Hossien Salimi
Abstract
Purpose: Since the time that all social phenomena and political interactions of man formed in the framework of new nation-states and social and cultural identities defined in this new framework, notwithstanding much emphasis on the idea of peace and its value and significance, indeed the bloodiest and ...
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Purpose: Since the time that all social phenomena and political interactions of man formed in the framework of new nation-states and social and cultural identities defined in this new framework, notwithstanding much emphasis on the idea of peace and its value and significance, indeed the bloodiest and the most widespread wars of history takes place in this era and by modern nation-states. This paper seeks to answer this fundamental question that, has violence and conflict been an essential element of modern nation-state? Answering this question is important because if violence and conflict in international politics rooted in nature and foundation of modern nation-state then achieving stability and peace is possible only through changing the function of this institution or replacing it with alternative institutions.Design/Methodology/Approach: Method of this research is explanatory. In order to answering this question in the format of a theoretical research, at first classical definitions of concept of nation-state will be discussed; then historical context and basis of formation of nation-state will be elucidated and in the end the fundamental dimensions of violence and conflict in modern nation-state will be discussed in the thought of five great thinkers in this field (Bodin, Hobbs, Rousseau, Hegel and Weber). This is a theoretical research that both attempts to survey classical theories in the field of studies on state and conflict and also historical studies on international relations. Also this research is based on a normative and critical approach regarding mainstream theories and those which defend status quo.Findings: This research concludes that despite of pervasive known ideas and values about peace in modern era, nation-state as a modern institution of political power contains a kind of organized violence which in its classical form reproduces it. In other words widespread violence in contemporary history of humanity somehow rooted in this modern institution. Monopoly in use of force, military power and exerting organized violence in the context of conceptualization of sovereignty alongside not recognizing an upper authority in international level and rejection of ethical commitments in modern culture of international relations as a general norm, made out breaking violent conflicts in the face of sharp conflicts and disagreements inevitable. Therefore it seems that in the course of global upheavals, establishing peace is possible only through fundamental change in the functions of modern state.Originality/Value: Hitherto peace studies have always paid particular attention to the category of state and sovereignty. But through combining theoretical and historical approaches this research presents a new attitude to this category. Also explicit results of this research is that maintaining present conditions of modern institution of nation-state made realization of peace impossible; therefore conclusions of this research can be a new window in literature of peace studies specially in the context of Iranian peace studies.
Sajjad Sattari
Abstract
The present article is an attempt to describe the elementary forms of petro-life in the Middle East. I have tried to provide the readers, as far as possible, with a coherent theoretical framework about Middle East petro-societies by formulating “Hydrocarbonism” (as an alternative approach ...
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The present article is an attempt to describe the elementary forms of petro-life in the Middle East. I have tried to provide the readers, as far as possible, with a coherent theoretical framework about Middle East petro-societies by formulating “Hydrocarbonism” (as an alternative approach to Rentierism) and by proposing a series of new concepts such as “Hydrocarbonic Man and Society, Hydrocarbonic Mode of Production, Quasi-Market, Middle Eastern State of Nature, Welfare Technocracy, Rent Wishing Syndrom, Social-X-Factor, Middle Eastern Social Contract, and Tax Leviathan”.These concepts have had a central position in my perception of life of mind and living experience of human beings in the Middle East petro-societies. By proposing these concepts in the political economy and political sociology of Middle East, I wish to answer the fundamental question of “How can we understand the nature and the work procedure of Middle East petro-societies and the elementary forms of life inside them?.” In this regard, I have presented five basic arguments as follows:First of all; “Tradition, Petroleum and Quasi-Market” are a unified totality and the main sources of transition in the Middle East petro-societies from “Hydraulic Mode of Production” in Pre-Capitalist era to a “Hydrocarbonic Mode of Production” in twentieth century. These three inseparable sources, above all, have influenced the life of mind and the living experience of man in the Middle East petro-societies more than any other factor. Such resources as tradition, petroleum and quasi-market have given a particular feature to these societies which comprises a special internal dynamism to which are added their own content and values.Second, we can assume the endless unity of “Tradition, Petroleum and Quasi-Market” as a sort of “Middle Eastern State of Nature” which underlies establishment of a “Welfare Technocracy” (potent or impotent) in these hydrocarbonic societies. In such a condition, elites of power take advantage of welfare technocracy in order to continuously purchase political goods from social markets, an action which consequently ends in manipulation and distortion of “income, consumption and political life” in their own social context.Third, the result of this “Middle Eastern State of Nature” is the passivity of human subject due to