The Journal of Studies the State
Allameh Tabataba'i University, Journal, Faculty Member
- Studies the State is an open-access, double-blind, peer-reviewed journal published by Allameh Tabataba’i University, ... moreStudies the State is an open-access, double-blind, peer-reviewed journal published by Allameh Tabataba’i University, the leading university in Humanities and Social Sciences in Iran. Studies the Statehas been established to provide an intellectual platform for national and international researchers working State. The Journal was founded in as a response to quick advancements in State and was dedicated to the publication of highest-quality research studies that report findings on issues of great concern to the profession of Philosophy.
To allow for easy and worldwide access to the most updated research findings, the journal is set to be an open-access journal. Yet, the journal does not charge any fee for reviewing, processing, and publishing research papers from the authors or from the research institutes and organizations. All the mentioned processes for paper publication are sponsored by Allameh Tabataba’i University Press.edit
Diversification of economic models is an Inevitable Necessity for Countries with one-sided political economy. Essentially, economic diversity allows governments to turn threats into opportunities and to use economic variables in the Power... more
Diversification of economic models is an Inevitable Necessity for Countries with one-sided political economy. Essentially, economic diversity allows governments to turn threats into opportunities and to use economic variables in the Power manufacturing. For this purpose, one of the countries that has used diversification in the economy in the framework of the knowledge-based economy model is Qatar. Emphasizing the convergence between government, industry and academia in a systemic cycle, the country seeks to increase its political power while changing approach to the hydrocarbon political economy, and as an adaptive actor has multiple options for empowerment and lays the groundwork. Become a modern developmental government. The Purpose of this article is to answer the question to what extent does the knowledge-based economy, as a new and empowering approach to economics and politics, play a role in creating a compatible development-oriented government in Qatar? The research hypothesis is that Qatar government, Will emphasizing the knowledge-based economy, Economic diversification approach and the model of Niche Diplomacy in Foreign Policy to build a Developmental State has followed. To test this hypothesis, the subject is placed in the conceptual context of knowledge-based economics theory. The method of data collection is library and the method of research descriptive-analytical. Based on the hypothesis test, the research findings show that Qatar has adopted a new developmental ecosystem to produce power and wealth simultaneously with the knowledge-based economy approach.
The Persian Gulf region has always had many valuable natural reserves such as oil and gas due to its geo-economic position, and the countries of the region have a hydrocarbon political economy due to these geo-economic drivers. In recent years, some countries in the region, such as Qatar, in order to diversify their economic models, transition from a single-product economy and reduce the vulnerability factor, have developed new strategies and perspectives for the development and change of economic approaches, and are trying to apply the knowledge-based economy model as a model and the new alternative has been a development with international perspectives. The focus of Qatar's leaders and internal institutions to change the approach of a single-product and oil political economy to a knowledge-based economy that includes cooperation between industry, academic institutions and the government has been established in the country's upstream documents and visions, such as the Qatar National Vision 2030 document. The path of development in a region with chaos and tension and emerging as an effective regional and international order-making power has been taken into consideration from this point of view.
Methodology
The present Article through an analytical process method, and Data collected based on the library one.
Result and Discussion
Considering the problem of improving the potential of their political economy, Qatari statesmen have offered programs based on good governance model and participation at regional levels as a peace-making mediator, in order to generate wealth in the economy, produce power in foreign policy and apply an adaptive model. Qatar, as a small state with great international ambitions to diversify its economy and becomming a regional power and an emerging global power, has followed such an approach, and this approach has paved the path of Qatar's development, which is drawn according to the 2030 vision.
Conclusion
The findings show that the patterns of political economy are evolving and based on those countries have achieved new models of development. Today, Qatar in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East region has created a new level of development for the transformation of the State institution by emphasizing the knowledge-based political economy. Qatar, as a small state with great international ambitions to diversify its economy and become a regional power and an emerging global power, has followed such an approach, and this approach has paved the path of Qatar's development, which is drawn according to the 2030 vision. The approach of Qatar's knowledge-based economy, along with generating wealth in the field of economy, includes political activism in regional and international foreign policy.
The Persian Gulf region has always had many valuable natural reserves such as oil and gas due to its geo-economic position, and the countries of the region have a hydrocarbon political economy due to these geo-economic drivers. In recent years, some countries in the region, such as Qatar, in order to diversify their economic models, transition from a single-product economy and reduce the vulnerability factor, have developed new strategies and perspectives for the development and change of economic approaches, and are trying to apply the knowledge-based economy model as a model and the new alternative has been a development with international perspectives. The focus of Qatar's leaders and internal institutions to change the approach of a single-product and oil political economy to a knowledge-based economy that includes cooperation between industry, academic institutions and the government has been established in the country's upstream documents and visions, such as the Qatar National Vision 2030 document. The path of development in a region with chaos and tension and emerging as an effective regional and international order-making power has been taken into consideration from this point of view.
Methodology
The present Article through an analytical process method, and Data collected based on the library one.
Result and Discussion
Considering the problem of improving the potential of their political economy, Qatari statesmen have offered programs based on good governance model and participation at regional levels as a peace-making mediator, in order to generate wealth in the economy, produce power in foreign policy and apply an adaptive model. Qatar, as a small state with great international ambitions to diversify its economy and becomming a regional power and an emerging global power, has followed such an approach, and this approach has paved the path of Qatar's development, which is drawn according to the 2030 vision.
Conclusion
The findings show that the patterns of political economy are evolving and based on those countries have achieved new models of development. Today, Qatar in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East region has created a new level of development for the transformation of the State institution by emphasizing the knowledge-based political economy. Qatar, as a small state with great international ambitions to diversify its economy and become a regional power and an emerging global power, has followed such an approach, and this approach has paved the path of Qatar's development, which is drawn according to the 2030 vision. The approach of Qatar's knowledge-based economy, along with generating wealth in the field of economy, includes political activism in regional and international foreign policy.
Research Interests:
Today, the rapid growth of cities and massive migrations towards them has resulted in wide cultural diversity in urban environments, and this issue has made the local governments who are responsible for the management of cities face a... more
Today, the rapid growth of cities and massive migrations towards them has resulted in wide cultural diversity in urban environments, and this issue has made the local governments who are responsible for the management of cities face a serious problem, that is why the management a city in big cities will no longer be able to achieve success with the traditional and usual methods of the past in providing one-way services. For this reason, management science theorists believe that management theories and paradigms should be used to manage cities as best as possible, one of which is quantum management.
The general purpose of the current research is to investigate the causal relationships between the variables of quantum management and the components of smart governance of urban culture, so the research is applied in terms of its purpose and descriptive in terms of the method of data collection. To achieve this goal, two methods of thematic analysis and fuzzy Delphi have been used.
The practical tool for data collection was a structured and semi-structured questionnaire, and data analysis using the fuzzy Delphi method showed that among the seven skills of quantum management, quantum feeling has the least effect, while quantum existence and quantum action have the highest effect. It has an impact on the smart governance of urban culture in the management of local governments.
Research Methodology
Since the purpose of the research is to investigate the role of quantum management in moving towards the smart governance of urban culture; therefore, the research is applied in terms of purpose and descriptive in terms of gathering information of the survey type.
In the meantime, library and field methods have been used together to collect data. It is based on the field method of structured interviews and the selection of scientific and executive experts has been done using the snowball method. This method is especially used when it is difficult for the researcher to know the right people (Benis, 2004). Based on this, 16 experts were selected for interview. In this way, 9 university professors and 7 executive experts active in the field of culture and urban management were interviewed. The interviews continued until theoretical saturation was reached. In fact, no new material was recorded from the 13th interview onwards, but for more certainty, three more interviews were conducted to saturate the theory. From the point of view of data analysis, thematic analysis and fuzzy Delphi method have been used. In this way, the primary data was collected and organized using thematic analysis method, and in the next step, the data was evaluated using the fuzzy Delphi method. The fuzzy Delphi method was invented by Kaufman and Gupta in the 1980s (Cheng and Lin quoted by Jafari and Montazer, 2016). The application of this method in order to make decisions and reach a consensus on issues where the goals and parameters are not clearly defined leads to very valuable results. One of the biggest advantages of the fuzzy Delphi technique compared to the traditional Delphi technique for screening indicators is that one step can be used to summarize and screen the variables (Habibi et al., quoted by Rahdari and Nasr, 2016).
Conclusion
In general, in this article, using thematic analysis and fuzzy Delphi method, and using the views of selected experts, the influence of quantum management indicators on the components of smart governance of urban culture was discussed, and finally, according to the results obtained from Among the 28 proposed indicators, 15 have had a great impact on the smart governance components of urban culture, which have received a de-fuzzified average tolerance threshold higher than 0.7, and they are:
The Effect of quantum operation on electronic democracy
The Impact of quantum action on CI Strategy
The effect of quantum presence on behavioral skills
The Effect of quantum presence on CI Consciousness
The Effect of quantum existence on electronic democracy
The Impact of quantum thinking on CI Strategy
The effect of the quantum view on the knowledge of cultural intelligence
Effect of quantum gaze on CI behavioral skills
The Effect of quantum trust on the Knowledge of cultural intelligence
Impact of quantum trust on CI Strategy
Impact of quantum trust on public expenditure on ICT Premises
and expansion of ICT and online public services and website access
The effect of quantum thinking on the development of ICT
The Effect of quantum cognition on CI Consciousness
The Effect of quantum cognition on CI Strategy
The Effect of quantum cognition on the Knowledge of cultural intelligence
According to the findings, it has been concluded that among the seven quantum management skills of managers, the quantum feeling skill has less impact on the intelligent governance of urban culture in multicultural cities than the other 6 skills. This is despite the fact that quantum existence and quantum action had the highest impact on the intelligent governance of urban culture. Therefore, the growth and development of any city affected by the view of city managers with a quantum approach can lead to many developments in the field of smartening cities and moving towards smart governance of urban culture in local governments.
The general purpose of the current research is to investigate the causal relationships between the variables of quantum management and the components of smart governance of urban culture, so the research is applied in terms of its purpose and descriptive in terms of the method of data collection. To achieve this goal, two methods of thematic analysis and fuzzy Delphi have been used.
The practical tool for data collection was a structured and semi-structured questionnaire, and data analysis using the fuzzy Delphi method showed that among the seven skills of quantum management, quantum feeling has the least effect, while quantum existence and quantum action have the highest effect. It has an impact on the smart governance of urban culture in the management of local governments.
Research Methodology
Since the purpose of the research is to investigate the role of quantum management in moving towards the smart governance of urban culture; therefore, the research is applied in terms of purpose and descriptive in terms of gathering information of the survey type.
In the meantime, library and field methods have been used together to collect data. It is based on the field method of structured interviews and the selection of scientific and executive experts has been done using the snowball method. This method is especially used when it is difficult for the researcher to know the right people (Benis, 2004). Based on this, 16 experts were selected for interview. In this way, 9 university professors and 7 executive experts active in the field of culture and urban management were interviewed. The interviews continued until theoretical saturation was reached. In fact, no new material was recorded from the 13th interview onwards, but for more certainty, three more interviews were conducted to saturate the theory. From the point of view of data analysis, thematic analysis and fuzzy Delphi method have been used. In this way, the primary data was collected and organized using thematic analysis method, and in the next step, the data was evaluated using the fuzzy Delphi method. The fuzzy Delphi method was invented by Kaufman and Gupta in the 1980s (Cheng and Lin quoted by Jafari and Montazer, 2016). The application of this method in order to make decisions and reach a consensus on issues where the goals and parameters are not clearly defined leads to very valuable results. One of the biggest advantages of the fuzzy Delphi technique compared to the traditional Delphi technique for screening indicators is that one step can be used to summarize and screen the variables (Habibi et al., quoted by Rahdari and Nasr, 2016).
Conclusion
In general, in this article, using thematic analysis and fuzzy Delphi method, and using the views of selected experts, the influence of quantum management indicators on the components of smart governance of urban culture was discussed, and finally, according to the results obtained from Among the 28 proposed indicators, 15 have had a great impact on the smart governance components of urban culture, which have received a de-fuzzified average tolerance threshold higher than 0.7, and they are:
The Effect of quantum operation on electronic democracy
The Impact of quantum action on CI Strategy
The effect of quantum presence on behavioral skills
The Effect of quantum presence on CI Consciousness
The Effect of quantum existence on electronic democracy
The Impact of quantum thinking on CI Strategy
The effect of the quantum view on the knowledge of cultural intelligence
Effect of quantum gaze on CI behavioral skills
The Effect of quantum trust on the Knowledge of cultural intelligence
Impact of quantum trust on CI Strategy
Impact of quantum trust on public expenditure on ICT Premises
and expansion of ICT and online public services and website access
The effect of quantum thinking on the development of ICT
The Effect of quantum cognition on CI Consciousness
The Effect of quantum cognition on CI Strategy
The Effect of quantum cognition on the Knowledge of cultural intelligence
According to the findings, it has been concluded that among the seven quantum management skills of managers, the quantum feeling skill has less impact on the intelligent governance of urban culture in multicultural cities than the other 6 skills. This is despite the fact that quantum existence and quantum action had the highest impact on the intelligent governance of urban culture. Therefore, the growth and development of any city affected by the view of city managers with a quantum approach can lead to many developments in the field of smartening cities and moving towards smart governance of urban culture in local governments.
