Behnam Medi
Abstract
In recent Iranian intellectual space, some thinkers of political thought and jurisprudence (in particular the late Dr. Davood Feirahi) have believed that Iran’s situation in Islamic world is similar to and comparable with England in Europe and Christian world. That's because Iran is a Muslim country ...
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In recent Iranian intellectual space, some thinkers of political thought and jurisprudence (in particular the late Dr. Davood Feirahi) have believed that Iran’s situation in Islamic world is similar to and comparable with England in Europe and Christian world. That's because Iran is a Muslim country yet at the same time a Shi'ite one and England in Europe is a Christian yet at the time an Anglican one. On the other hand, they have believed that the situation and the political project of John Locke in England is similar to and comparable with the situation and the political project of Allameh Mohammad Hossein Naeini in contemporary Iran. That's also because both of them tried to defend freedom and democracy on the basis of a religious ground, that means the holy text. And both of them had religious opponents (Sheiq Fazlollah Nuri and Robert Filmer). Therefore, the quarrel for democracy and freedom at the time of John Locke and Allameh Mohammad Hossein Naeini was a religious one. That means it was religion against religion, both authoritarianism and democracy was based on different accounts and interpretation of the hole text. Hence, in Iran Feirahi believed that secularism isn't our real problem but the problem is religious accounts of authoritarianism and democracy. He believed that the path of democracy passes through a democratic account of religion. Here, what he called as modern theology can make sense.The main concern of the present article is to evaluate this claim. Is Shi'ite Islam is comparable with Christianity and Anglicanism in particular? What are the differences? At least we know the Constitutionalism movement in Iran came to a different conclusion than the Constitutionalism movement. In Iran, only after two decades after the Constitutionalism revolution an authoritarianist government came to power and it can be said that Rezakhan destroyed democracy. The main subject of my essay is Law but not any kind of Law (Natural Law, Religious Law, etc.). It is only governmental law or human Law. What is created by man and in particular by a government. In order to evaluate the aforementioned claim and what people like Feirahi said I chose the concept of law and on the other hand I tried to study the concept in the context of the two important treatises of these two thinkers; the second treatise of John Locke on Government and Mohammad Hossein Naeini’s Tanbih o lommah va Tanzih o lmellah. It should be added that Law is very important for these two. Locke defines political power on the basis of Law. For Locke, that's Law which draws a distinction between a state of war and a political state. For Naeini, Law is an alternative for ismah (innocence) of imam at the time of qeibah (absence of imam).It should be noticed that Law in Iran was a goal that so many people had tried the achieve. One the main aims of the Constitutionalism revolution was to create Law and to limit and control the behavior of the governors on the basis of Law. So, the essay studied different aspects of the question of law in the project of those two thinkers (Naeini and Locke) and what the said in their most important treatises (Tanbih o lommah va Tanzih o lmellah of Mohammad Hossein Naeini and John Locke’s Second Treatise on Government). This study is a part of a wider research, which tried to find the basis of such comparison. My methodological approach in present essay is an interpretive-comparative one. That means that I tried to interpret both texts from the viewpoint of Law and after that and the same time I tried to compare the two texts. The present essay is divided in different parts. First, I studied the foundation of Law in the two treatises (a metaphorical one and a normative one). Then I wrote about the limitations of Law for Locke and Naeini. For Locke and Naeine there two different kinds of limitations. Locke limits Law by Natural Law or Natural Rights and the contents of the very basic contract between people and the governors. On the other side. Naeini limits Law by Shari'ah and the contents of the very basic contract between people and the governors. Then I talked about the Legislative Power (Parliament of Majlis). Here I studied the position of the the Legislative Power and its conditions. And in the end, I wrote about the goal or aim law, what Law tries to achieve. Here I pointed to the relations between public good and its relation with consent. In the final analysis, the present research shows that in spite of some similarities, there are fundamental differences between John Locke and Naeini, which cannot and should not be overlooked. I believed that the proponents of the claim are ignorant of the differences. Such ignorance twists our system of thinking more and creates more problems.
Abolfazl Delavari
Abstract
Problem: The continuation and increasing intensification of the Contentious politics in contemporary Iran, which is an endless revolutions chain, coups, movements, uprisings, and political rebellions, have shown questions about the grounds and roots of this type of politics. In existing studies, the ...