his weakness and benefit at the same time and this State of Nature solves constantly “dilemma of reproduction” of established paradigms of power in these societies.Fourth, inability of welfare technocracy in the ongoing generation of “social-X-factor” gradually led to extreme alienation, decline of all forms of capital and finally, decrease in “sustainable economic growth along with embedded political development” in these societies.Fifth, moving towards a kind of “Middle Eastern Social Contract” and establishing a “Tax Leviathan” is a passing prerequisite, however, it is difficult and complicated for the Middle East hydrocarbonic societies. They have to leave their own specific state of nature and move towards their own especial social state.In order to understand the nature, work procedure and elementary forms of life in the Middle East hydrocarbonic societies, I have focused on these societies in their specific historical horizon and their own social context. I have also tried to reconstruct the experience of hydrocarbonic human via empathetic experience of his world-life.Accordingly, in the first section of the article, while describing the insufficiency of Rentisism literature, I present the “Hydrocarbonism” as an alternative approach. In the second part, I define the hydrocarbonic human and society as well as hydrocarbonic mode of production and I explain the historical process of constructing Hydrocarbonism in the Middle East petro-societies. In the third section, I focus on the causes of permanent unity and alloy-type mixture of “tradition, petroleum and quasi-market” and have described how to turn it to a kind of “state of nature” in the Middle East hydrocarbonic societies. In the fourth part, I explain the logic behind establishing welfare technocracy and its instrumental nature in the Middle East hydrocarbonic societies. In the fifth section, I elaborate the passivity of hydrocarbonic human due to his simultaneous weaknesses and benefits. In the sixth section, I explain the life of mind and the living experience of man in the Middle East hydrocarbonic societies. In the seventh part, I focus on the internal contradictions of these societies and at the end, I describe the necessity of moving towards a kind of “Middle Eastern social contract” and establishing a “tax Leviathan” in the Middle East hydrocarbonic societies.
Abolfazl Delavari
Abstract
Purpose: Political instability is an issue that has always been attracted attention rulers and scholars. in recent decades to research on this subject has been developed. In Iran, the studies and researches on this topic are increasingly expending. However, this studies and research are not yet accurate ...
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Purpose: Political instability is an issue that has always been attracted attention rulers and scholars. in recent decades to research on this subject has been developed. In Iran, the studies and researches on this topic are increasingly expending. However, this studies and research are not yet accurate and methodically adequate. In additional, descriptive and explanatory theoretical framework or model that applied in this research are very old and inappropriate. For example, in most of these studies Saunders model used to belong to 197o. However, in recent decades has been occurred Significant changes in the socio - political sphere and patterns of political instability in the world. In addition, after revolutionary Iran's political opening and complicated political conflicts have increased the need for this type of studies. This paper is based on the premise that systematic and exact study of political instability require critical encounter with existing literature and to rethink the concepts, indicators, model and tools of measurement and analysis. Therefore the purpose of this article is to describe aspects of political instability.Design/Methodology/Approach: In this article in one hand criticized the concepts and indicators of political instability based on the inductive model (Ideal Type of political stability and instability). On the other hand, attempted to provide clarified concepts and useful indicators for assessing political instability based on the evidences of recent changes in the internal and external political environment. Therefore, in this Article we useful both axiomatic and Quasi experimental Methods.Findings: In this article, distinction political instability from synonym concept and categories such as political dynamic, political changes, political disorder, and political collapse. This article shows that a comprehensive and updated descriptive model of political instability must to be contains not only the indicators of of challenges and changes in Government and political regime but also political leaders and actors Such as rapid changes in political norms, attitudes and policies. Also in this model political instabilities have been separated and classified based on criteria such as type (violent or nonviolent), source (internal or external of polity or country) and target (structures or norms or actors or policies) of destabilizing evidences. And in measurement of level and dimensions of political instability we must attention on severity, extent. and frequency of destabilizing events.Originality/Value: This article concluded that political instability has both objective and subjective aspect. In measuring and explaining of political instability we must consider both of objective factors (such as political perceptions and culture, historical backgrounds and experiences of the political actors) and subjective factor (such as socio economic cleavage and political conflict) . We also must consider the changes and processes such as globalization, virtualization and mediatization of politics.
Aramesh Shahbazi
Abstract
The discipline of political science has developed many international legal principles, norms, concepts, agreements, and institutions in realm of contemporary international law. One of the key issues regarding the technique and the structure of this evolution is the mutual interrelation between philosophy, ...