Research Interests:
How the government is formed is one of the important themes about the phenomenon of government. Yet more important is the issue of the dissolution of government. This paper studies the dissolution of government from the viewpoint of... more
How the government is formed is one of the important themes about the phenomenon of government. Yet more important is the issue of the dissolution of government. This paper studies the dissolution of government from the viewpoint of John Locke as one of the greatest political philosophers in the modern world. The main research questions are, what are the foundations in Locke’s political theology that can explain the dissolution of government? and what conditions should be met in order to concede the possibility of the dissolution of government or confer on citizens the right to it? Locke believes that in the state of nature, human beings have rights as well as the ability to govern themselves. Human beings enter the political society with some rights, the most important of which is the right to judge the performance of rulers. Moreover, they have the right to dismiss or even penalize rulers whenever they do not fulfil their obligations, and if rulers go against the popular will, people can resort to force and revolution. For Locke, revolution is not the worst thing in politics but in the despotic politics. In Locke’s viewpoint, revolution is necessary to ensure rulers’ adherence to their obligations. More importantly, revolution is both the foundation of freedom and the greatest manifestation of humans’ self-government.
Research Interests:
From an institutionalist point of view, political development is essentially defined as the process of institutionalization of political power within the state institution, an important criterion of which is the institutionalization of... more
From an institutionalist point of view, political development is essentially defined as the process of institutionalization of political power within the state institution, an important criterion of which is the institutionalization of political power acquisition. This paper studies the evolution of political development in the Islamic Republic of Iran with respect to the institutionalization process of political power acquisition, aiming to identify the difficulties inherent in this dimension of political development in Iran. The content analysis of the data collected through a documentary method shows that there are two major difficulties in the institutionalization process of political power acquisition in the Islamic Republic of Iran. One of the difficulties is linked to the continuing dispute over the ‘identity’ of those who lay claim to power, which involves
debates over the identity of natural and legal persons, including political and quasi-political groups. The second difficulty is related to the dispute over the ‘process’ of political power acquisition, including analyzing eligibility, monitoring, and voting. Despite many obstacles to accessing various and valid documents containing valuable data about these difficulties, the findings of the study can provide a powerful impetus for collecting more data and conducting thorough research in the future. They can also offer different perspectives for finding more effective ways to cope with the difficulties and face the obstacles inherent in the institutionalization of the process of political power acquisition.
Keywords: Islamic Republic of Iran, Political Development, Institutionalization, Power Acquisition, Electoral Disputes
debates over the identity of natural and legal persons, including political and quasi-political groups. The second difficulty is related to the dispute over the ‘process’ of political power acquisition, including analyzing eligibility, monitoring, and voting. Despite many obstacles to accessing various and valid documents containing valuable data about these difficulties, the findings of the study can provide a powerful impetus for collecting more data and conducting thorough research in the future. They can also offer different perspectives for finding more effective ways to cope with the difficulties and face the obstacles inherent in the institutionalization of the process of political power acquisition.
Keywords: Islamic Republic of Iran, Political Development, Institutionalization, Power Acquisition, Electoral Disputes
Most critical discourses against the status quo in the Qajar period attacked the authoritarian regime and called for the transition from despotism to the rule of law. Eventually, the constitution became the main demand of critics, and the... more
Most critical discourses against the status quo in the Qajar period attacked the authoritarian regime and called for the transition from despotism to the rule of law. Eventually, the constitution became the main demand of critics, and the constitutional decree was issued. However, at the stage of drafting the constitutional amendment, constitutionalism faced a major challenge after being considered by clerical constitutionalists to be contrary to Sharia (Islamic law). Consequently, Habl al-Matin, which had been promoting constitutionalism with explanations based on customary law (orf) for some years, changed its position and promoted constitutionalism based on the idea of separating Sharia from custom (orf). Adopting a descriptive–explanatory method, this study examines the bases and purposes underlying Habl al-Matin’s attempt to explain and promote the idea. The findings show that after the constitution was considered contrary to Sharia, the journal organized its customary explanation of constitutionalism around the jurisprudential permission of the Islamic scholars of Najaf on the necessity of the separation of Sharia from custom during the Occultation, and as a way of linking the idea of the modern state with Sharia.
Keywords: Calcutta Habl al-Matin, Constitutional thought, Constitution, The Idea
of Separation of Sharia from CustoM
Keywords: Calcutta Habl al-Matin, Constitutional thought, Constitution, The Idea
of Separation of Sharia from CustoM
khawaja Nasir and his contemporary, Thomas Aquinas, are two prominent philosophers and theologians belonging to Abrahamic religions (Islam and Christianity). Considered as rationalistic and proactive, both scholars discussed religion and... more
khawaja Nasir and his contemporary, Thomas Aquinas, are two prominent philosophers and theologians belonging to Abrahamic religions (Islam and Christianity). Considered as rationalistic and proactive, both scholars discussed religion and state in their works. The question arises as to whether they view the formation and administration of the state as an exclusively religious–divine issue or a natural one related to the civil nature of mankind. Using a descriptive-analytical method, this paper tries to analyze Khawaja Nasir’s and Aquinas’ viewpoints in order to answer the above question. The data shows that both Aquinas and Khawaja Nasir consider the legitimacy of the state as a matter of nature conditional on justice and wisdom regardless of whether the state is divine or conventional. For Khawaja Nasir, the administration of Utopia is not limited to the prophets and imams—who are distinguished by divine inspiration—but the scholars who are distinguished by the power of reason are also entitled to the administration of Utopia. According to Thomas Aquinas, any government that acts justly and rationally is in the public interest and in line with human nature, so it must be obeyed.
Keywords: Religion and State, Civil by Nature, Thomas Aquinas, Khawaja Nasir
Keywords: Religion and State, Civil by Nature, Thomas Aquinas, Khawaja Nasir
Research on the ineffectiveness of political parties in Iran is mainly focused on historical, cultural, social, and economic factors. However, there is little research-based on the institutional perspective in this field, leading to... more
Research on the ineffectiveness of political parties in Iran is mainly focused on historical, cultural, social, and economic factors. However, there is little
research-based on the institutional perspective in this field, leading to negligence of state party politics. Following an institutional perspective, this paper examines the party politics of the political system and its impact on the ineffectiveness of political parties in Iran. Political systems adopt their own party politics in line with different approaches, hence exerting different effects on the life of political parties. Therefore, the present study compares the approaches of party politics adopted by the Islamic Republic of Iran with those adopted by the Federal Republic of Germany, as the pioneer in party policymaking in the world. The central questions are, what are the differences between the party politics in Iran and in Germany? and how do these differences influence the life of political parties in Iran? According to the results, the approach in Iran’s state party politics is controlling and restrictive. This feature, assuming other conditions are good, has made it difficult for political parties to form, grow, and operate effectively thus their ineffectiveness. Finally, some suggestions are proposed for favorable party policy-making in Iran.
keywords: Party politics, Political parties, Iran, Germany
research-based on the institutional perspective in this field, leading to negligence of state party politics. Following an institutional perspective, this paper examines the party politics of the political system and its impact on the ineffectiveness of political parties in Iran. Political systems adopt their own party politics in line with different approaches, hence exerting different effects on the life of political parties. Therefore, the present study compares the approaches of party politics adopted by the Islamic Republic of Iran with those adopted by the Federal Republic of Germany, as the pioneer in party policymaking in the world. The central questions are, what are the differences between the party politics in Iran and in Germany? and how do these differences influence the life of political parties in Iran? According to the results, the approach in Iran’s state party politics is controlling and restrictive. This feature, assuming other conditions are good, has made it difficult for political parties to form, grow, and operate effectively thus their ineffectiveness. Finally, some suggestions are proposed for favorable party policy-making in Iran.
keywords: Party politics, Political parties, Iran, Germany
How the government is formed is one of the important themes about the phenomenon of government. Yet more important is the issue of the dissolution of the government. This paper studies the dissolution of government from the viewpoint of... more
How the government is formed is one of the important themes about the phenomenon of government. Yet more important is the issue of the dissolution of the government. This paper studies the dissolution of government from the viewpoint of John Locke as one of the greatest political philosophers in the modern world. The main research questions are, what are the foundations in Locke’s political theology that can explain the dissolution of government? and what conditions should be met in order to concede the possibility of the dissolution of government or confer on citizens the right to it? Locke believes that in the state of nature, human beings have rights as well as the ability to govern themselves. Human beings enter the political society with some rights, the most important of which is the right to judge the performance of rulers. Moreover, they have the right to dismiss or even penalize rulers whenever they do not fulfill their obligations, and if rulers go against the popular will, people can resort to force and revolution. For Locke, revolution is not the worst thing in politics but in despotic politics. In Locke’s viewpoint, revolution is necessary to ensure rulers’ adherence to their obligations. More importantly, revolution is both the foundation of freedom and the greatest manifestation of humans’ self-government.
Keywords: Locke, Right, Law, Government, Dissolution
Keywords: Locke, Right, Law, Government, Dissolution
Owing to their lasting and permanent effects, geopolitical factors play a significant role in the politics and behavior of the state. Given Tajikistan’s geopolitics, it is important to consider geopolitical factors and their effects... more
Owing to their lasting and permanent effects, geopolitical factors play a
significant role in the politics and behavior of the state. Given Tajikistan’s
geopolitics, it is important to consider geopolitical factors and their effects
in order to understand and predict policies and behavior of the state in
Tajikistan. This is also of special importance due to the proximity of
Tajikistan to the Islamic Republic of Iran as well as myriad commonalities
between the two. Adopting a descriptive-analytical method and relying on
library research, the present study aims to analyze the politics and behavior
of the state in Tajikistan by investigating the effects of Tajikistan’s
geopolitics on the state. The hypothesis is that the geopolitical
characteristics of Tajikistan are factors causing tension for the country and
creating, directly or indirectly, threats, instability, and insecurity which all
affect the politics and behavior of the state in Tajikistan. This has led to the
state’s authoritarianism and centralism in the domestic arena and its
dominated, submissive character in the foreign arena.
Keywords: Geopolitics, Tajikistan, State, Behavior, Authoritarianism
significant role in the politics and behavior of the state. Given Tajikistan’s
geopolitics, it is important to consider geopolitical factors and their effects
in order to understand and predict policies and behavior of the state in
Tajikistan. This is also of special importance due to the proximity of
Tajikistan to the Islamic Republic of Iran as well as myriad commonalities
between the two. Adopting a descriptive-analytical method and relying on
library research, the present study aims to analyze the politics and behavior
of the state in Tajikistan by investigating the effects of Tajikistan’s
geopolitics on the state. The hypothesis is that the geopolitical
characteristics of Tajikistan are factors causing tension for the country and
creating, directly or indirectly, threats, instability, and insecurity which all
affect the politics and behavior of the state in Tajikistan. This has led to the
state’s authoritarianism and centralism in the domestic arena and its
dominated, submissive character in the foreign arena.
Keywords: Geopolitics, Tajikistan, State, Behavior, Authoritarianism
Khawaja Nasir and his contemporary, Thomas Aquinas, are two prominent philosophers and theologians belonging to Abrahamic religions (Islam and Christianity). Considered as rationalistic and proactive, both scholars discussed religion... more
Khawaja Nasir and his contemporary, Thomas Aquinas, are two prominent philosophers and theologians belonging to Abrahamic religions (Islam and Christianity). Considered as rationalistic and proactive, both scholars discussed religion and state in their works. The question arises as to whether they view the formation and administration of the state as an exclusively religious–divine issue or a natural one related to the civil nature of mankind. Using a descriptive-analytical method, this paper tries to analyze Khawaja Nasir’s and Aquinas’ viewpoints in order to answer the above question. The data shows that both Aquinas and Khawaja Nasir consider the legitimacy of the state as a matter of nature conditional on justice and wisdom regardless of whether the state is divine or conventional. For Khawaja Nasir, the administration of Utopia is not limited to the prophets and imams—who are distinguished by divine inspiration—but the scholars who are distinguished by the power of reason are also entitled to the administration of Utopia. According to Thomas Aquinas, any government that acts justly and rationally is in the public interest and in line with human nature, so it must be obeyed.