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Problem: The continuation and increasing intensification of the Contentious politics in contemporary Iran, which is an endless revolutions chain, coups, movements, uprisings, and political rebellions, have shown questions about the grounds and roots of this type of politics. In existing studies, the roots of political conflicts in Iran have been attributed either to the state or social cleavages. As far as the role of the state is concerned, it is usually focused on its structural aspects. This article omits the discussion about the structure of the state and focuses only on the functioning of the stateQuestion: The question of the article is: What is the relationship between the continuation and intensification of Contentious politics in contemporary Iran with the practical priorities and orientations of the state in different periods of the contemporary Iranian history?Hypothesis: The hypothesis of the article is that the continuation and intensification of the Contentious politics has been caused by the imbalances and crises caused by the practical priorities and orientations of the state in different periods of contemporary Iranian history. Method: In this article, the method of secondary analysis of historical data is used. Based on the data available in the historical sources, first, the process of the state's performance and priorities in different periods of contemporary history have been identified. Second, the process of accumulation of conflicts and conflicts arising from these performance and priorities has been shown. Third, the relationship between the two mentioned trends is shown. Finally, by using the "ideal type" method, an attempt has been made to design and present a model of the state, which seems to be able to reverse the process of conflict politics in Iran and lead to reconciliation politics.Findings: The findings of the research indicate that over the last two centuries, five different models of state (in terms of orientation and performance) have been effective, which are: self-rebuilding state, nation-building state, developmental state, redistributor state and expansionist state. Of course, this does not mean that the ruling states have only one of these functions at any time; Rather, there has often been some kind of overlap in two or three functions, but at each point, one orientation and function has been the priority and focus of the state's attention. "Self-rebuilding state" appeared in a defective and discrete form during the Qajar era, but in a serious and effective way in the first decade of Reza shah’s rule (1921-40). The "nation-building state" also emerged weakly in the years after the constitutional movement, but seriously and effectively in the last decade of the Reza shah’s rule (1931-41). "Developmental state" emerged faintly in the second decade of Reza shah’s rule (1931-41), and seriously and effectively in the last fifteen years of Mohammad Reza shah’s rule (1962-78), and in the years after The Islamic revolution also took place in some periods such as the presidency of Rafsanjani (1989-96). The "redistributive state" appeared faintly in the last fifteen years of Mohammad Reza shah’s rule (1962-78) and more seriously and effectively in the first decade after the Islamic revolution (1979-88). Finally, the "expansionist state" appeared first in the last years of Mohammad Reza King’s rule (1973-78) and then more seriously and widely in the years after the revolution, especially in the last two decades (2001-2022).Analysis and Discussion: The analysis of the findings of the article showed that: in each of these five models of state, although they had some progress in realizing their main goals and priorities, but in addition to the historical delay in the desired orientation, there were failures in the same orientation. Selecting of the orientations have resulted of disproportionate strategies and policies by each of these states has also created new problems, conflicts and criticisms. In other words, the five patterns of the state have created a vicious cycle of crises, conflicts, instabilities and political violence and a chain of interruptions and breaks in the process of political, social and economic developments and It has resulted in the accumulation of crises in today’s Iran.Conclusion: The results of the article showed that the way out of the current state of Iran is the establishment of a state Patterns that can be called a "conciliatory state". Such a state must first of all emerge from within a comprehensive social contract. Then, based on democratic and efficient institutional arrangements and a coherent legal system, the main priority and goal should be to solve the conflicts affecting the country. This state should accept pluralism and competitive mechanisms in different political, economic, social and cultural fields. This state instead of authoritarian interventions in different fields, should be the guardian of territorial integrity and people's security, and only where the competitive mechanisms face problems with inadequacies and conflict of interest, it should intervene in the framework of democratic laws and mechanisms to compensate for, settle differences and conflicts Resolution, and establish and reproduce social balance and political stability.
Seyed Jalalaldin Faraji
Abstract
Today, the rapid growth of cities and massive migrations towards them has resulted in wide cultural diversity in urban environments, and this issue has made the local governments who are responsible for the management of cities face a serious problem, that is why the management a city in big cities will ...
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Today, the rapid growth of cities and massive migrations towards them has resulted in wide cultural diversity in urban environments, and this issue has made the local governments who are responsible for the management of cities face a serious problem, that is why the management a city in big cities will no longer be able to achieve success with the traditional and usual methods of the past in providing one-way services. For this reason, management science theorists believe that management theories and paradigms should be used to manage cities as best as possible, one of which is quantum management.The general purpose of the current research is to investigate the causal relationships between the variables of quantum management and the components of smart governance of urban culture, so the research is applied in terms of its purpose and descriptive in terms of the method of data collection. To achieve this goal, two methods of thematic analysis and fuzzy Delphi have been used. The practical tool for data collection was a structured and semi-structured questionnaire, and data analysis using the fuzzy Delphi method showed that among the seven skills of quantum management, quantum feeling has the least effect, while quantum existence and quantum action have the highest effect. It has an impact on the smart governance of urban culture in the management of local governments.Research MethodologySince the purpose of the research is to investigate the role of quantum management in moving towards the smart governance of urban culture; therefore, the research is applied in terms of purpose and descriptive in terms of gathering information of the survey type. In the meantime, library and field methods have been used together to collect data. It is based on the field method of structured interviews and the selection of scientific and executive experts has been done using the snowball method. This method is especially used when it is difficult for the researcher to know the right people (Benis, 2004). Based on this, 16 experts were selected for interview. In this way, 9 university professors and 7 executive experts active in the field of culture and urban management were interviewed. The interviews continued until theoretical saturation was reached. In fact, no new material was recorded from the 13th interview onwards, but for more certainty, three more interviews were conducted to saturate the theory. From the point of view of data analysis, thematic analysis and fuzzy Delphi method have been used. In this way, the primary data was collected and organized using thematic analysis method, and in the next step, the data was evaluated using the fuzzy Delphi method. The fuzzy Delphi method was invented by Kaufman and Gupta in the 1980s (Cheng and Lin quoted by Jafari and Montazer, 2016). The application of this method in order to make decisions and reach consensus on issues where the goals and parameters are not clearly defined, leads to very valuable results. One of the biggest advantages of the fuzzy Delphi technique compared to the traditional Delphi technique for screening indicators is that one step can be used to summarize and screen the variables (Habibi et al., quoted by Rahdari and Nasr, 2016).ConclusionIn general, in this article, using thematic analysis and fuzzy Delphi method, and using the views of selected experts, the influence of quantum management indicators on the components of smart governance of urban culture was discussed, and finally, according to the results obtained from Among the 28 proposed indicators, 15 have had a great impact on the smart governance components of urban culture, which have received a de-fuzzified average tolerance threshold higher than 0.7, and they are:The effect of quantum operation on electronic democracyThe impact of quantum action on CI strategyThe effect of quantum presence on behavioral skillsThe effect of quantum presence on CI consciousnessThe effect of quantum existence on electronic democracyThe impact of quantum thinking on CI strategyThe effect of quantum view on the knowledge of cultural intelligenceEffect of quantum gaze on CI behavioral skillsThe effect of quantum trust on the knowledge of cultural intelligenceImpact of quantum trust on CI strategyImpact of quantum trust on public expenditure on ICT premisesand expansion of ICT and online public services and website accessThe effect of quantum thinking on the development of ICTThe effect of quantum cognition on CI consciousnessThe effect of quantum cognition on CI strategyThe effect of quantum cognition on the knowledge of cultural intelligence According to the findings, it has been concluded that among the seven quantum management skills of managers, the quantum feeling skill has less impact on the intelligent governance of urban culture in multicultural cities than the other 6 skills. This is despite the fact that quantum existence and quantum action had the highest impact on the intelligent governance of urban culture. Therefore, the growth and development of any city affected by the view of city managers with a quantum approach can lead to many developments in the field of smartening cities and moving towards smart governance of urban culture in local governments.