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The discipline of political science has developed many international legal principles, norms, concepts, agreements, and institutions in realm of contemporary international law. One of the key issues regarding the technique and the structure of this evolution is the mutual interrelation between philosophy, law, society and political science. Meanwhile, reassessment and reconsideration of the theories of the philosophers and political thinkers could be an important vehicle to elaborate on the concepts and to provide the logical justifications and legal backgrounds of the phenomena. In this era, the classic form of State in International law as a complicated concept has been always at the center of the debates. The Montevideo convention (1933) has defined the rights and duties of states. It sets out the four criteria for States such as a permanent population; a defined territory; government; and also capacity to enter into relations with the other states. Yet it is believed that these factors originally refer to the legality of the states, while States are often assumed to be legitimized by value judgments of international community as a whole. Likewise, the concept of responsibility to protect, as a controversial occurrence in international environment, especially at the time of international or domestic conflicts, has created various arguments in both aspects of legality and legitimacy. The former refers to some declarations issued by competence international legal organizations such as the United Nations and the latter refers to admiration and acceptance by international community above all, including the States. The purpose of this paper is to securitize the concept of state and the notion of responsibility to protect by taking a look at Foucault’s thought and also to provide a context in which the mutual interrelations of international law and political thoughts could be emphasized.The first chapter of this article answers the questions concerning the importance of Foucault’s idea in international law and the ways his proposals could elaborate some evolutions in this matter, such as modern States and responsibility to protect. Chapter II examines the concepts has already been examined in the practice of international actors especially States. It also considers the legality and legitimacy of both concepts by way of analogy. The final chapter brings together the Foucault’s thought outlined in Chapter I and the International legal facts set out in Chapter II. It also discusses the relevance and the possibility of a context in which law and political thoughts could be closed.The rise of what Foucault calls as bio- power does not lead to eradication of the concept of law or result in ignorance of the concept of state in general. In Foucault’s thought the concept of State in a modern society has been changed. Consequently both legality and legitimacy could be the considered as important factors for modern States. On the other hand, the notion of responsibility to protect is also a new conception. Likewise, the legality and legitimacy of this concept could be found in international legal instruments and also in the practice and the confidence of international actors including States.
Salman Sadeghi Zadeh
Abstract
Purpose: Nation state is a newly-constructed institution established in the wake of United States declaration of independence and has been spreading all over the world in recent centuries. But nowadays nation-state is in retreat and this is the main problem that this article aims to address. In fact, ...
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Purpose: Nation state is a newly-constructed institution established in the wake of United States declaration of independence and has been spreading all over the world in recent centuries. But nowadays nation-state is in retreat and this is the main problem that this article aims to address. In fact, nation state causes the rudimentary development of globalization but paradoxically as globalization started to spread out nation state was the first victim of its dominance. The main purpose of this article is to analyze the nature and process of this evolution and to try to find inevitably effective elements form which blowing out of the nation state is rooted. So in forthcoming debates, we will analyze the different dimensions of the issue.Design/Methodology/Approach: Generally speaking, this essay deals with the issue from a historical point of view and with analyzing different aspects effective in the process tries not to be reductive and unilateral. Along with its historical approach this essay remains mainly descriptive especially in explicating the fundamental independent variables which are playing the role in a mutual complementary manner. Although, the globalization may have nothing to do with nation state directly, it affects the exacerbating situation of national state on a regular basis through its forces. The essay introduces the four independent variables and one dependent variable. The four independent variables include cosmopolitanism, international organizations and regimes, unleashed market and newly-arisen identities and the independent variable is nothing but weakening situation of an entity called national state.Findings: First and foremost, cosmopolitanism is of paramount significance. We can conceive of cosmopolitanism as an ideology which is in full contrast with nationalism. In fact, nationalism which is being replaced by cosmopolitanism apace and swiftly lies mainly on national individual. Cosmopolitanism instead of focusing on national identity focuses mainly on global and universal features and weakens the national portrait of human being by displaying it as a supra-national entity. By this way the infrastructure on which the ideology of nationalism is erected will be faltered. Another variable is empowering the international bodies which could lead to more marginalization of national states. In this case, the UN organization is of the most importance and can see easily its power and ability to limit some actions of national states. The third variable is free and unleashed market which also has the same role especially because it makes national borders more vulnerable and penetrable. From twenty century on we observe the ever increasing development of international market all over the world. It is a fact that many activities of international companies are out of the hands of governments. The last but not the least variable is newly-arising identities among which looming new diasporic communities are of the essence.Originality/Value: To sum up, this essay is an insightful and intuitive one for anybody who wants to ponder on the different and various dimensions of globalization and its main results especially for national state. In fact, by analyzing the four prior variables readers could intuitively foresee the future of the national state in the age of globalization.
Ahmad Khaleghi Damghani; Hamid Malekzade
Abstract
For centuries one of the most important issues studied by philosophers and political theorists relating to the concept of state should be investigated in relation with the matter of education and politics. This issue has been, in a way, the first theoretical conjuncture regarding the politics in the ...