Keywords: Religion and State, Civil by Nature, Thomas Aquinas, Khawaja Nasir
Keywords: Religion and State, Civil by Nature, Thomas Aquinas, Khawaja Nasir
How the government is formed is one of the important themes about the phenomenon of government. Yet more important is the issue of the dissolution of the government. This paper studies the dissolution of government from the viewpoint of... more
How the government is formed is one of the important themes about the phenomenon of government. Yet more important is the issue of the dissolution of the government. This paper studies the dissolution of government from the viewpoint of John Locke as one of the greatest political philosophers in the modern world. The main research questions are, what are the foundations in Locke’s political theology that can explain the dissolution of government? and what conditions should be met in order to concede the possibility of the dissolution of government or confer on citizens the right to it? Locke believes that in the state of nature, human beings have rights as well as the ability to govern themselves. Human beings enter the political society with some rights, the most important of which is the right to judge the performance of rulers. Moreover, they have the right to dismiss or even penalize rulers whenever they do not fulfill their obligations, and if rulers go against the popular will, people can resort to force and revolution. For Locke, revolution is not the worst thing in politics but in despotic politics. In Locke’s viewpoint, revolution is necessary to ensure rulers’ adherence to their obligations. More importantly, revolution is both the foundation of freedom and the greatest manifestation of humans’ self-government.
Keywords: Locke, Right, Law, Government, Dissolution
Keywords: Locke, Right, Law, Government, Dissolution
This paper aims to understand the nature and causes of the fragility of bureaucracy in Iran from the perspective of political economy. Starting from the presupposition that bureaucracy crisis is first and foremost the reflection of... more
This paper aims to understand the nature and causes of the fragility of
bureaucracy in Iran from the perspective of political economy. Starting from
the presupposition that bureaucracy crisis is first and foremost the reflection
of the nature of the state and its structure of capital accumulation, the present
the research argues that the twofold nature of Sultanist–rentier state in the
second Pahlavi period gradually caused the structure–role distortion of
bureaucracy, a decline both in the quality of bureaucratic elites and in the
the relative autonomy of bureaucrats from politics, the predominance of
prebendal spirit and morality, the growth of bureaucratic bourgeoisie, and
finally the emergence of a fragile bureaucracy which, in Weberian terms,
intermediated between the Sultan and society. Such an intermediary position
of bureaucracy exacerbated the crisis of legitimacy of power elites since
bureaucracy not only lost its modernist spirit but also later turned into an
the obstacle to modernization. This situation eventually led to the inability of
bureaucracy in performing its intermediary role and making a compromise
and balance between the interests of state and social classes on the one hand
and to the function of bureaucracy as a factor contributing to the dialectic of
state and society, a delay in political development in society, and the
facilitation of revolution on the other hand.
Keywords: Fragile Bureaucracy, Sultanism, Rentier State, Administrative
Corruption, Legitimacy Crisis, Revolution
bureaucracy in Iran from the perspective of political economy. Starting from
the presupposition that bureaucracy crisis is first and foremost the reflection
of the nature of the state and its structure of capital accumulation, the present
the research argues that the twofold nature of Sultanist–rentier state in the
second Pahlavi period gradually caused the structure–role distortion of
bureaucracy, a decline both in the quality of bureaucratic elites and in the
the relative autonomy of bureaucrats from politics, the predominance of
prebendal spirit and morality, the growth of bureaucratic bourgeoisie, and
finally the emergence of a fragile bureaucracy which, in Weberian terms,
intermediated between the Sultan and society. Such an intermediary position
of bureaucracy exacerbated the crisis of legitimacy of power elites since
bureaucracy not only lost its modernist spirit but also later turned into an
the obstacle to modernization. This situation eventually led to the inability of
bureaucracy in performing its intermediary role and making a compromise
and balance between the interests of state and social classes on the one hand
and to the function of bureaucracy as a factor contributing to the dialectic of
state and society, a delay in political development in society, and the
facilitation of revolution on the other hand.
Keywords: Fragile Bureaucracy, Sultanism, Rentier State, Administrative
Corruption, Legitimacy Crisis, Revolution
Modernization of governance and the attainment of collective enthusiasm and participation in political decision-making began with the fundamental shift of sovereignty from the Sultan to the people. The modern state, as a descendant... more
Modernization of governance and the attainment of collective enthusiasm
and participation in political decision-making began with the fundamental
shift of sovereignty from the Sultan to the people. The modern state, as a
descendant of ancient forms of governance, defines its sovereignty based on
human wisdom rather than spiritual sources. As a claimant to the divine and
popular sovereignty, the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI)—within the
Constitutional Law—has recognized its own political-legal framework
based on revelation and jurisprudence. Yet as a political entity in
international politics and relations, the IRI cannot remain indifferent to the
necessities of the modern world, especially when it comes to political and
legal systematization. As a result, the IRI has also used modern methods of
governance to organize the country legally and politically as well as to
manage public affairs. Since state and modernity are pluralistic phenomena
in intellectual and political systems, there are differences in the way the
components of the Modern are recognized. Taking this as its central topic,
the present study used a descriptive–explanatory and prescriptive approach
as well as the library data to analyze the constituting components of the state.
The main finding is the fact that the difference lies in the normative basis
and genesis of the two legal systems.
Keywords: Modern State, Modern Subjectivity, Separation of Powers,
Sovereignty, Legitimacy
and participation in political decision-making began with the fundamental
shift of sovereignty from the Sultan to the people. The modern state, as a
descendant of ancient forms of governance, defines its sovereignty based on
human wisdom rather than spiritual sources. As a claimant to the divine and
popular sovereignty, the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI)—within the
Constitutional Law—has recognized its own political-legal framework
based on revelation and jurisprudence. Yet as a political entity in
international politics and relations, the IRI cannot remain indifferent to the
necessities of the modern world, especially when it comes to political and
legal systematization. As a result, the IRI has also used modern methods of
governance to organize the country legally and politically as well as to
manage public affairs. Since state and modernity are pluralistic phenomena
in intellectual and political systems, there are differences in the way the
components of the Modern are recognized. Taking this as its central topic,
the present study used a descriptive–explanatory and prescriptive approach
as well as the library data to analyze the constituting components of the state.
The main finding is the fact that the difference lies in the normative basis
and genesis of the two legal systems.
Keywords: Modern State, Modern Subjectivity, Separation of Powers,
Sovereignty, Legitimacy
Prior to the 2011 Egyptian revolution, scholars would assess the state– society relations in Egypt in the age of globalization as ineffective, considering any change impossible. However, popular movements in the The Middle East and... more
Prior to the 2011 Egyptian revolution, scholars would assess the state–
society relations in Egypt in the age of globalization as ineffective,
considering any change impossible. However, popular movements in the
The Middle East and the easy collapse of the state indicated that the state-society
the relation was not passive. In an attempt to re-examine state-society relations,
this research focuses on why and how the state-society relations in Egypt,
which had been based on authoritarian hegemony, underwent rupture and
crisis. Moreover, it tries to explain how the state has managed to deal with
the transformation of civil society. The findings show that despite the state’s
incomplete and reductionist approach to globalization, the decrease in the
state control over the economy, in public services, and the increase in inequality
crisis all have led to class divisions, unemployment, and inflation. The loss
of the elements integral to state hegemony led to the emergence of
discontented and insurgent political subjects, which made the state insist on
its repressive, non-ideological, and undemocratic functions. Due to the
weakness in reproducing its power in civil society and the failure to realize
the change in the subject’s sensibility–behavior schemata, the state failed in
the face of the immediate movement of people, and emerging sociopolitical
forces overthrew the state with the help of new media facilities.
Keywords: Globalization, State, Society, Egypt
society relations in Egypt in the age of globalization as ineffective,
considering any change impossible. However, popular movements in the
The Middle East and the easy collapse of the state indicated that the state-society
the relation was not passive. In an attempt to re-examine state-society relations,
this research focuses on why and how the state-society relations in Egypt,
which had been based on authoritarian hegemony, underwent rupture and
crisis. Moreover, it tries to explain how the state has managed to deal with
the transformation of civil society. The findings show that despite the state’s
incomplete and reductionist approach to globalization, the decrease in the
state control over the economy, in public services, and the increase in inequality
crisis all have led to class divisions, unemployment, and inflation. The loss
of the elements integral to state hegemony led to the emergence of
discontented and insurgent political subjects, which made the state insist on
its repressive, non-ideological, and undemocratic functions. Due to the
weakness in reproducing its power in civil society and the failure to realize
the change in the subject’s sensibility–behavior schemata, the state failed in
the face of the immediate movement of people, and emerging sociopolitical
forces overthrew the state with the help of new media facilities.
Keywords: Globalization, State, Society, Egypt
As one of the substantial factors influencing the persuasion of social structure during great crises, social capital plays a vital role in accelerating the implementation and effectiveness of policies adopted to control crisis. In... more
As one of the substantial factors influencing the persuasion of social structure
during great crises, social capital plays a vital role in accelerating the
implementation and effectiveness of policies adopted to control crisis. In this
respect, this study aimed to examine the role of social capital in the level of
satisfaction with government performance in COVID–19 control policy-making.
The statistical population of the study comprised all citizens of Tehran. The
Cochrane formula was used to determine the sample size, which amounted to
400. The study relied on multistage cluster sampling to choose the participants
in 22 districts of Tehran in Iran. Having been collected by a researcher-made
the questionnaire, the data was processed through SPSS software with one-sample t-tests, Pearson Correlation, multivariate linear regression, and one-way analysis
of variance (ANOVA). The findings indicate that citizens living in Tehran have
a moderate level of satisfaction with government performance in controlling
COVID–19. Moreover, the lowest satisfaction mean value was associated with
supply chain management and access to health items while the highest mean
value of satisfaction pertained to the constraints and social distancing. There was
a high correlation between the variable of social capital and satisfaction with
government performance in COVID–19 control (R=0.552), and it can predict
30.3% of satisfaction variances. The results show that the variable of trust was
the most important predictor of satisfaction with government performance in
COVID–19 control.
Keywords: Social Capital, Satisfaction with Government Performance, COVID–19
during great crises, social capital plays a vital role in accelerating the
implementation and effectiveness of policies adopted to control crisis. In this
respect, this study aimed to examine the role of social capital in the level of
satisfaction with government performance in COVID–19 control policy-making.
The statistical population of the study comprised all citizens of Tehran. The
Cochrane formula was used to determine the sample size, which amounted to
400. The study relied on multistage cluster sampling to choose the participants
in 22 districts of Tehran in Iran. Having been collected by a researcher-made
the questionnaire, the data was processed through SPSS software with one-sample t-tests, Pearson Correlation, multivariate linear regression, and one-way analysis
of variance (ANOVA). The findings indicate that citizens living in Tehran have
a moderate level of satisfaction with government performance in controlling
COVID–19. Moreover, the lowest satisfaction mean value was associated with
supply chain management and access to health items while the highest mean
value of satisfaction pertained to the constraints and social distancing. There was
a high correlation between the variable of social capital and satisfaction with
government performance in COVID–19 control (R=0.552), and it can predict
30.3% of satisfaction variances. The results show that the variable of trust was
the most important predictor of satisfaction with government performance in
COVID–19 control.
Keywords: Social Capital, Satisfaction with Government Performance, COVID–19
Gender policy in contemporary Iran has experienced many fluctuations, but it has generally brought about significant changes in the status of women. The question of this article is focused on political factors, especially the role of the... more
Gender policy in contemporary Iran has experienced many fluctuations, but it has generally brought about significant changes in the status of women. The question of this article is focused on political factors, especially the role of the state, in these changes. Using a historical-comparative method, the present research shows that gender policy in contemporary Iran was influenced by three variables: the strength of the women’s movement, the state’s tendencies, and other positions of social forces. Moreover, gender policy has emerged under three distinct paradigms. First, the conservative paradigm, which stemmed from the weakness of the women’s movement concomitant with the traditionalist state as well as the resistance of conservative forces, has not succeeded to make considerable changes to the status of women. This paradigm can be seen in the years preceding the constitutional movement (1891–1905), during 1941–1951 (the 1320s Solar Hijri), and in some periods following the Islamic Revolution (1981–1988). The second paradigm, called authoritarian reform, resulted from the weakness of the women’s movement concomitant with the authoritarian state as well as the diminished resistance of conservative forces. This paradigm, seen in the years 1921–1941 and 1963–1978, caused significant changes in the legal status of women. Not accompanied by the participation of women, these changes could not firmly entrench themselves and at times relapsed into the previous stage. Third, the paradigm of democratic reform resulted from the women’s movement concomitant with the reformist state as well as the balance between modern and traditional social forces. This paradigm emerged in the early years following the constitutional movement and in the two post-Revolutionary periods known as construction and reformist, introducing relatively profound and lasting changes to the status of women.