Mohsen Abbaszadeh Marzbali
Abstract
As one of the most visible aspects of political life in recent years, the populist rises imply the ‘crisis of representation’ that means the existing institutional mechanism of representative democracy is ineffective in representing the variety of social demands. While this situation, according ...
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As one of the most visible aspects of political life in recent years, the populist rises imply the ‘crisis of representation’ that means the existing institutional mechanism of representative democracy is ineffective in representing the variety of social demands. While this situation, according to the liberal democratic approach, warns of the revival of mass society and new versions of authoritarianism, the radical democratic approach considers it a possibility to retrieve democracy. Which variables determine the contending evaluations of the impact of populism on democracy? The present paper presupposes that the contending evaluations are driven by different conceptions of the principal constituent of democracy (rule of law or general will?) and the populism entity (a manner of governance or a movement constructing collective will?). Given the postulates of the contending democratic theories (liberal and radical), the paper hypothesizes that evaluating the effects of populism on democracy depends on the way of interaction of some variables: a) the content of the populist discourse (egalitarian articulation of plural demands or discriminatory one?); b) the context in which the populist movement arises (democratic structure of opportunity or authoritarian one?) c) the mutual strategy of political actors whether from opposition or in position ones (the connection between street politics and institutional one or disconnection?). Taking advantage of the contending democratic theories (liberal and radical) in a combinative theoretical framework, the paper attempts to justify the hypothesis by highlighting the fact that both democratic theories are built on one aspect of the conception of democratic order. Marking the elements such as individual subjectivity, rationality, the rule of law, pluralism, etc. as characteristics of democratic order, a liberal democratic approach considers populist popular and exclusionary (i.e., determined by populists’ particular definition of the people) orientation as a threat to democracy. It is because such orientation restricts public debates and leads to weakening democratic institutions, the opposition’s rights, and the plurality of society. On the contrary, the radical democratic approach points to the significance of the populist mobilization for the democratization of status quo democracies owing to re-politicization of the issues neglected by the sovereign elite, provided that to articulate accumulated demands around a democratic egalitarian nodal point. Such evaluation emanates from the fact that this approach identifies democracy with collective subjectivity, general will, participation, and so on. It seems that a non-paradoxical and justifiable reference to both the above-mentioned approach in an analysis of the effect of populism on democracy entails taking their different concentrations into account. It means ‘populism-in-power’ (as a way of governance) puts the structural foundations of democracy in danger and facilitates the emergence of authoritarianism due to its anti-institutionalism, anti-pluralism, and tendency to mass politics. It is whilst, in the status of ‘opposition’ (a mobilizing movement), populism might be an opportunity to revive democratic politics. This argument resorts to the action of constructing a new collective will, in populist strategies of mobilizations, which reveals shortages of representative systems such as the monopoly of a minority, technocratic elitism, and so on. Nevertheless, the actualization of the progressive effects of the populist movements on democracy depends heavily on the interaction of variables which are as follows. a) If the populist discourse articulates accumulated social demands around a democratic egalitarian will, then the populist moment (as the moment of crisis in a representative democracy) can be of progressive connotations for democracy-deepening. Conversely, discriminatory articulation (like racist or class populism) paves the way for authoritarianism. Hence in terms of democratization and de-democratization, various populisms can be imagined; ranging from democratic populism to authoritarian, leftist to far-right. b) Realization of the above-mentioned progressive version of populism depends on the ‘democratic structure of political opportunity’. The possibility of mobilization by democratic egalitarian populism is only imaginable where the rules of the democratic competition are guaranteed. In other words, if there is no equal and fair opportunity to declare the policies in electoral campaigns and implement them after taking into power, then there can be just governmental types of populism that mobilize the mass for advocating governmental policies and decisions. Here, populism appears in its authoritarian face in a mass society. c) The third variable is the strategy that political actors of both realms, movement, and institution, in a political structure adapt. If the populist movement ties its street activism with institutional bargaining (e.g. by resorting to parliamentary parties) and, mutually, the government opens up the policy-making input to populist demands (rather than rejecting them), then the rise of a democratic egalitarian populist movement might result in democracy- deepening. Otherwise, populism can bring about some contending de-democratizing mass mobilizations, whether in the shape of authoritarian up-to-down governmental populism or fruitless gross-root radical populism. In brief, the paper maintains that by vindicating ‘popular sovereignty’, populism has double-edged effects in terms of weakening or strengthening democracy; ranging from an infertile radicalism leading to authoritarianism to radical reformism containing the possibility of retrieval of democracy. Hence democratic theory needs to develop an order that balances the rule of law and public will as two sides of democracy. It calls for a new social contract based on a balanced relationship between specialism and democratic responsibility. To reach such a situation, more inclusive politics should be targeted by current-day democracies. The key, however, is hearing the demands of populist advocators rather than populist leaders’ programs.
Alireza Koohkan
Abstract
The dynamic and changing politics of the United States have been the focus of political researchers since the beginning of this country. Due to its new construction, the US did not benefit from the requirements of the old countries, hence, the way of its political action was different. Since the U.S. ...