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For centuries one of the most important issues studied by philosophers and political theorists relating to the concept of state should be investigated in relation with the matter of education and politics. This issue has been, in a way, the first theoretical conjuncture regarding the politics in the ancient Greek, and studying state and related issued is still of much importance; this is up to the point which every question regarding the quiddity of state, politics, and concepts where these notions necessitate is the question on the qualities related to the education in a political society. In another words, every form of political dominance is directly related to the claims regarding state’s intervention in existing educational procedures in a society. I begin this article by an explanation on the quiddity of politics and also the relationship of politics to each one of us as its main subjects. Accordingly, I will try to explain the way what is known as community beyond the state is formed, as bedrock consisted of, in a way, spontaneous people, and the intervention of politics to orient this spontaneous being togetherness regarding authorities special recalling. At the end of this article, I will explain that why we should consider education as the most justifying factor of different forms of political authority, and a main factor in interventionist claims of the state in public daily life. This article is a discussion on political ontology which investigates the way ontological coordinates of politics take shape. The latter claim should be studied in relation to which relationship the authors of this article make between the meaning and politics. In a more accurate way for us, and regarding Edmund Husserl’s literature, meaning is politics objectivity. A space where everything in it, everything becomes political, is at last the meaning. It’s the very point where the study of power becomes a subordinate study. In order to explain this issue, we have provided a detailed discussion on political ontology of Carl Schmitt, Chantal Mouffe and Jacques Lacan. We hope this study can identify motif (origins) of the concept of the political, and after the conclusion it can show how education, fantasy in Zizek’s reading of Lacan, can provide the bedrock for special horizontal facilities in order to uncover the world, meaning in Husserl’s words, and through which it provides the antagonism (in Schmitt and Mouffe’s words). Through the use of possibility of shaping an inter-subjective and spontaneous understanding through the reductive actions of pure egos to the world (Husserl), we were interested to show that there is a form of being among each-otherness regarding the meaning that the main invigorator of antagonist identities in inter-subjectivity is imaginable without state’s intervention and politics. In this regard we’ve tried to consider the politics an objective issue (in a Hegelian sense) that takes the place of an external intervener confronting the reductive spontaneous-ness of the inter-subjectivity.
Masoud Ghafari; Fariba Tarjoman
Abstract
Purpose: The present study aims to investigate the relationship between inefficient bureaucracy and specialists’ exit from Iran in the ninth and tenth government time period as the main question of the research in the framework of this hypothesis that bureaucratic inefficiency in Iran is one of ...
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Purpose: The present study aims to investigate the relationship between inefficient bureaucracy and specialists’ exit from Iran in the ninth and tenth government time period as the main question of the research in the framework of this hypothesis that bureaucratic inefficiency in Iran is one of the factors influencing specialists’ exit. Studying the key elements of the bureaucracy based on legal-rational authority in combination with the characteristics of efficient and inefficient governments and the theory of attraction and repulsion can be an appropriate criterion in this study to show how the government can exclude itself from the faction of inefficient government and make itself closer to efficient government by reducing their roles and attracting skilled and capable persons. In this way, the government helps to reduce the specialists’ exit from the country and finally provide development.Design/Methodology/Approach: Generally, the government role in developing mentioned viewpoints is placed in two groups. First, individuals who believe in minor role of the government and emphasize on the society and its role; and individuals who believe in major role of the government and emphasize on the government as the main body of the development. Peter Owens is placed in the second group and defines two categories of ineffective and effective governments. On the other hand, since the formation of the modern government and bureaucracy in Iran, it was inefficient. The methodology used in this study is "institutionalist".Findings: The results show that Ahmadinejad government is categorized in the group of inefficient countries, with inefficient administrative structures. It didn’t have the power of long-term goals in order to have operational development programs. It had failed to act going beyond short-term interests of in-power political groups, and hasn’t been able to create the necessary stability in the social and economic space for attracting attention of new professionals and entrepreneurs or putting them in the direction of determined targets. Since achieving profitability is the most important motivation of the professionals and entrepreneurs in the private sector, and of the all economic actors outside the government to participate in development projects, it can be seen that the ninth and tenth government, because of increasing of their roles in the form of bureaucracy, becomes the largest competitor in the private sector. To the extent that the government capacity to make maximum use power and expertise of entrepreneurs and competent human resources to advance the development agenda has been reduced. And this caused to the loss of legitimacy and government efficiency near professionals and entrepreneurs groups and finally, caused to the indiscriminate leaving of experts and efficient staff from the country.Originality/Value: This study can provide a theoretical framework to examine the impact of the failure of the consolidated government forces in other. On this basis we can determine the relationship between the solutions necessary to reduce the exit of specialists from Iran at any returns when presented .This could be effective step towards development.