Keywords: Gender Thought, Women’s Movement, State, Gender Policy, Contemporary Iran
Keywords: Gender Thought, Women’s Movement, State, Gender Policy, Contemporary Iran
It is a common assumption that the government’s responsibility in policymaking is to formulate official policies and pave the way for achieving specified objectives. However, little attention has been paid to encouraging citizen... more
It is a common assumption that the government’s responsibility in policymaking is to formulate official policies and pave the way for achieving
specified objectives. However, little attention has been paid to encouraging
citizen participation and inspiring an individual sense of responsibility
towards achieving large-scale policy objectives. In fact, most policy
objectives cannot be achieved—at least not efficiently—without an
individual sense of responsibility on the part of citizens. The question is,
how can the government increase citizen participation and help them take on
responsibility towards achieving policy objectives? To answer the question,
this article argues that the government has to empower citizens. Empowered
citizens are able to make optimal decisions under different circumstances,
which can improve the quality of one’s life and society. In this respect, this
paper recognizes the key role of behavior change policy-making which
refers to government interventions to empower citizens and encourage
citizen participation. Behavior changes policy-making influences citizens’
beliefs, awareness, and behavior, making them compatible with large-scale
government policies. The present study argues that citizen empowerment
through behavior change policy-making can get citizens to take on
responsibility towards achieving large-scale policy objectives. Besides large-scale policy-making in various areas, it is thus necessary for the government
to consider behavior change policy-making in order to get citizen
participation in achieving the objectives in a given area. The present study
employed rational choice theory as the theoretical framework as research on
behavior change emphasizes that individual acts based on cost-benefit
analysis.
Keywords: Citizen Participation, Individual Responsibility, Empowerment,
Behavior Change Policy-Making, Rational Choice
specified objectives. However, little attention has been paid to encouraging
citizen participation and inspiring an individual sense of responsibility
towards achieving large-scale policy objectives. In fact, most policy
objectives cannot be achieved—at least not efficiently—without an
individual sense of responsibility on the part of citizens. The question is,
how can the government increase citizen participation and help them take on
responsibility towards achieving policy objectives? To answer the question,
this article argues that the government has to empower citizens. Empowered
citizens are able to make optimal decisions under different circumstances,
which can improve the quality of one’s life and society. In this respect, this
paper recognizes the key role of behavior change policy-making which
refers to government interventions to empower citizens and encourage
citizen participation. Behavior changes policy-making influences citizens’
beliefs, awareness, and behavior, making them compatible with large-scale
government policies. The present study argues that citizen empowerment
through behavior change policy-making can get citizens to take on
responsibility towards achieving large-scale policy objectives. Besides large-scale policy-making in various areas, it is thus necessary for the government
to consider behavior change policy-making in order to get citizen
participation in achieving the objectives in a given area. The present study
employed rational choice theory as the theoretical framework as research on
behavior change emphasizes that individual acts based on cost-benefit
analysis.
Keywords: Citizen Participation, Individual Responsibility, Empowerment,
Behavior Change Policy-Making, Rational Choice
Decolonization, as a form of establishing sovereign states, is one of the important phenomena of the twentieth century, although its roots can be traced back to the nineteenth century. The increase in the number of UN member states... more
Decolonization, as a form of establishing sovereign states, is one of the
important phenomena of the twentieth century, although its roots can be
traced back to the nineteenth century. The increase in the number of UN
member states from 51 in 1945 to 149 in 1984 was largely due to
decolonization. While colonizers would refer to colonies as part of their own
territories and refuse to grant them independence for a long time, from the
late 1950s, the UN began to take important measures to accelerate the
process of decolonization. This led to the adoption of UN resolution 1514 of
December 1960, which recognized the right to self-determination of colonies
as a binding rule in the international legal system. The main question of this
article is, what processes transformed decolonization from a political ideal
into a legal norm? Like descriptive research, the present study used library and
Internet resources. The analysis of the decolonization process shows that
despite the resistance of colonizing states and the failure to include the right
of colonies to attain independence in the UN Charter, the right to self-determination of colonies has become an imperative rule in international law
owing to liberation movements as well as the support from socialist and the
Third World states in the UN General Assembly. As a result, decolonization
has been considered one of the most important ways of establishing new
states in the international arena.
Keywords: Decolonization, Establishment of States, Colonizing States, Trusteeship Council, UN General Assembly
important phenomena of the twentieth century, although its roots can be
traced back to the nineteenth century. The increase in the number of UN
member states from 51 in 1945 to 149 in 1984 was largely due to
decolonization. While colonizers would refer to colonies as part of their own
territories and refuse to grant them independence for a long time, from the
late 1950s, the UN began to take important measures to accelerate the
process of decolonization. This led to the adoption of UN resolution 1514 of
December 1960, which recognized the right to self-determination of colonies
as a binding rule in the international legal system. The main question of this
article is, what processes transformed decolonization from a political ideal
into a legal norm? Like descriptive research, the present study used library and
Internet resources. The analysis of the decolonization process shows that
despite the resistance of colonizing states and the failure to include the right
of colonies to attain independence in the UN Charter, the right to self-determination of colonies has become an imperative rule in international law
owing to liberation movements as well as the support from socialist and the
Third World states in the UN General Assembly. As a result, decolonization
has been considered one of the most important ways of establishing new
states in the international arena.
Keywords: Decolonization, Establishment of States, Colonizing States, Trusteeship Council, UN General Assembly
The protest movements that have swept across a large part of the Middle East since late 2010, have promised a fundamental change in the patterns of statehood of these societies after alternating periods of weakness and failure. At the... more
The protest movements that have swept across a large part of the Middle East since late 2010, have promised a fundamental change in the patterns of statehood of these societies after alternating periods of weakness and failure. At the State level, these developments have been accompanied by signs of changes in the structure of the countries in the region. This study attempts to investigate the transition of Iraq and Syria from State to quasi-State in the period after the Arab Awakening. The identified quasi-states considered in this study have features such as international recognition as a political entity, crisis of legitimacy and crisis of exercising monopoly power in the supposed territory, extreme weakness in facing separatist movements without foreign aid, and the violation of sovereignty by foreign powers. The situation in Iraq began with the First Persian Gulf War, especially the fall of Saddam in 2003, intensified after the Arab Awakening, and began in Syria after the 2011 protest movements. In this regard, the question is what components can be used to explain the transition from the state to the quasi-state and the erosion of the state in Iraq and Syria after the Arab Awakening? Using Imad Rafaat's approach on quasi-state, this study seeks to test the hypothesis that "nation-state weakness and crises of participation, legitimacy, and identity, along with the role of foreign actors, leads the state to enter the quasi-state phase in Iraq and Syria. The research method is descriptive-explanatory and data collection is the library method.
Keywords: Iraq, Syria, Quasi-State, State Erosion, Islamic Awakening.
Keywords: Iraq, Syria, Quasi-State, State Erosion, Islamic Awakening.
For several years, corruption news has been heard from Iranian government agencies, a type of intra-group relationship in the power structure in which members of each political faction act against the public interest and for their benefit... more
For several years, corruption news has been heard from Iranian government agencies, a type of intra-group relationship in the power structure in which members of each political faction act against the public interest and for their benefit and other members of their group. On the other hand, cooperation on bribery and ransom with the public and agents at the lower levels of the country's executive system has developed in recent years, so the perception of corruption in the country in recent years has decreased in comparison with the other countries in the region. Systematic corrupt practices in the power structure and in the interactions of agents with citizens and a kind of cultural relations referred to as the "culture of pessimism" have always existed in a stable manner in the Iranian society as if there were no way out. Therefore, this article tries to obtain a new and, of course, historical understanding of the financial relations between the government and the people from a historical sociology point of view. In this regard, valid historical documents and secondary analyses have been used. Moreover, for good observation of the historical evidence, a conceptual model has been designed to better explain the relationships of the components of the observed events. In designing this model, the views of theorists such as Elias, Gambetta, and Tilly have been used for a conclusion based on the best explanation. The research findings show that in the points of interaction of government agents with citizens, a set of financial relations with strictness, corruption and pessimism prevailed, which did not follow any ritualized codes.
Keywords: History of Iranian Taxation System, Historical Sociology, Safavid Era, Qajar Era.
Keywords: History of Iranian Taxation System, Historical Sociology, Safavid Era, Qajar Era.
Based on sociological and philosophical interpretations, there are two perspectives on democracy. Sociologically, democratic institutions take precedence over democratic thought and culture in practice. At the same time, the... more
Based on sociological and philosophical interpretations, there are two perspectives on democracy. Sociologically, democratic institutions take precedence over democratic thought and culture in practice. At the same time, the philosophical approach prioritizes the culture and theoretical foundations of democracy. Hence, some speak of the primacy of democracy over philosophy, and others of the primacy of philosophy over democracy. The main question now is according to which of the above democratic channels are the seventh and eighth administrations analyzed after the Islamic Republic of Iran? The authors of this article have tried to show that these administrations are evaluated using the conceptual possibilities of the philosophy priority approach to democracy. Accordingly, the main hypothesis states that solving the problems facing the seventh and eighth administrations in the context of democracy requires a philosophical approach. In this regard, this article tries to provide a suitable platform for understanding the process of democracy and proving the main hypothesis by presenting theoretical components such as human attitude to development, education of political knowledge, political culture, political development, and political wisdom.
The theoretical framework of this article is the priority of philosophy over democracy, which carries its philosophical theme well, especially by emphasizing awareness and knowledge before democratic action in the thoughts of Seyed Javad Tabatabai, Reza Davari Ardakani, and Mostafa Malekian. The precedence of view over action shows that all three thinkers consider political, economic, and social opportunities in society as a reflection of previously-trained actions of individuals, and in this regard, their thoughts can be a model. They are good for analyzing the actions of the seventh and eighth administrations. Paying attention to the conceptual possibilities of the theoretical model in the article shows that understanding and analyzing the state of democracy in the seventh and eighth administrations is theoretically very important. Therefore, the method of this research is descriptive and analytical and is evaluated with reference to the library method.
Keywords: Theoretical, Democracy, Philosophy of Democracy, Political Development, Seventh and Eighth States.
The theoretical framework of this article is the priority of philosophy over democracy, which carries its philosophical theme well, especially by emphasizing awareness and knowledge before democratic action in the thoughts of Seyed Javad Tabatabai, Reza Davari Ardakani, and Mostafa Malekian. The precedence of view over action shows that all three thinkers consider political, economic, and social opportunities in society as a reflection of previously-trained actions of individuals, and in this regard, their thoughts can be a model. They are good for analyzing the actions of the seventh and eighth administrations. Paying attention to the conceptual possibilities of the theoretical model in the article shows that understanding and analyzing the state of democracy in the seventh and eighth administrations is theoretically very important. Therefore, the method of this research is descriptive and analytical and is evaluated with reference to the library method.
Keywords: Theoretical, Democracy, Philosophy of Democracy, Political Development, Seventh and Eighth States.
The attempt to control and direct the population in any society by power and government through new institutions and techniques of governance is one of the modern debates that was first proposed and developed by Foucault. By targeting... more
The attempt to control and direct the population in any society by power and government through new institutions and techniques of governance is one of the modern debates that was first proposed and developed by Foucault. By targeting individuals and the population to meet its needs, power designs techniques and institutions that, while making individuals visible, increase their control and guidance in society. In this context, in a descriptive-analytical manner, this article intends to examine the relationship between population and government through the actions of Abbas Mirza, Amir Kabir, Nasser al-Din Shah, the Constitution, and Reza Shah, based on new governance institutions and techniques in Iran, especially the school institution, since the late nineteenth century, and show what developments took place in Iran facing the West and the formation of a crisis of awareness in the field of government and governance with the elite, And how and why did the population become the target of new rules and techniques of governance? For responding to these questions, this study seeks to prove the changing pattern of governance in Iran on the one hand and the state's efforts to control and guide the population in new institutions on the other hand in order to strengthen the foundations of its government while increasing productivity and obedience.
Keywords: Population Control and Guidance Institution Governance New Techniques Productivity
Keywords: Population Control and Guidance Institution Governance New Techniques Productivity
Due to the developments in social relations in modern societies, and in particular the importance of restrictions on the political power of governments, the rule of people and the protection of individual rights and public freedoms as the... more
Due to the developments in social relations in modern societies, and in particular the importance of restrictions on the political power of governments, the rule of people and the protection of individual rights and public freedoms as the foundations of constitutionalism and constitutional rule, it seems to be necessary to introduce a new category of basic laws that are more consistent with modern constitutional rights and constitutionalism. Thus, all classical categories of constitutional laws are briefly introduced and criticized, and then a new categorization of basic laws to the liberal constitution and republican constitution is proposed and explained. As a result of this division, the state can be liberal or republican, but in the present time, both types of modern states must be constitutional. Of course, the republican holds this supremacy over the liberal state, which governs the protection of public freedoms. This essay is based on a fundamental assumption: the emphasis on the constitutional positivist concept. Since, the classical classifications are based on the inductive method; accordingly, the same method has been used to criticize and propose the alternative.