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The dynamic and changing politics of the United States have been the focus of political researchers since the beginning of this country. Due to its new construction, the US did not benefit from the requirements of the old countries, hence, the way of its political action was different. Since the U.S. gained power in the world arena, how government policy is formed in the United States became important for the researchers of international relations. The opinions of prominent scholars show that one of the defensible theories in the political construction of the United States is based on the prominent role of groups in this field. Different groups or more precisely "interest groups" shape and manage all the elements of this policy. These groups are also responsible for the change of the political structure and the direction of internal and external policies. Attributing such importance to interest groups makes it necessary to explain the importance and the function of these groups in policy making in the United States. This issue forms the main structure of this article. Therefore, the main question of this article is why interest groups are important in the political construction of the American government. The current research tries to answer this question based on the opinions of "Arthur Bentley". For this reason, the present article has a theoretical approach and answers a fundamental question in the field of political construction. The correct understanding of the internal dynamism of politics in the United States is based on the correct understanding of this issue, and it is necessary to understand this process in order to change the internal policy of the United States. Bentley's main book called "The Process of Government" was written in the early 20th century. Bentley systematically theorized groups and trends from a political perspective for the first time. Interest groups are deeply rooted in both conflict and compromise over political decisions as well as historical changes in political systems. In order to answer the main question of this article, the materials have been categorized using the qualitative method, comparative research strategy and gathering data from documents and libraries. For this purpose, after a brief explanation about Bentley and his most important book, his views on the importance of interest groups in the political system of the United States are explained. At the end, the criticisms towards this perspective will be explained and the result of this theoretical research will be presented. Research findings show that interest groups act as a link between interests and decision makers. Studies of the policy process show that interest groups often play a central role in setting the government's agenda, options, influencing decisions, and directing the executive branch. In this regard, both the official structures and the informal structures of American politics provide a suitable base for influence groups. One of the features of the American system that increases their influence is the relative weakness of the political parties of the United States, which partly stems from the principle of separation of powers. A second feature of this system that encourages interest groups is the decentralization of political power to states and municipalities, known as a federal system or "federalism." Citizens' associations often begin at local levels in the states and later merge into national organizations. Therefore, decentralization leads to greater diversity and encourages interest groups. As a result, research shows that interest groups, in addition to influencing policy outcomes through direct lobbying, influence political attitudes and behaviors in various ways. Interest groups often respond directly to candidates, policies, or specific initiatives. In other words, while influencing political policies and decisions, interest groups influence the formation of votes and political behaviors of parties and political leaders and react to them.The result of Bentley's theory in foreign policy is interesting. People become politically important only when they are members of a group, and groups become important when they perform activities. But political life is very complicated: There is no man who only is a member of one interest group, and there is no interest group that operates separately from other groups. The alliance between the groups is also very fragile and unstable. No part of the government in the real world of politics is immune from the pressure of different groups and this includes the judicial system and courts. Therefore, according to Bentley, liberal ideas that seek to create departments to pursue public interests and away from the pressure of large and powerful groups are doomed to failure.
Ehsan Mozdkhah; Somayeh Hamidi
Abstract
Diversification of economic models is an Inevitable Necessity for Countries with one-sided political economy. Essentially, economic diversity allows governments to turn threats into opportunities and to use economic variables in the Power manufacturing. For this purpose, one of the countries that has ...
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Diversification of economic models is an Inevitable Necessity for Countries with one-sided political economy. Essentially, economic diversity allows governments to turn threats into opportunities and to use economic variables in the Power manufacturing. For this purpose, one of the countries that has used diversification in the economy in the framework of the knowledge-based economy model is Qatar. Emphasizing the convergence between government, industry and academia in a systemic cycle, the country seeks to increase its political power while changing approach to the hydrocarbon political economy, and as an adaptive actor has multiple options for empowerment and lays the groundwork. Become a modern developmental government. The Purpose of this article is to answer the question to what extent does the knowledge-based economy, as a new and empowering approach to economics and politics, play a role in creating a compatible development-oriented government in Qatar? The research hypothesis is that Qatar government, Will emphasizing the knowledge-based economy, Economic diversification approach and the model of Niche Diplomacy in Foreign Policy to build a Developmental State has followed. To test this hypothesis, the subject is placed in the conceptual context of knowledge-based economics theory. The method of data collection is library and the method of research descriptive-analytical. Based on the hypothesis test, the research findings show that Qatar has adopted a new developmental ecosystem to produce power and wealth simultaneously with the knowledge-based economy approach.The Persian Gulf region has always had many valuable natural reserves such as oil and gas due to its geo-economic position, and the countries of the region have a hydrocarbon political economy due to these geo-economic drivers. In recent years, some countries in the region, such as Qatar, in order to diversify their economic models, transition from a single-product economy and reduce the vulnerability factor, have developed new strategies and perspectives for the development and change of economic approaches, and are trying to apply the knowledge-based economy model as a model and the new alternative has been a development with international perspectives. The focus of Qatar's leaders and internal institutions to change the approach of a single-product and oil political economy to a knowledge-based economy that includes cooperation between industry, academic institutions and the government has been established in the country's upstream documents and visions, such as the Qatar National Vision 2030 document. The path of development in a region with chaos and tension and emerging as an effective regional and international order-making power has been taken into consideration from this point of view.MethodologyThe present Article through an analytical process method, and Data collected based on the library one.Result and DiscussionConsidering the problem of improving the potential of their political economy, Qatari statesmen have offered programs based on good governance model and participation at regional levels as a peace-making mediator, in order to generate wealth in the economy, produce power in foreign policy and apply an adaptive model. Qatar, as a small state with great international ambitions to diversify its economy and become a regional power and an emerging global power, has followed such an approach, and this approach has paved the path of Qatar's development, which is drawn according to the 2030 vision.ConclusionThe findings show that the patterns of political economy are evolving and based on those countries have achieved new models of development. Today, Qatar in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East region has created a new level of development for the transformation of the State institution by emphasizing the knowledge-based political economy. Qatar, as a small state with great international ambitions to diversify its economy and become a regional power and an emerging global power, has followed such an approach, and this approach has paved the path of Qatar's development, which is drawn according to the 2030 vision. The approach of Qatar's knowledge-based economy, along with generating wealth in the field of economy, includes political activism in regional and international foreign policy.
