamic heritage of political theory are apt for believe in people as legitimization force, but based on Iranian narrative, role of the people is defined as a particularistic system and cannot occur in a national arena. In Islamic tradition, peoples’ role is seen as universal. But in contrast to Iranian tradition, Islamic tradition accepts a conservative non-idealistic role of people. Originality/Value: The result of this paper is new. This paper studies the possibility of mixing these two traditions, assuming that the mixture of these two traditions can reach to a modern legitimization pattern that draws from both Iranian and Islamic traditions.
Ali Morshedizad; Saleh Zamani
Abstract
Purpose:The main goal of this article is to provide an answer to the question as to why the second Pahlavi government became vulnerable and paved the path for the Islamic revolution. Moreover, this article tries to evaluate the political behavior of the Shah with structural and state-oriented responses. ...
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Purpose:The main goal of this article is to provide an answer to the question as to why the second Pahlavi government became vulnerable and paved the path for the Islamic revolution. Moreover, this article tries to evaluate the political behavior of the Shah with structural and state-oriented responses. The other goal is providing an ‘analysis model’ for social and political scholars in order to apply it in terms of comparative studies with other cases of revolutions/quasi revolutions which are similar to sociopolitical context of Iran. Design/Methodology/Approach: The main methodological strategy of this article is qualitative approach and historical studies. In reaction to the “why” question of regime collapse, three structural hypotheses /answers will be mentioned which demonstrate the mechanisms through which the ancient regime became vulnerable. The first hypothesis is related to the sultanistic nature of the Pahlavi government. The second hypothesis is seeking to consider the rentier nature of government and its mechanisms which stem from beingas other reason of vulnerability. The third hypothesis presents foreign pressures and decreasing of United States supports than the Shah’s government. The combination of these answers to the problem of vulnerability puts forth a relative comprehensive analysis model which can explain some aspects of state’s ineffectiveness in the second Pahlavi era. Findings:The historical review of the most significant sociopolitical events during 1941-1979 shows that the Pahlavi government experienced the process of vulnerability through sultanism, rentierism and dependency to the United States. Actually, the state vulnerability on the one hand resulted from extension of the Shah despotic power, personal authority, and corruption of his relatives as well as lack of rule of law and on the other hand, depended on the autonomy of state from social classes, establishment of one party system, and extension of patronage policy. The crisis of decrease in President Carter’s support and his pressures in terms of human rights in Iran was the last factor which accelerated the process of vulnerability and approached the Shah into vulnerability. According to these findings, the proposed model, structurally, is capable to explain the reasons of Pahlavi regime overthrowing. Originality/Value: With regards to the most important sociological and political sciences on the studies of Islamic Revolution in Iran, this article is taken account as a new step and insight for multi factors understanding of Pahlavi government’s vulnerability. Although some scholars considered the reasons and roots of the Shah’s vulnerability in light of variety of factors, the presented structural/state-oriented model and combinational hypothesis in this article can enrich the literature of sociopolitical research on Islamic Revolution studies.