Research Interests:
The institution of government as a major part of a community in Islam has a special place and in addition to its inherent functions such as the administration and ordering of social affairs, its existence is essential for the desirable... more
The institution of government as a major part of a community in Islam has a special place and in addition to its inherent functions such as the administration and ordering of social affairs, its existence is essential for the desirable achievement of the teachings and doctrines of Islam. However, due to the poor background about the dimensions of the Islamic State, questions and uncertainties about the origin of the state, its structure and its features, and on the other hand the relation between the state and civil society is discussed. Therefore, in order to understand the various dimensions of the Islamic state, familiarity with the state institution of Nabawi and Alawi, as the best historical model of Islamic state and the existence of the innocent Imam at the top of it, is the best source for introducing the Islamic state and explaining its indices to illustrate the desired Islamic state. Therefore, in this research, we tried to examine the different nature and dimensions of the Nabawi and Alawi government in a theoretical framework based on the three conceptual, structural and theoretical approaches with a descriptive-analytical method. Research findings indicate that the Nabawi and Alawi state have, with people’s origin, a mechanical approach in the conceptual arena, and with a small structure, along with a limited definition of its main tasks with a broader scope, refers to a prescriptive and state-centered approach in the theoretical arena.
Research Interests:
The function of protection institution of the constitutional in every legal system is always protecting the aspirations of the nation and fundamental rights. This institution can accelerate or even weaken the movement of people in... more
The function of protection institution of the constitutional in every legal system is always protecting the aspirations of the nation and fundamental rights. This institution can accelerate or even weaken the movement of people in countries that are transitioning to democracy. Public trust in these institutions is closely linked to their independence. The effective factor of this independence is the appointment of the judges of the courts. As for the various systems of selection of judges, it is possible to determine the extent and manner of the interference of other organizations in this regard. Iraq and Turkey, which have undergone democratic changes in recent years, have experienced varying degrees of independence and, consequently, legitimacy by following different patterns of selection of constitutional judges. With the implementation of administrative model, the Iraqi state has strongly influenced the executive branch, and the issuance of unilateral sentences for the benefit of the ruling party can prove this hypothesis. However, Turkey, deviating from the executive model and accepting a multi-domain pattern, has increased the participation of civil society organizations and other branches in the selection of court judges and increased the legitimacy of the court.
Research Interests:
The decentralized organization pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran provinces, along with a variety of public services and climatic, ethnic, cultural and religious differences, have made the country encounter a number of problems. It... more
The decentralized organization pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran provinces, along with a variety of public services and climatic, ethnic, cultural and religious differences, have made the country encounter a number of problems. It is evident to everyone that decentralization is one of the most effective actions for the development of countries; however, the implementation of decentralization policies has not been successful in Iran’s provinces. In this research, the realization of local self-government is regarded as an aim for decentralization at the provincial level in order to scientifically identify the consequences of decentralization in the provinces. International status, geopolitical situation, unbalanced development and ethnic and religious variety have made Iran a special case of decentralization; hence, this study was carried out using a hybrid method. After studying the research background, 16 interviews with semi-structured elites were carried out. By analyzing the results of the interviews through content analysis method, seven outcomes of the Provincial Self-Governance include: "General Prosperity", "Income Sustainability", "Partnership", "Economic Agility", "Rule of Law", "Efficiency in Servicing", and "Separatism" was extracted from 20 categories, 112 concepts and 353 primary codes. Then, the model test by modeling the structural equations showed that the local self-government of the provinces has positive consequences in the social and economic spheres, as well as weakening separatism, terrorist activities, foreign interference and strengthening the Iranian-Islamic identity.
Research Interests:
The legislature is a manifestation of national sovereignty and one of the most important issues of policy and decision making in the country. Parliamentarians not only express their views on the status of the law, opinions but rather the... more
The legislature is a manifestation of national sovereignty and one of the most important issues of policy and decision making in the country. Parliamentarians not only express their views on the status of the law, opinions but rather the selection of the Cabinet of Ministers and their removal, the comment declares themselves. Therefore the power of a parliamentary member is to apply his vote through voting. But how can this voting power be changed? The purpose of this paper is to measure the voting power of the members related to major political coalitions in the Islamic parliament using the theory of games. Using Shaply-Shubik's index, voting power of the three coalitions, reformist, and independent were measured in three election periods of 2007, 2011, and 2015. The results show that in the eighth period (2007-2011), all of voting power was for the principlists and the other two coalitions were dummy coalitions. In the ninth period (2011-2015), the voting power was again restored by the principlists and the other two coalitions were dummy coalitions. In the tenth period (2015-2019), despite the difference in the seats of the principlists and reformist and independent coalitions, the voting power is equally divided among all three coalitions. This is a very interesting conclusion that the number of seats in a coalition does not always reflect the strength of that coalition. It is suggested that the Islamic parliament Research Center use this approach in measuring the voting power of the fractions in the specialized parliamentary committees.
Research Interests:
The critique of the state and ruling elites is an important part of the political life of the masses, but the political action of the descendants in pre-constitutional era, with the exception of the rare cases of rebellion and riots, is... more
The critique of the state and ruling elites is an important part of the political life of the masses, but the political action of the descendants in pre-constitutional era, with the exception of the rare cases of rebellion and riots, is reflected in their popular culture. Meanwhile, song is one of the most common genre of folk culture. The masses had to raise their protest or political views with simple or complex camouflages at the community level in order to remain immune from the harassment by the government agents. Oral capacities of folk culture provided them with a simple camouflage, and in sophisticated camouflage, taking advantage of the allegory and password, they created songs that made it possible for them to have both political and harmless readings. The research tries to answer these questions, what was the themes of the political folk songs in the pre-constitution era during the Qajar era, and what methods were used to cover these themes in songs? The premise of the research is that the theme of these songs was mostly based on the negation of the constructive elements of the "public view of government." What is more, the government's covert threat and litigation were the other themes of these songs. The masses used to cover these themes through methods such as subtilized threats, symbolic reversal, the memorial of good natured ruler and naïve king love. The conceptual framework of the research is “Secret narrations” theory of James C. Scott.
Research Interests:
The outbreak of World War II and the occupation of Iran on the pretext of the presence of German troops in this country had unfortunate consequences. The end of Reza Shah Administration meant the beginning of a new era in which absolute... more
The outbreak of World War II and the occupation of Iran on the pretext of the presence of German troops in this country had unfortunate consequences. The end of Reza Shah Administration meant the beginning of a new era in which absolute authority did not exist anymore. The deterioration of conditions in the country prompted Iranian thinkers to speculate about Iran for the post-Shah era. One of these thinkers was Ahmad Kasravi. According to his many years of experience in the Iranian politics and his life experiences, Kasravi achieved to reconstruct the theory of government in post-Reza Shah Period. Hence; this article will examine the nature and specifics of post-Reza Shah Administration in Ahmad Kasravi’ thought. In order to answer this question using qualitative content analysis method, Kasravi's writings have been investigated from 1942 to 1945. The findings indicate that Kasravi, considering the existing conditions and pursuing a realistic approach, selected an elitist government and recalling what occurred during Iran’s Constitutional period and Reza Shah reign, he believes that neutrality in foreign relations, formation of an independent army, trying to inform people and considering Iran’s cultural conditions in legislation are this elitist government’ duties.
Research Interests:
Reducing corruption, promoting accountability and gaining public trust and satisfaction are among the top goals of any government. One of the key and controversial tools in achieving these goals, transparency is achieved relying on the... more
Reducing corruption, promoting accountability and gaining public trust and satisfaction are among the top goals of any government. One of the key and controversial tools in achieving these goals, transparency is achieved relying on the issue of free access to information. Government ministries, as the highest executive bodies of the country, are also responsible for directing and implementing all affairs throughout the country, which the magnifying glass of transparency on the ministry will eliminate their operational ambiguities. Research method is quantitative and the research goal is evaluative. Also the field research environment and the research strategy are survey type. Given the levels of ministries in Iran's Civil Service Management Law and the ranking of their websites, the transparency of the 18 ministries' websites was assessed and evaluated by a three-dimensional survey of 40 questions. The findings of the study indicate that the websites of the ministries in the category of governance are less transparent; Moreover, websites that rank better in Iran are more transparent.
Research Interests:
The institution of the modern state, based on the liberal doctrine of social contract, has been questioned in the age of globalization by the formation of paradigmatic transformations of political thought from different think tanks. This... more
The institution of the modern state, based on the liberal doctrine of social contract, has been questioned in the age of globalization by the formation of paradigmatic transformations of political thought from different think tanks. This kind of criticism of liberal discourse encompasses a range of critical thinkers such as Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida Giorgo Agamben, Jacques Rancière and others. But the critique of the state by contemporary thinkers is not confined to this category of thinkers, but communitarianism, with its thinkers such as Al-Sadir McIntyre, can be regarded as one of these critical schools of thought in the paradigm of contemporary political philosophy with a critical look at the most important liberal propositions of modern times such as individualism, state neutrality, universality of this kind of thinking and an emphasis on concepts such as communitarianism, virtue, state moral interventionism, and contextualization. The focus of this article will be to examine McIntyre's critical attitude towards the issue of "state neutrality." The question is, "What is Al-Sadir McIntyre's view of the institution of government? And what is his position on the neutrality of the state in liberal thought? "It is assumed that “First of all, McIntyre has no endorsing view of modern government and its grand narrative, and is in favor of communism. It also denies the impartiality of the state in liberal thought and advocates the rule-based interventionism of the state to moralize citizens ". Macintyre is a new Aristotelian thinker who emphasizes the restoration of virtue and prosperity in the modern age as it was in the classical Greek era.
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The characteristic of classical public policy was the will to power by a government that authoritatively and centrally formulated its policies and implemented them in the society under its control. With the increase of emerging problems... more
The characteristic of classical public policy was the will to power by a government that authoritatively and centrally formulated its policies and implemented them in the society under its control. With the increase of emerging problems and challenges that are affecting other problems in a complicated and rhizome- like way, the complexity of the government's actions and their consequences has doubled as governments are forced to make changes in the nature of their public policy. This paradigm shift aimed at enhancing the capability and promoting government action in policy design and implementation implies a decentralized and network approach rather than a centralized and government-based one, an approach that focuses on a broad set of policy tools or technologies for public action, rather than the "institution" and "program", to solve public issues. More recent experiences are more inclined to the topic of 'policy baskets' or the arrangement of tools in 'policy blends' that form the content of a toolbox from which governments can choose and construct public policies. The present article, by adopting an epistemological approach, narrates the dimensions of this paradigm shift in identifying new public policy approaches; an attempt to understand the late logic of public policy knowledge based on the recreation of the role of government that has led to the emergence of new forms of network, multilevel and multipurpose governance.
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This article, using the method of historical sociology and the sociology of knowledge, attempts to address the power relations between society and government in Iran before the emergence of the Pahlavi state. Powerful social masters such... more
This article, using the method of historical sociology and the sociology of knowledge, attempts to address the power relations between society and government in Iran before the emergence of the Pahlavi state. Powerful social masters such as the royal family and their relatives, clergies, landowners, merchants and marketers, and ultimately local rulers and head of tribes who had a high degree of control and regulation in society, made the Iranian society to be web like. The power of the leaders of the society prevented the government from fulfilling its reformative demands and policies. The constant struggle between the state and society led to ways of achieving "compromise" by the state. "Encouraging strife" in networked society has been another way for the government to overcome this inability. This paper analyzes the structure of Iranian society and the power of the pre-modern state from the Safavid era to the beginning of the Constitutional era based on Migdal's theoretical model and seeks to answer the question: “What pattern of power relations between the state and society in pre-modern Iran did it follow?” The purpose of this study is to examine the sociological power relations of the governments with social forces from a historical perspective in order to understand the reason for the problem of the weakness of the political power of the modern state in Iran. In this article, the results suggest a kind of confrontation and contrast between governments and social forces in which government is disintegrated and the network community struggles to survive the government and social rivals.
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Characteristics of state in Iran has attracted some of political scientists’ attraction since past times; therefore, various theories, including Patrimonial, Neo-Patrimonial, Sultanism, Absolutism, Rentier, Quasi-Modernity, Eastern... more
Characteristics of state in Iran has attracted some of political scientists’ attraction since past times; therefore, various theories, including Patrimonial, Neo-Patrimonial, Sultanism, Absolutism, Rentier, Quasi-Modernity, Eastern Despotism, etc., have been proposed to examine the characteristics and features of contemporary states in Iran. Most of the theories about the features of the state in contemporary Iran are mainly general, theoretical and qualitative, each dealing with the characteristics of the state in contemporary Iran from a particular angle or point of view. Contrary to other theories and works, which are largely general and based on the levels of theoretical analysis, the present paper seeks to begin with the question of what constituted the structural features of government after the Islamic Revolution (until the early 1990s). In this regard, this paper attempts to respond to this by proposing a case study of the relationship between the growth of the new middle class and the process of democracy development in Iran after the Islamic Revolution, on one hand, and the role of the state in influencing this relationship on the other hand. The process and findings of this survey, which are mainly exploratory and structured, show that the government in Iran after the Islamic Revolution has both rentier and ideological features.