Mahdi Moradi Berelian; Mohammad Ghsem Tangestani
Abstract
The unique features of the emerging blockchain technology and its new tools such as cryptocurrencies, despite having significant benefits, have posed various difficulties for states. In particular, the centrifugal structure of the blockchain has made it an important challenge to the sovereignty of the ...
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The unique features of the emerging blockchain technology and its new tools such as cryptocurrencies, despite having significant benefits, have posed various difficulties for states. In particular, the centrifugal structure of the blockchain has made it an important challenge to the sovereignty of the modern state. Too much emphasis on the sovereignty of states and ignoring the capabilities of decentralized technologies will result in nothing but an inefficient structure for states. But the assumptions based on the complete domination of blockchain technology over the sovereignty of states, at least based on the available data, do not seem very realistic. The present paper, using a descriptive-analytical method, answers the question of the consequences of blockchain for state governance without falling into the trap of simplistic unilateralism and dualism. The present study finds that the sovereignty of states and the strength of blockchain technology have framed today's complex life in practice on the basis of interaction and will continue to do so in the near future. Although the first party (state) seems to have the upper hand in such a framework, the distant future is unpredictable. To answer the above question, understanding the characteristics of the mentioned technology, recognizing how states react to it and evaluating the perspectives of how the two sides of the relationship interact (sovereignty of the state / blockchain) in order to make the good policy in this regard, it seems necessary.The analysis of what has happened to the states in the last century shows that the application of the sovereignty of the states is gradually eroding. The changes caused by the creation and development of new technologies have forced the governments to take a specific reaction against the mentioned phenomenon. Some of the characteristics of blockchain technology such as its decentralized and trans-spatial structure, in particular, some elements on the governments, such as the authority to enact comprehensive laws in a specific territorial area and the authority to print national currency (fiat) and control it from It has faced a serious challenge through various economic and financial policies.Any simplistic view regarding the complete dominance of the state's sovereignty over blockchain technology, as well as the passing of the aforementioned technology from the state's sovereignty, due to ignoring the other party's capacity to coordinate with the developments of the day and manage it, does not seem justified. This issue has caused the government's response to this phenomenon to fluctuate, from complete prohibition to legal restrictions and recognition and even the production of cryptocurrency. It is noteworthy that so far, some governments have not shown any legal or practical reaction to this phenomenon. Despite the relativity in the above assessment, it should be acknowledged that the technical ability of each government in dealing with new technologies (here, blockchain) is one of the most important factors in determining the type of government's response to this phenomenon.Despite considering blockchain technology as a threat to the sovereignty of states, the opportunities and advantages of the mentioned technology for exercising the sovereignty of states should not be overlooked. In other words, the blockchain technology with its unique features puts innovative methods and mechanisms in line with the government; A tool that, if governments are equipped with the mentioned technology, will deeply affect the scope and effectiveness of the government's actions in the two areas of law making and monitoring its implementation. The aforementioned reality, along with the development of virtual space (and its effects on the diminution of the government's sovereignty in a certain territorial area), doubles the necessity of a justified and calculated response to blockchain technology. However, it should be acknowledged that the technological threats to the government's governance are far greater than its opportunities. The absence of a central control authority in this technology and the equality of all users, as well as the impossibility of refining it by governments or any other person, clearly undermine the government's ability to exercise sovereignty in this field, at least in the current situation is excluded; A thing that also removes other threats to the government's sovereignty (including providing a platform for money laundering and other crimes).Due to the newness of the above technology and the incomplete experience of states in reacting to it, it may not be possible to provide an accurate prediction of the outcome of this relationship (interaction between government governance and blockchain technology) at this stage. Based on this, the range of actions that governments can take in response to the above phenomenon cannot be fully explained and accurately evaluated. Nevertheless, in the current situation, although governments, like other individuals, have the possibility to enter this field and produce cryptocurrencies; Also, they can try to deal with or manage the mentioned phenomenon by prohibiting or imposing some restrictive conditions, it should not be overlooked that the range of the mentioned measures apparently could not and may not be able to create an important practical obstacle for people to enter to this arena. All this shows the necessity of adopting a realistic approach by governments towards this phenomenon, especially considering the consequences of not having a specific reaction against it. The course of the studies conducted in this article apparently indicates that governments are moving towards the option of peaceful coexistence with blockchain technology, of course, with the imposition of certain conditions and specific requirements in order to manage it (to the extent of the technology's capabilities). Governments will move.Considering the concentration of at least part of the capital of some Iranian individuals in crypto-currencies and predicting the possibility of its continuation in the future and even the entry of more capital in this direction, compiling a model of the Iranian government's justified response to the aforementioned phenomenon with a comprehensive review of experience other governments and evaluating the advantages and disadvantages of each of the models and prescribing the most suitable response based on the economic, political and even cultural conditions and requirements of the Iranian society, can be used as a suggestion for future researches on this issue. be taken into consideration and action.
Mojtaba Shariati; Nima Rezaie
Abstract
In this article, the aim was to explain the category of "political trust" and how it is created and accumulated in relation to "social capital". In this approach, trust as one of the components of social capital is not an inherent characteristic of individuals but an aspect of the conditions and environment ...