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Civil disobedience in John Rawls’ theory of justice is protesting actions of citizens against some unjust laws and policy making in a democratic governments. The objective of such actions is reform and change on the basis of a... more
Civil disobedience in John Rawls’ theory of justice is protesting actions of citizens against some unjust laws and policy making in a democratic governments. The objective of such actions is reform and change on the basis of a constitution through rational and peaceful manners. Rawls relied on civil disobedience on the philosophical and moral foundation and, while justifying it on the basis of two principles of justice, discusses the role of this non-violent civil action. In his assessment, civil disobedience is justifiable as a legal and moral action, for this treatment confronts unjust, no efficient other lawful acts, and acceptance of some inevitable limitations. It is forming on the basis of expansion of liberties, rationality, and overlapping consensus. Hence Civil disobedience is a democratic movement and its objective is reform of some laws and structures; therefore it cannot be considered as militant actions. This research uses conceptual analysis and critical evaluation based upon analytic philosophy to explain and criticize the issue of civil disobedience in Rawls political philosophy. The outcome of this study is that Rawls’ thoughts as a means of defining and explaining the philosophical and ethical principles, as well as the precise drawing of civil disobedience boundaries from militant practices have the rational consistency and theoretical strength. Against this observation, his objective guidance and action in this regard are in some cases subject to ambiguities and shortcomings. Rawls does not follow a same method regarding such guidance.
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Since the failed coup in June 2016, a series of developments have begun in Turkey that are not comparable to the post-coup era of the past decades. The purpose of this article is to analyze the nature of the government in Turkey after the... more
Since the failed coup in June 2016, a series of developments have begun in Turkey that are not comparable to the post-coup era of the past decades. The purpose of this article is to analyze the nature of the government in Turkey after the coup. The main question is what is the nature of the Turkish government after the abortive coup of June 2016? The paper also hypothesizes that the developments and set of changes that Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his party (Justice and Development) have initiated in recent years, accelerated since the 2016 coup so that the nature of government in Turkey would be changed from fragile democracy into “anocracy". In this government, while some democratic institutions are in power, the symptoms of authoritarianism and the transition to anocratic government is increasing. The findings of the article show that changing 18 articles from the Turkish constitution, transforming parliamentary system into presidential, enhancing the power of the President and weakening the supervisory organizations, severe weakening of the judicial system, intense violation of human rights, particularly tough violence against Gulenists and Kurds and the widespread suppression and liquidation of government opponents at the level of the military and civilians, are the hallmarks of the emergence of anocratic government in Turkey after the 2016 coup. The data collected for the paper hypothesis were processed in a descriptive-analytical method.
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The term good governance is used today on a wide scale from a local to an international level. In the meantime, governance in the form of local government seems to be more commensurate with good governance. This research seeks to answer... more
The term good governance is used today on a wide scale from a local to an international level. In the meantime, governance in the form of local government seems to be more commensurate with good governance. This research seeks to answer the questions of what is the relationship between local government and good governance and what are the unique characteristics and traits of a local government that can be considered a good government? In addition, what is the best method for delegating powers and responsibilities to citizens in order to make local government efficient in terms of good governance? The research is descriptive-analytical based on its nature and methodology and the required information is gathered in a documentary manner with reference to reliable books and articles. The research findings show that with respect to specific and prominent features of local government such as decentralization, democratic structure, local and people-centered planning and decision-making, attention to the interests of the general public, the distribution of opportunities and the establishment of social and geographical justice, more community benefits from development and welfare, local government can be regarded as the ideal example for good governance. Also among the many features that local government has, the principle of optimal decentralization (political, economic, administrative, technical, geographical, etc.), as the real symbol and ultimate goal of local government, is undoubtedly the best and most practical way of good administrative governance. In this way, by delegating some of the responsibilities to the citizens, their involvement in regional and national affairs becomes more real and then the mutual interaction between the local government and the central government becomes facilitated. It will also have decentralization of power (central government) as a principle. In short, because of the specific nature and functions of local government, it can be used to establish a good governance model.
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A controversial concept, state is a single denominator with diverse and multifaceted models, as well as a contentious phenomenon with numerous problems in meaning, concept and application. While some see the state as a phenomenon that... more
A controversial concept, state is a single denominator with diverse and multifaceted models, as well as a contentious phenomenon with numerous problems in meaning, concept and application. While some see the state as a phenomenon that dates back to the sixteenth century, others cite the state as a special form of government; therefore, in this sense, every social order requires the state. In ancient Iran, the concept of government and governance will only mean with the concept of a prince, as the institution of the prince in the Iranian thought is the ideal king. The present study seeks to examine the nature of government in ancient Iran as the first center of dynamism and emergence of government in the human world. In this study, the main question is on what basis was the nature of government in ancient Iran during the Achaemenid era? After answering the question, it is hypothesized that the nature of government in ancient Iran was based on Iranian ideology of an ideal king based on religious and moral purity, since Iranian morality and spirit were based on Zoroaster teachings and the Achaemenid kings represented their attributes of heavenly monarchy. This hypothesis has been processed by a historical sociology approach and an analysis of the nature of state during the Achaemenid period in a descriptive-analytic method.
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The main question of the present study is why the scholars of the Baghdad school, unlike their predecessors, allowed people to cooperate with tyrant sultan. The significance of this research goes back to the important evolution that has... more
The main question of the present study is why the scholars of the Baghdad school, unlike their predecessors, allowed people to cooperate with tyrant sultan. The significance of this research goes back to the important evolution that has taken place in Imamiyya's political jurisprudence, namely, the conversion of the fatwa of the sanctity of cooperation with tyrant Sultan to the authorization and necessity of cooperation with it. The study first examined the views of the jurisprudents before the Baghdad school, and it was concluded that they regarded the state as the exclusive right of the innocent Imam and favored cooperation with the ruler of oppression. Subsequently, the conditions of the jurisprudents time of Baghdad work era have been analyzed to determine the factors that have revised their earlier jurisprudence and legitimized cooperation with tyrant sultan. The present study examines this shift in the views of Shiite scholars with Skinner's hermeneutics and identifies its causes. The result is that the changing norms of the sanctity of cooperation with the tyrant Sultan and its conversion to license, and even the necessity of cooperation by the Imamiyya scholars of Baghdad school, have been due to the changing conditions prevailing in Islamic society and an opportunity for Buyids to strengthen the Shiite religion and the status of Shiites. This study provides a background for future researches on the relationship of the change of jurisprudential fatwas in politics with the prevailing scientific, social and political conditions.
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The nature of the nation practice (nation-state) in creating and amending a constitution is usually measured by two legal and political perspectives: In the legal approach, this jurisdiction is defined within a legal system, but in the... more
The nature of the nation practice (nation-state) in creating and amending a constitution is usually measured by two legal and political perspectives: In the legal approach, this jurisdiction is defined within a legal system, but in the political approach the jurisdiction is considered to be the basis of the constitution and the power of government derives exclusively from the political will of the nation. It appears that the Constitutional Review Council was constituted in 1989 on the basis of the political theory of "political will of the nation as the foundation of the Constitution" and that the nations ‘intended reforms was done because basically no right was included for the nation to amend the constitution in 1979. The main purpose of the present study is to examine the theoretical foundations of the competence of the nation in drafting and amending the constitution; what is more, the results of this research can be considered as one of the political theories of government in Iran. The research method is descriptive-analytical and the research question is "On what basis and the theory of the 1979 constitution has been revised and amended"? It can be argued that the constitution is credited with a basis called the political will of the nation
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The purpose of this article is to examine the practical dimensions of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood's government experience on the basis of the theoretical foundations of this movement. Through this study, the author seeks to analyze... more
The purpose of this article is to examine the practical dimensions of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood's government experience on the basis of the theoretical foundations of this movement. Through this study, the author seeks to analyze the most important political debates over the one-year rule of the Brotherhood in Egypt and the consequences of its overthrow. In other words, explaining the critiques of the Brotherhood's practical approach and the practical and sometimes theoretical responses of the Brotherhood's government and its supporters are the subject of the article's discussion. As we know, the Muslim Brotherhood failed to achieve the democratic transition in Egypt, and its governmental experience led to the Egyptian democratic retreat. The twofold question of the paper is how the practical foundations of the Brotherhood's rule had its effect on its overthrow and what the consequences of this transformation would have on the Brotherhood movement as well as on Egyptian civil rule. In response, it is argued that the failure of pivotal principle of the Brotherhood model of rule, that is balancing, in the chaotic Egyptian environment led to its overthrow; The consequence of this overthrow, in addition to promoting the Brotherhood's pragmatism and increasing divisions, is spreading extremism and the difficulty of Brotherhood's return to power, which overall makes political reconciliation more difficult. Accordingly, the author, in a deductive process, relying on library data, has attempted to follow the process of change in the cause and effect of the research, explaining the reasons for the Brotherhood's functioning in government and its overthrow on the basis of its theory. The time frame of the article would be the Brotherhood's reign until the July 2013 coup and includes references to the aftermath.
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Opinion on the concept of state has a deep root in the history of western political thought. Although there have been brief and marginal studies in this area in ancient Greece, we notice more attention to the concept of state and its... more
Opinion on the concept of state has a deep root in the history of western political thought. Although there have been brief and marginal studies in this area in ancient Greece, we notice more attention to the concept of state and its coordinates since the Renaissance. Germany, during eighteenth century, is one of the most important arenas on this concept. As one of its thinkers and contemporary of Hegel, Schopenhauer has also paid attention to the issue of state during his discussions. The problem of the present study is the nature of state in Schopenhauer's political thought. The hypothesis of the present paper is that Schopenhauer's theory of state as opposed to Hegelian thought, rejects the totalitarian and the Hegelian ideal state on one hand, and, based on the rule of the concept of evil and how he views metaphysics in its philosophical apparatus on the other hand, takes on a minimalist and protective nature.
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In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two... more
In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development and the second group that seeks the agent outside the domain of state. The question is which of the two theories have been more successful in their claims according to their historical results. The claim and hypothesis of this study is that the theories of the second group, in the search for ways of direct development of the state, eventually hinder reform, engage in direct conflict with the state, and lead the process of society's transformation to a revolution or a repressive state. To justify this claim, this article will look at the history of Iranian intellectual development theories after the Constitution. The research method in this paper is "Inference based on the best explanation ", abbreviated as IBE. It seems that in the first two constitutional and Pahlavi periods, statism and in the second Pahlavi and Islamic Republic era anti-statism were dominant. During the Second Pahlavi era and the Islamic Republic, two types of ideas were produced that were common to anti-statism and the main criticisms included: Theories of return to self and backwardness degeneration. Both are equally guilty of delaying the creation of a proper relationship between the state and the nation in the light of upholding up-to-date citizen rights and maintaining the sovereignty of the state.
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There has been valuable research on the socio-political structure of the Sassanid era. Most have described Sassanid society as an example of feudal or authoritarian Eastern societies. But the historical evidence is not entirely consistent... more
There has been valuable research on the socio-political structure of the Sassanid era. Most have described Sassanid society as an example of feudal or authoritarian Eastern societies. But the historical evidence is not entirely consistent with these two theories. It seems that the existence of a powerful aristocracy alongside a strong government seeking to concentrate more power makes this society a prominent example of Eisen's bureaucratic empires. In this case, some concepts related to public law can be argued that they cannot be formed in the two former types. Examples include early national identities and, consequently, the independence of the state's legal personality from the real ruler, which has significant effects on political traditions such as succession traditions and power relations between the king, the nobility, the people and the bureaucracy. It seems that in the Sasanian political-legal structure, it is impossible to deal with power and political-legal structures such as that of ruler. At the same time, the dual nature of the bureaucratic empires as both traditional and modern system and a dynamic point of view (as opposed to a static one) can well justify the inconsistencies in the Sasanian government and the inconsistent historical evidence.
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In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two... more
In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development and the second group that seeks the agent outside the domain of state. The question is which of the two theories have been more successful in their claims according to their historical results. The claim and hypothesis of this study is that the theories of the second group, in the search for ways of direct development of the state, eventually hinder reform, engage in direct conflict with the state, and lead the process of society's transformation to a revolution or a repressive state. To justify this claim, this article will look at the history of Iranian intellectual development theories after the Constitution. The research method in this paper is "Inference based on the best explanation ", abbreviated as IBE. It seems that in the first two constitutional and Pahlavi periods, statism and in the second Pahlavi and Islamic Republic era anti-statism were dominant. During the Second Pahlavi era and the Islamic Republic, two types of ideas were produced that were common to anti-statism and the main criticisms included: Theories of return to self and backwardness degeneration. Both are equally guilty of delaying the creation of a proper relationship between the state and the nation in the light of upholding up-to-date citizen rights and maintaining the sovereignty of the state.
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In recent decades, studies of the role of government in economy have had a shift from the concentration on the size of government and its tasks to the quality of government intervention. This change of attitude to state in economy has... more
In recent decades, studies of the role of government in economy have had a shift from the concentration on the size of government and its tasks to the quality of government intervention. This change of attitude to state in economy has given rise to a new vision of good governance. Good governance requires a broad approach to the transparent involvement of a wide range of groups including the government, civil society and private sector. In this respect, the quality of governance reflects the ability of governments to formulate and implement effective policies to improve business environment, economic development, and entrepreneurship expansion; therefore, the main purpose of this article is to find the answer to this important question: What is the impact of the quality of governance on entrepreneurship in selected countries? The present study is an applied research in terms of purpose and referential, in terms of research method, nature and the method of dealing with the problem. In this study, reference is made to the statistical data of the World Bank and the World Entrepreneurship Observer. Multivariate regression and panel data and Excel and Eviews soft wares have been used to model the factors affecting entrepreneurship. The results of fixed effects model estimation over the period 2000-2016 showed that governance quality has a positive and significant effect on entrepreneurship in the selected countries. The effect of governance quality on entrepreneurship in the group of innovation-based selected countries with high income is higher than the group of efficiency-based ones with medium income. Creating effective institutions, governments can provide an environment suitable for regulating the economic relations of individuals in a low-cost manner. In this way, entrepreneurship can be reinforced and developed.
Research Interests: Entrepreneurship, Panel Data, Classification, C23, P33, and 5 moreGovernance Quality, JEL O31 , L26, G38 , and J24
Value, credibility, dignity, soft power, advantage, profit, power and ... are attached to the name of the country with the positive image. The value of the perceptual image of the nation and the country is like the invisible golden. One... more
Value, credibility, dignity, soft power, advantage, profit, power and ... are attached to the name of the country with the positive image. The value of the perceptual image of the nation and the country is like the invisible golden. One of the important facts about that is the competition between citizens and ordinary people in the world, for access to the name and passport of a credible country. Nowadays, South Korea's name along with an industrial product or cultural production gives the valuable power to that production. Accordingly, the main question of the present research is that what is the most important factor in the success of the Korea's nation branding and Korea's positive image around the world? This paper tries to explain and conceptualization of the nation branding field and then examines the construction and policy of nation branding spread of Korea by Korean wave. This paper emphasizes that the most important factor in the success of Korea's global image and management of its reputation is the strategic institutionalization.
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As a concept that has spread from economics to other fields, Regulation refers to sovereign interventions aimed at the realization of the public interest. The present article focuses on the clarification of the concept of regulation in... more
As a concept that has spread from economics to other fields, Regulation refers to sovereign interventions aimed at the realization of the public interest. The present article focuses on the clarification of the concept of regulation in reforming the policy approach to the status of public libraries. The key question of the research is, from a policy-making perspective, in the conceptual bipolar framework of regulation and tenure, what is the relationship between the public libraries institution and the Tehran municipal libraries (which is a larger set of entities)? In this regard, the research has investigated the structural interaction of Tehran Public Libraries and Municipalities with the theoretical framework of institutionalism and qualitative content analysis method. At present, the public libraries institution is a policy maker, an administrator, and a supervisor of public libraries. In such circumstances, such affairs as obtaining a license and the duty of the municipality to pay half of its revenue to public library associations, which of course refuses to pay, has become a serious challenge between the two institutions. This study argues that even if the institution's wishes are met, a larger problem persists, and that the institution's tenure may not give a good prospect of achieving its goals. What the libraries institutions is pursuing is having hundreds of libraries with thousands of executive officer that would then be left out of their policymaking and supervisory duties. The policy-making proposal of the paper is to harmonize the integrated network of national libraries, to define the role and position of policymakers at different levels, and to distinguish the role of policymaking from implementation for public libraries. In this way, the movement of public libraries towards regulation in the role of policymaker and supervisor can serve the intended purpose. In this case, the municipality will play the role of the executor of the institution policies within the framework of the integrated urban services system.
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The establishment of the Islamic State in the Age of Absence is one of the fundamental issues of political jurisprudence. This article compares and analyzes the collected ideas and documents collected from the works of Mirza Naeini and... more
The establishment of the Islamic State in the Age of Absence is one of the fundamental issues of political jurisprudence. This article compares and analyzes the collected ideas and documents collected from the works of Mirza Naeini and Shahid Sadr with a comparative research method such as collecting library data and imitating Skeiner's hermeneutic theoretical idea in understanding the political thought of these two Islamic thinkers. The research findings emphasize several points; Contrary to popular belief in the similarity of the council government in Naini and Sadr's thought, the two theories are different. In the geometry of Mirza Naeini's political knowledge, sovereignty is a divine right and does not belong to the people, but the council is the people's right. According to the principle of the council, the people have the right to consult with the ruler, but in the opinion of Martyr Sadr, the sovereignty is the people's right, and consulting is a right of public to stablish the sovereignty of the people. The essential difference of the council government leads to the formation of different functions for the principle of the council in Imami jurisprudence and causes the emergence of a new approach in examining the political matter from the perspective of Imami political jurisprudence.
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Political development, in the sense of expanding partnerships and ideological competition in the political arena, at least at the elite level, requires institutions, organizations and developments in the structure of traditional society.... more
Political development, in the sense of expanding partnerships and ideological competition in the political arena, at least at the elite level, requires institutions, organizations and developments in the structure of traditional society. In the first Pahlavi period the programs for the modernization created the field, provided social political developments and, to some extent, the possibility of political competition and participation was provided. But the emergence of an absolute government stabilized a major obstacle to expanding partnerships and competition and reproduced authoritarianism. This paper tries to rely on the text of the negotiations of the sixth to twelfth sessions of the National Assembly, and based on the fact that the type of government and political system is directly related to the realization or non-fulfillment of political development, the concept of political development in the first Pahlavi period (1320-1304) was assessed. By selecting the model of "Bernard Crick ", the authors have presented the concept of political development in the context of the negotiations of the National Assembly of this period and in the light of the description of the historical context. Revising the text of the talks based on the model of the Crick, it is argued that the construction of the government, along with the presence of the parliament, which, in the eleven cases of the model under consideration, confirms that the government is absolutism, can be considered as one of the main reasons for the failure of political development.
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Rentier governments have suffered in their economic and political aspects because of their high dependence on rentier revenues. In political terms, these governments have an authoritarian and non-democratic nature due to the separation of... more
Rentier governments have suffered in their economic and political aspects because of their high dependence on rentier revenues. In political terms, these governments have an authoritarian and non-democratic nature due to the separation of their sources of income from society. In the economic aspect, their obvious feature is a single product, an inflationary economy with unemployment and a deficit. The study seeks to address the economic and political pathology of Kuwait by studying the case of Kuwait as a rentier state. At the Kuwaiti economy, efforts have been made to diversify its single-product economy away from economic diversification, but still a significant part of its economy is derived from oil revenues. In the political aspect, the main feature of this government is the lack of tax and non-representation, The Kuwaiti government has suffered from fiscal deficits, inflation, and unemployment, due to its dependence on oil revenues, which tended to gradually shift towards an economically importing, vulnerable consumerism which pushes it towards an authoritarian and non-democratic state, as its governors with financial support seek to buy political and postpone democracy. With the continuation of such crises, it appears that the Kuwaiti government will face the obvious political and economic challenges in the future.
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This article analyzes the role and power of the military in Turkey and how they interfere in Turkey's political arena, using deep state-of theory. The research question is that with regard to the Turkish constitutional amendments and the... more
This article analyzes the role and power of the military in Turkey and how they interfere in Turkey's political arena, using deep state-of theory. The research question is that with regard to the Turkish constitutional amendments and the reduction of military influence on political affairs, is it possible for the country's military to become an active actor in the political arena? The conceptual framework of research is the theory of deep state. The research findings indicate that the military still has the potential for political participation and intervention in Turkish affairs, but for reasons such as reducing legitimacy, foreign pressure and a new understanding of security issues in Turkey, the military has found that issues Political should be solved by the government, not the military and the army headquarters. On this basis, they have implicitly entered the coalition with Erdogan and the AKP because of their common enemies with the AK PARTy, including the Pkk and the Gulen Movement, and given Erdogan's security National and fight against internal and external enemies need military support, and the army will cooperate with the AKP government if they consider national security and defense issues in their regard. The data collection method is document and library and data analysis is done by process tracking analysis.
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In Iran, a major part of the supporting measures of government to prevent social problems and support vulnerable groups and persons with disabilities, is offered through the Social Welfare Organization. Despite attracting the cooperation... more
In Iran, a major part of the supporting measures of government to prevent social problems and support vulnerable groups and persons with disabilities, is offered through the Social Welfare Organization. Despite attracting the cooperation of civil society organizations in support of the disadvantaged people and a wide range of agreements with other institutions, along with various services offered to the target population, Iran’s Welfare Organization still faces major shortcomings in achieving its goals. These challenges become more acute in the face of growing social damages. Therefore, evaluation of the management model of the Welfare Organization in order to address deficiencies and overcome the challenges is essential. In the present study, applying a qualitative method, the data are collected via interviewing and studying documents and evidences. Then, having adopted the thematic analysis method, the data were described, organized and analyzed. During the analysis of findings, eight categories related to the performance of Welfare Organization were identified. The extracted categories were drawn and presented in the form of a paradigmatic model as the functional challenges of the Welfare Organization of Iran. In the end, proposed strategies were presented in the form of three broad concepts of ‘the need to shift the approach, focusing on monitoring and surveillance and strengthening civil institutions and outsourcing.
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In recent modernity era, especially between big war and the annihilation of communism, the most important political division in democratic countries has been the duality of Right/Left. Often the two biggest rival parties, apart from their... more
In recent modernity era, especially between big war and the annihilation of communism, the most important political division in democratic countries has been the duality of Right/Left. Often the two biggest rival parties, apart from their different names, have been representing two tendencies, the social democracy and the liberal democracy. The main difference between these two positions has been about functionality and ethicality of welfare state. Our question in this article is the following: From the point view of social and economic mechanism, the intersection of democratic countries is closer to system of preferences of social democracy or liberal democracy? It is to corroboration that, somewhat contrary to the twentieth century, a scientific-experimental and realistic approach to the social planning makes these two positions convergent in a pragmatist framework, and, despite of a propagandist atmosphere of challenge, their theoretical and ideological differences are leaving their seriousness and functionality. The conflict of Tax versus services is transferring from an ideological and ethical principle to a subject for a limited and temporary examination among a group of experts. The existence of welfare state is no more a problem, it is its ranges and limitations which is a subject of discussion and decision. Even the domain of disagreement here is to reduce.
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Iranshahri is a new version of the old heritage that, despite its traces in the pre-constitutional period, is especially due to the developments in the constitution and the national government. When the National Government (1905) was... more
Iranshahri is a new version of the old heritage that, despite its traces in the pre-constitutional period, is especially due to the developments in the constitution and the national government. When the National Government (1905) was established in Iran, it led the constitutional leaders to find a "place" where they could set up tents of this nationality but be safe from the winds and storms. Some of these thinkers saw this "suitable place" in "ancient Iran" and tried to "revive" it. These ideas have had ups and downs so far, and its current expression is tied to the thoughts and works of Professor Seyed Javad Tabatabaei. In this article, while explaining "Iranshahri" according to the latest book of Professor Tabatabaei, some positive and negative aspects of this idea have been examined. In his opinion, Iran was not a part of the Islamic history and world, but also in the area of "Inside Out". The area that although "we have not yet been able to draw its coordinates", is, and we have the "intuition" and recognize. Therefore, an independent theory is required to explain Iran's transformation logic. In this writing, we have tried to investigate this thought and some of its important material
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Covid-19 disease is now a major and critical problem in most countries and has created many challenges for government officials. The aim of this study was to determine the effect of Covid-19 disease on political confidence with regard to... more
Covid-19 disease is now a major and critical problem in most countries and has created many challenges for government officials. The aim of this study was to determine the effect of Covid-19 disease on political confidence with regard to the mediating role of social capital and the moderating role of social media. This study was applied in a descriptive and surveyed manner. The statistical sample in this study is 300 people from Shiraz urban community who were selected by random sampling method and a 30-item questionnaire with a range of 5 options was used to collect data. In order to analyze the data, the partial least squares method was used. The findings indicate that measurement tools have good validity and Cronbach's alpha coefficient for all research structures is more than 0.7. The findings show that Covid-19 disease has a negative and significant effect on political confidence and social capital of Shiraz urban society. However, social capital has a positive and significant effect on the political confidence of the urban community of Shiraz. The results also show that social capital plays a mediating role in the relationship between Covid-19 disease and political confidence and that social media can moderate the relationship between Covid-19 disease and political confidence.