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In this article, the aim was to explain the category of "political trust" and how it is created and accumulated in relation to "social capital". In this approach, trust as one of the components of social capital is not an inherent characteristic of individuals but an aspect of the conditions and environment in which individuals act. Thus, the source of social capital creation will vary in different societies with different levels of development. Long-standing traditions, local beliefs, and the efficiency of the political system, each alone or in combination, can be the source of social capital. The main argument of the present article is that only the kind of social capital that can create a lasting "political trust" that is born of the "good governance" model; Because this model, beyond "government", includes "civil society" and "capable individual-citizen" Which, by creating social capital in macro, medium and micro dimensions of the social system as a whole, indirectly lays the foundation for civil and rational political trust. In other words, only that type of social capital which is the product of corruption control, "rule of law", "responsibility", "transparency", external effectiveness, internal efficiency and free flow of information from the ruling political system can generate a kind of Political trust should be active and effective, and such factors are possible only in the light of a type of governance called "good governance". In this sense, good governance as a model consisting of an efficient government, an active civil society and individual empowerment and the dynamics of the private sector can be a generator of a special type of social capital with a civil and rational nature that is the necessary platform for provide stable "political trust". In this structure, the relationships between governance components are horizontal and parallel. The components are mutually related to each other and the relationship is such that synergy and unity among actors is established in the drawing of macro-strategies. That is, in this sector, the structure of good governance is not hierarchical and its art is the interaction between social forces, i.e. market, government and civil society. The door of this structure is open for the decisions and implementation of general policies, while diversity and conflict of opinions, and the interactions are based on the needs and the main mechanism of the society. Therefore, good governance includes a set of formal and informal actors that influence the decision-making process, and most development institutions make the promotion of this model of governance an important part of their agenda. It is due to such characteristics that governance is defined as "directed influence in the social process" in which various mechanisms are involved. Some of these mechanisms are very complex and do not originate solely from public sector actors. Therefore, all the definitions of governance express a broader concept of government, which does not only include government actors and institutions, but also includes the three institutions of government, civil society, and the private sector. The government creates a political and legal environment, the private sector creates employment and income, and the civil society facilitates the political and social interaction of active groups to participate in economic, social and political activities. Therefore, the task of good governance is to provide the basis for cooperation and coordination between these three sectors as much as possible.Based on this, the main claim of the article, that is, the relationship between political trust and a certain type of social capital, is explained in the light of a "Meta-theoretical" model. That is, the relationship between good governance, social capital and political trust has been measured as a "theory". It is based on this three-sided triangle that the "rulers" must focus their minds on the paradigm shift that has occurred in the nature of policy making in the last decade of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century in order to deepen and institutionalize political trust. Based on such a change, political trust is often interpreted as people's feelings about political officials and their decisions. This means, when people think that politicians are moral, honest, trustworthy and faithful to their words, political trust is realized and if they think that political officials run the government for their own benefit and the interests of the majority they do not consider and are not truthful in their speech, trust in them decreases. However, in this article, the authors were of the opinion that political trust is not limited to people's confidence in political officials and the performance of government agents; Rather, political trust reflects people's assessment of the "political environment". In fact, people regulate a large part of their behavior in response to the environment and norms that they interact with continuously and perform their actions within their framework. If the game environment does not make trustworthiness and keeping promises beneficial to the members of the society and does not increase the cost of disregarding obligations and mutual trust, their willingness to offer these norms will decrease. In this way, political trust is not only the result of the behavior and speech of government officials in the field of reality or in the perception of the people, but the origin of its rise and fall should be sought in the category of "governance". As mentioned, "governance" includes "government" and includes the three elements of "government", "civil society" and "citizenship". Based on this theoretical arrangement Based on this theoretical arrangement, the claim of the authors was this that political trust is the product of the accumulation of "social capital" at three levels, "macro", "medium" and "micro", and such capital will lead to the production of "political trust". It was not only limited to evaluating the effectiveness of "government"; Rather, it should go beyond the act of government, arising from the model of "governance" in its good form, which is based on the three elements of "efficient government", "strong civil society" and "active individual-citizen". Finally, the method of collecting data in this documentary and library article and the method of judging and interpreting the collected information is also analytical and explanatory.
Iraj Ranjbar; Samira Golami
Abstract
In this article, the aim was to explain the category of "political trust" and how it is created and accumulated in relation to "social capital". In this approach, trust as one of the components of social capital is not an inherent characteristic of individuals but an aspect of the conditions and environment ...
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In this article, the aim was to explain the category of "political trust" and how it is created and accumulated in relation to "social capital". In this approach, trust as one of the components of social capital is not an inherent characteristic of individuals but an aspect of the conditions and environment in which individuals act. Thus, the source of social capital creation will vary in different societies with different levels of development. Long-standing traditions, local beliefs, and the efficiency of the political system, each alone or in combination, can be the source of social capital. The main argument of the present article is that only the kind of social capital that can create a lasting "political trust" that is born of the "good governance" model; Because this model, beyond "government", includes "civil society" and "capable individual-citizen" Which, by creating social capital in macro, medium and micro dimensions of the social system as a whole, indirectly lays the foundation for civil and rational political trust. In other words, only that type of social capital which is the product of corruption control, "rule of law", "responsibility", "transparency", external effectiveness, internal efficiency and free flow of information from the ruling political system can generate a kind of Political trust should be active and effective, and such factors are possible only in the light of a type of governance called "good governance". In this sense, good governance as a model consisting of an efficient government, an active civil society and individual empowerment and the dynamics of the private sector can be a generator of a special type of social capital with a civil and rational nature that is the necessary platform for provide stable "political trust". In this structure, the relationships between governance components are horizontal and parallel. The components are mutually related to each other and the relationship is such that synergy and unity among actors is established in the drawing of macro-strategies. That is, in this sector, the structure of good governance is not hierarchical and its art is the interaction between social forces, i.e. market, government and civil society. The door of this structure is open for the decisions and implementation of general policies, while diversity and conflict of opinions, and the interactions are based on the needs and the main mechanism of the society. Therefore, good governance includes a set of formal and informal actors that influence the decision-making process, and most development institutions make the promotion of this model of governance an important part of their agenda. It is due to such characteristics that governance is defined as "directed influence in the social process" in which various mechanisms are involved. Some of these mechanisms are very complex and do not originate solely from public sector actors. Therefore, all the definitions of governance express a broader concept of government, which does not only include government actors and institutions, but also includes the three institutions of government, civil society, and the private sector. The government creates a political and legal environment, the private sector creates employment and income, and the civil society facilitates the political and social interaction of active groups to participate in economic, social and political activities. Therefore, the task of good governance is to provide the basis for cooperation and coordination between these three sectors as much as possible.Based on this, the main claim of the article, that is, the relationship between political trust and a certain type of social capital, is explained in the light of a "Meta-theoretical" model. That is, the relationship between good governance, social capital and political trust has been measured as a "theory". It is based on this three-sided triangle that the "rulers" must focus their minds on the paradigm shift that has occurred in the nature of policy making in the last decade of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century in order to deepen and institutionalize political trust. Based on such a change, political trust is often interpreted as people's feelings about political officials and their decisions. This means, when people think that politicians are moral, honest, trustworthy and faithful to their words, political trust is realized and if they think that political officials run the government for their own benefit and the interests of the majority they do not consider and are not truthful in their speech, trust in them decreases. However, in this article, the authors were of the opinion that political trust is not limited to people's confidence in political officials and the performance of government agents; Rather, political trust reflects people's assessment of the "political environment". In fact, people regulate a large part of their behavior in response to the environment and norms that they interact with continuously and perform their actions within their framework. If the game environment does not make trustworthiness and keeping promises beneficial to the members of the society and does not increase the cost of disregarding obligations and mutual trust, their willingness to offer these norms will decrease. In this way, political trust is not only the result of the behavior and speech of government officials in the field of reality or in the perception of the people, but the origin of its rise and fall should be sought in the category of "governance". As mentioned, "governance" includes "government" and includes the three elements of "government", "civil society" and "citizenship". Based on this theoretical arrangement Based on this theoretical arrangement, the claim of the authors was this that political trust is the product of the accumulation of "social capital" at three levels, "macro", "medium" and "micro", and such capital will lead to the production of "political trust". It was not only limited to evaluating the effectiveness of "government"; Rather, it should go beyond the act of government, arising from the model of "governance" in its good form, which is based on the three elements of "efficient government", "strong civil society" and "active individual-citizen". Finally, the method of collecting data in this documentary and library article and the method of judging and interpreting the collected information is also analytical and explanatory.
Reza Nasiri Hamed; Sarouye Mazhabi
Abstract
Revolution is an event with fundamental and usually violent changes that disrupt the current course of affairs and seek to launch a new plan and establish a new system. One of the consequences of revolutions is the negation of existing political structures and revolutionaries usually establish their ...
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Revolution is an event with fundamental and usually violent changes that disrupt the current course of affairs and seek to launch a new plan and establish a new system. One of the consequences of revolutions is the negation of existing political structures and revolutionaries usually establish their desired institutions after the revolutionary fervor has subsided. However, over time, the confrontation between revolutionary ideology and the administrative and executive structure resulting from the revolution has become one of the most challenging issues for revolutionaries. The present article argues that beyond case-specific conflicts, the root of this issue lies in the issue of "state-building." In fact, due to their sensitivity to the values of the revolution, revolutionaries are reluctant to accept the nature of the state in its true sense and with its inevitable requirements including the concentration of executive power in the government and the originality of the logic of public interest. They have a reductionist view of government, which causes even revolutionary governments to gradually lose an important part of their legitimacy and acceptance in this difficult situation. To this end and to show the importance of this issue as a structural matter and not just a specific person and government, we focus on the two governments of "Mahmoud Ahmadinejad" because the discourse of this government and its supporters, at least initially the coming of that revolutionary state was depicted, but the problem of the incompatibility of revolutionary act and the logic of action in the form of government in these states also manifested itself in a tangible way.The issue emphasized in this article, i.e. duality in revolutionary institutions and the established political structure, is an issue whose its history and background even goes back to the threshold of the Islamic Revolution; As with the transfer of executive power from the Shah to "Bakhtiar", dual sovereignty was keyed in the country and Imam Khomeini first formed the Revolutionary Council from exile and immediately after returning to Iran, the interim government headed by Bazargan was specified in the Imam's message that the installation Bazargan, while paying attention to their faith in the "Holy School of Islam" and also based on their fighting records, and at the same time "without considering party relations and depending on a particular group". Such an interpretation implicitly indicated the difference between the revolutionaries and the professional technocrats of politics, such as the national-religious forces, and also introduced some dualism in the post-revolution period. This dual situation is understandable in terms of the confrontation between the revolutionary regime and the political system before the revolution (Bakhtiar's government) and perhaps its existence at the beginning of the revolution is also justified, but the issue here is that such dual confrontation has continued in the post-revolution era for some reasons. Discourse disputes are usually made from floating signs at the level of society, but all of them immediately tend to reach the political power and have the upper hand in the government. Therefore, the gap and opposition between the revolutionary discourses and those who are on the opposite spectrum and are referred to by various titles such as moderate, moderate and sometimes harsh terms such as compromiser and even traitor, in its obvious form. shows at the government level. Of course, tension occurs not only in the institution of the government, but also in everything that leads to the government, for example, skepticism towards party activity or at least caution about it is a clear manifestation of this issue, and revolutionaries, including in Iran Due to the concern of the unity of the different classes and spectrums of the people, they have been worried about the multiplicity caused by the activities of the parties even among the aligned currents. This situation has intensified with the appearance of external threats and everything that is classified as coups, conspiracies, internal unrest and protests, etc. Ahmadinejad's coming to power was the result of the rise of fundamentalist, revolutionary and of course populist discourse. In particular, the important beginning of this movement was the victory of fundamentalists on the 28th of February 2003 in the second term of the Tehran City Council elections, which they achieved a decisive victory by organizing in the form of a coalition of Islamic Iran settlers. They were the result of an organization known as the "Coordinating Council of the Islamic Revolution Forces" which was influenced by two fundamentalist organizations "The Party of Islamic Revolution Martyrs" and "Islamic Society of Engineers" and finally Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as one of the activists of these two currents as the mayor of Tehran Selected. During the uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa around 2011 onwards, Ahmadinejad used the term "human awakening" instead of the term "Islamic awakening" and tried to explain this phenomenon beyond a mere issue related to Muslims and Islam. This issue showed a non-ideological implication for describing such movements. Such themes in the philosophical literature and human sciences are not so unfamiliar interpretations, but the revolutionaries could not accept that such interpretations emanate from the speech of the government attributed to them, especially with all the costs they had paid materially and non-materially for the establishment of this government. In fact, just as once upon a time the rational explanation and interpretation of Islamic teachings by streams such as religious intellectuals were interpreted by neglecting some religious foundations, the belief of the spring ring in the reinterpretation of contemporary developments also meant ignoring a part of the revolutionary speech. The justification of the mentioned statesmen regarding the need to emphasize the commonalities between religions or to go beyond the appearances of the Sharia to reach its innermost meaning, because it required ignoring the authority of the revolutionaries, especially the clergy, as the intellectual and administrative authority of the discourse of the revolution, and at the same time, the specific and special dimensions of the discourse of the revolution could not be accepted by this group of supporters of the revolution.
Seyed Rooh-allah Haj Zargarbashi; Milad Lotfi
Abstract
In security studies, governments, which are responsible for providing society's need for security, can be considered as important factors that threaten human security. The important characteristics of such governments can include the priority of the interests of the government over the interests and ...
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In security studies, governments, which are responsible for providing society's need for security, can be considered as important factors that threaten human security. The important characteristics of such governments can include the priority of the interests of the government over the interests and values of the people of the society, the existence of large internal security apparatuses for security-police measures against the citizens of the society. In today's world, the issue of personal security and the threats it faces is of particular importance in security studies. Individual and human security includes various categories from development to peace and dignity in the individual and group dimensions. Today, individual security is examined from different aspects. In the meantime, the government, as an important authority in ensuring the security of the people of the society, can apply serious threats against the people of the society. In other words, it can be said that in security studies, the issue of confrontation and conflict between human security and the interests of the government is a very important issue. Since the 1970s, simultaneously with the expansion of the meaning of security in the world, many experts in the field of security studies have come to the conclusion that the nature of the government, considering its structure, can pose serious threats to individual and human security in the society and from in this sense, in a society, the interests of the government can be opposed to the interests of the citizens of the society.The ruling government in Saudi Arabia is also in a situation similar to the mentioned situation. In the Saudi society, there are serious threats from the government to different individuals and groups of the society. With the implementation of agency changes in the political structure of Saudi Arabia since 2015 and the reforms that have taken place in the cultural and social fields in this country, people have noticed that whether human security in Saudi Arabia has really been taken into consideration by the current government? The findings of the current research show that despite the aforementioned agency changes in the political structure of Saudi Arabia, the role of the government structure and the context in which the current government was formed cannot be ignored in this issue. From this point of view, while examining the structure of the government in Saudi Arabia, the field of research is clarified and the issue of human security and its relationship with the structure of the government are determined, so that through this way, it is possible to examine the issue of human security in this country and examine the role of the government as a structural factor in The threat is heeded. Therefore, the threats against human security in Saudi Arabia by the government, before and after the social and cultural reforms of recent years; will be reviewed. For this purpose, this article seeks to find the answer to the question that how does the structure of the government in Saudi Arabia threaten human security in the society? In this regard, by comparing the conditions before and after the reforms in this country, the question of whether the threat to human security in the Saudi society originates from the structure of the government or the role of the agents who are at the top of the power? According to the conducted studies, the hypothesis of the research has been formulated in such a way that the ruling government in Saudi Arabia with the characteristics of a maximalist government and possessing characteristics such as authoritarianism, profit seeking and the extensive and decisive performance of the influential security apparatus against individuals, personal and human security It has threatened the whole society and thus the category of human security has no meaning for the ruling government in Saudi Arabia and the concept of security only means the security of the state and is summed up in its national and state dimension. The important point is that the reforms of recent years in the social and cultural fields in the Saudi society have not been able to reduce these threats. The findings indicate that Bin Salman's reforms in Saudi Arabia were cultural and superficial reforms, and even during its implementation, the ruling government in this country, due to its maximum nature, as in the past through legislation, public policy and the implementation of its social programs and also from By creating a kind of political disorder caused by the suppression of internal political rivals, it has acted as a de-security factor for the society and human beings and has caused the most important threats to different sections of the society, including elites, critics, immigrants and minorities. Therefore, the nature of the structure of the ruling government in Saudi Arabia can be considered a serious threat to the human security of the Saudi society, regardless of the role of agents in it.Research evidence shows that women in Saudi Arabia are still restricted by Wahhabi rules. As a minority, Shiites are also in the lowest social class, and executions and repression against them have increased. Foreign workers and immigrants, political elites, journalists and civil activists are also in an unfavorable situation due to the repression and restrictions caused by the atmosphere of Ben Salman's rise to power. Therefore, since the applied reforms had only socio-cultural aspects, they were carried out superficially due to the political conditions of Saudi Arabia and were not formulated in the framework of the laws and regulations of this country, and the issue of human security was included in these reforms. therefore, the structure of the government in Saudi Arabia after the reforms is the same as the previous maximum structure, which in nature causes a threat to human security in the society. As a result, it can be acknowledged that removing the threat to human security in a society requires the minimization of the government structure in it, and it requires deep political and civil changes and reforms in the power structure in the country, but in Saudi Arabia after the period of Bin Salman's reforms, the power structure Not only did it not change; Moreover, its authoritarian, police and security components also intensified. Based on this, it can be accepted that human security in Saudi Arabia is still in conflict with the interests of the government and the ruling family, and as long as the government structure in this country is maximal, authoritarian and profit-oriented, human security in the society will be under threat.