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Today, the coronavirus has become a pandemic and a major international concern. The virus has been able to give states powers that would not normally be possible. It has created many restrictions for them, either. In this regard, the... more
Today, the coronavirus has become a pandemic and a major international concern. The virus has been able to give states powers that would not normally be possible. It has created many restrictions for them, either. In this regard, the purpose of this paper is the comparative study of the performance of the Iranian and Singaporean states dealing with the coronavirus, the political-social future of these two nations and the final status of the virus within the framework of future research method. Therefore, the question that arises is, "what has been the performance of Iran and Singapore dealing with the coronavirus, and what would be the political-social future of these countries and the final status of this virus?" The results show that Singapore's performance in confrontation with the coronavirus is faster, more planned, more legal and more transparent than in Iran. In terms of the future of both states, five scenarios can be proposed, which are in three categories: A) The Favorable Future: The End of Corona, Reduction of Job Costs for States and Improving the Knowledge System of Citizens. B) Probable Future: 1. Corona's gradual defeat, the emergence of the crisis of unemployed youth and maximum pressure on the State. 2. Gradual control of Corona, expansion of influence and intelligence dominance of States. 3. Corona's survival, the centralization of power and the closing of democratic space. C) Possible future: long-term failure of Corona, economic crisis and maximum pressure on the people and the emergence of social protests.
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Various governments around the world have put tough restrictive measures on the agenda to combat the outbreak of the Covid-19 virus. Actions that are unbearable for people under normal circumstances. These restrictive measures and... more
Various governments around the world have put tough restrictive measures on the agenda to combat the outbreak of the Covid-19 virus. Actions that are unbearable for people under normal circumstances. These restrictive measures and extraordinary means have so far been accepted by the public (despite popular protests in some countries). This study seeks to answer the main question: "Which of theories can best explain or understand the restrictive actions of different states in the face of coronavirus?" It hypothesizes that "use extraordinary means such as the closure of universities, mosques, religious shrines, discos and nightclubs, etc. "Different governments use them in the face of the coronavirus, due to the “securitization' of public health from the risk of a viral pandemic by different governments." The theory of "securitization" is therefore used, because in "securitization", the a securitising actor defines a security issue as a threat to the survival of a referent object which is claimed to has a right to survive. Since a question of survival necessarily involves a point of no return at which it will be too late to act, it is not defensible to leave this issue to normal politics. The securitising actor therefore claims a right to use extraordinary means or break normal rules, for reasons of security; Tools that are normally unjustifiable and not tolerated. At the same time, the actions of a transnational actor such as the World Health Organization(WHO) in "securitization" the coronavirus are examined using the concept of " Macrosecuritization ".
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After coronavirus pandemic in the early months of 2020 in the world, Alain Badiou, French Marxist philosopher, tried to analyze the issue on behalf of the government in an article. He declared that the bourgeoisie state must pay attention... more
After coronavirus pandemic in the early months of 2020 in the world, Alain Badiou, French Marxist philosopher, tried to analyze the issue on behalf of the government in an article. He declared that the bourgeoisie state must pay attention to more general interests at the same time it takes care of the interests belonging to its class. He defined the situation as a confrontation with a public enemy. The realistic efforts of Alain Badiou as an idealistic philosopher in understanding the French state was unexpected for all his colleagues and critics. This article tries to explain how the coronavirus pandemic is neither a philosophical nor a metaphysical situation through the criticisms of Alain Badiou's recent stance in the epidemic situation, and why Badiou's recommendations to Emmanuel Macron administration do not meant to justify ineffectiveness of Neoliberal policies confronting with the coronavirus pandemic. In order to find the answer, we try to define Badiou's philosophical approach and understand its relation to the concept of "event" as the central concept in his philosophical discourse and it goes on to examine how the Corona pandemic situation is not a philosophical event or situation, and that Allen Badiou's political stance against Macron's government in the current context, despite his conservative form, is further understood in his radical philosophy. Finally, the proposal of this political philosopher - moving towards a model similar to the welfare state - with the economic foundation and political model of the current hegemony in the capitalist world, is considered as a possible solution in the face of the corona situation.
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According to the International Monetary Fund forecasts, the Middle Eastern economy will shrink by 5.2 percent in 2020 compared to the previous year due to Covid-19. These statistics, which are just one part of the devastating result of... more
According to the International Monetary Fund forecasts, the Middle Eastern economy will shrink by 5.2 percent in 2020 compared to the previous year due to Covid-19. These statistics, which are just one part of the devastating result of the spread of the corona virus in the international arena, show the most unprecedented recession in the Middle East. Although the initiative of governments to restrict social mobility has curbed the spread of the virus in question, it also disrupts the production process and deepens destitution in the region. The question now is how the quarantine programs of the regional governments have caused the GDP reduction and the domestic recession. It seems that the implementation of control programs to prevent the spread of the corona virus at both the regional and international levels has disrupted the global value chain. On the one hand, this situation disrupted the supply of goods and services in domestic economies, and on the other hand, it reduced demand on a large scale. The crystallization of the existing conditions can be well seen in the declining trend of investment and foreign trade, falling oil prices, remittances and the tourism industry in the region more than other sectors. In the light of the theory of interdependence from the subset of liberal international political economy and in the framework of the quantitative analysis method based on figures and statistical data provided by international monetary institutions over the past year, this article intends to examine the effects of internal and external control constraints of governments on the Middle Eastern economy.
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Today, the spread coronavirus in Iran and around the world has become a social issue and in turn has revealed the position, function and importance of the institution of states. This article aims to sociologically analyze public trust in... more
Today, the spread coronavirus in Iran and around the world has become a social issue and in turn has revealed the position, function and importance of the institution of states. This article aims to sociologically analyze public trust in government performance in the situation of the corona outbreak using the theories of Sztompka and Bernad Barber. The research method is "survey" and its statistical population consists of people above 15 years old in Iran in 2020. The sample size of the research was estimated to be 1600 people using Cochran's formula and the sampling method is "multi-stage sampling". Findings show that people's trust in the state in preventing the coronavirus stems from behaviors and instrumental expectations towards the political system as well as the value component of trust around the country's health system. Specifically, the people's trust in the political system, which is an instrumental trust, is of the "basic trust" type; In contrast, trust in medical and health system, which is based on moral expectations as well as value trust, has increased greatly. Also, in the study of public trust in government performance, it was found out that the trust mechanism consists of components of both types of trust; In other words, when people interact and cooperate with the government, they gradually observe individual and collective health behaviors and criticize less. This, in turn, provides the opportunity for people’s cooperation.
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For a long time, the only solution to ending disputes between countries was war on the battlefield and military option. In the midst of these wars, the most important military strategies were born and often used in other battles. But over... more
For a long time, the only solution to ending disputes between countries was war on the battlefield and military option. In the midst of these wars, the most important military strategies were born and often used in other battles. But over time, states have found that warfare is a very costly activity, with massive casualties and financial losses. Therefore, conversation and peaceful solutions in form of Diplomacy was seriously placed in state's agenda. However, none of these ways (Strategy and Diplomacy) could alone bring lasting peace to the world. Therefore, the necessity of the emergence and importance of Military Diplomacy was more determined. The present paper seeks to examine the implications of military diplomacy as a new approach in explaining the strategic issues and to deal the role of this approach in foreign policy of the countries". The main hypothesis is that "military diplomacy is a new way for providing the military power to achieve peaceful purposes, avoid the military violence and increase deterrence," which has become a tool for achieving foreign policy goals, especially for the great powers. The studies have shown that "the adoption of such an approach will increase the ability of countries to pursue foreign policy goals and, consequently, increase their power and their role in international developments.
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With the formation of the Islamic republic it was anticipated that democracy would dominate the society and an open society with a minimal state size would emerge but the developments that we saw had a process in which, first the economic... more
With the formation of the Islamic republic it was anticipated that democracy would dominate the society and an open society with a minimal state size would emerge but the developments that we saw had a process in which, first the economic system was entrusted to the government. Also after the Cultural Revolution the cultural system of the country was also at the disposal of the government. In the decades to come, when oil revenues and self-sufficiency increased the government became larger in size and became more independent of the community. With the development of national and transnational powers, the community became more dependent on the government. The result of this research shows that the tendency to governmentalism in the government of the Islamic republic has led to the creation of a maximum political structure rather than a minimal political structure so it should examine the origin and main cause of these desires as part of the political culture of the Iranian people. In this regard losin puy believes that: "political structure has a bilateral relationship with political culture and affects each other". Considering this view, losing puy has examined the issue of governmentalism and Great Government since the revolution from three aspects related to the political culture of the Iranian people. These three aspects are: Iranian, Islamic, and modern components
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This article aims to present a narrative of the modern state that has five essential elements without which there would be no modern conception of state. The abstract personality of the state, sovereignty, modern subjectivity, and the... more
This article aims to present a narrative of the modern state that has five essential elements without which there would be no modern conception of state. The abstract personality of the state, sovereignty, modern subjectivity, and the creation of a dedicated citizen, the expansion and manifestation of sovereignty volition within the law are the foundations of the modern state. At the same time, this study examines earlier identities for a specific purpose in order to prove that despite the various challenges to these identities, they can still be sustained in the modern state. The text also seeks to point out in a disconcerting way in the current scientific discourse that some of the features listed for the modern state in these discourses are in fact due to the error of unification of the concepts of state and government. From the library sources and the application of a descriptive and analytical approach, the following questions are answered:
(1) What are the features of the modern state conception? (2) Can government and state be regarded as identical phenomena? What are the outcomes of this synergy between the two for modern state concept (3) Despite challenges such as the formation of the European Union, human rights, postmodernism and globalization can still claim the viability and durability of modern state identities, and in particular the gem characteristic of sovereignty?
(1) What are the features of the modern state conception? (2) Can government and state be regarded as identical phenomena? What are the outcomes of this synergy between the two for modern state concept (3) Despite challenges such as the formation of the European Union, human rights, postmodernism and globalization can still claim the viability and durability of modern state identities, and in particular the gem characteristic of sovereignty?
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In the present research, we tried to study the first axis of Michel Foucault’s thought that is knowledge on the basis of the two areas of discursive and non-discursive practices as the components of knowledge, their relation, the manner... more
In the present research, we tried to study the first axis of Michel Foucault’s thought that is knowledge on the basis of the two areas of discursive and non-discursive practices as the components of knowledge, their relation, the manner of their articulation and at last the birth of sense. This research tries to show that how the articulation of the two essentially heterogeneous areas forms knowledge and makes it paradoxical and creates a gap that cannot be filled. On this basis, sense as the way of appearing of bodies is the result of this articulation. This articulation does not require any commonality or conformity between the two areas but what Foucault calls “strategic coincidence”. Therefore knowledge is formed and sense is born only in the case that the two areas realize a particular power relation or a power relation is realized in them. But in this regards we shouldn’t ignore the role of state. State as the final form of power relations as what Foucault calls stratification has huge influences on the forming of knowledge and the birth of sense. From the angle of Iran’s society Foucault’s methodology can help us Iranians as those who are still involved with the problem of tradition and modernity analyze our situation and show that on the basis of which logic some parts of tradition’s discursivities are still kept and articulated of the bodies and some other parts are ignored, paid no attention or denied.
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Achieving political development among South Asian societies, especially since independence in the mid-20th century, has been one of the most important issues facing governments and civil society in these countries. In the present study,... more
Achieving political development among South Asian societies, especially since independence in the mid-20th century, has been one of the most important issues facing governments and civil society in these countries. In the present study, it has been attempted to explore the trends that have taken place in India by utilizing theories of political development and testing them with the existing realities to achieve a unique political development paradigm. The main question in doing this research is how the pattern of political development in India is shaped and to what extent are they consistent with the indicators of classical political development theories, such as urbanization, literacy and economic status, and so on? What this study reveals is that the state of political development in the Indian case study differs markedly from the prevailing theories and analyzes of patterns of political development in different countries. In fact, it seems that the particular historical and political characteristics of the country's political and social culture play a fundamental role in laying the foundations for the development of its political structures. This has led to a special process of political development and modernization in the country, confirming that external or imported patterns are not necessarily the only way to achieve development.
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A significant aspect of political thought and theoretical concept about Ideal Government in Islam, is presented in the form of advices. Siraj al-Muluk by Turtushi is one of these works written in the period of degeneration of Ismaili... more
A significant aspect of political thought and theoretical concept about Ideal Government in Islam, is presented in the form of advices. Siraj al-Muluk by Turtushi is one of these works written in the period of degeneration of Ismaili Fatimid Caliphate in the late 5th and early 6th century AH. The main gole of this article is the presentation of an understanding of Turtushi`s thought about the crisis of degeneration. In other word, the main question of the study is about the reasoning of the political crisis and Turtushi`s advices for making up the ideal government. In this research, the conceptual model of Thomas Spragens in Understanding of Political Theories has been used. The hypothesis is the historical studying of Turtushi`s political thought and his era when he used to think that period of Fatimid`s degeneration is a crisis. His work is coming across Spragens Thought in political understanding of crisis, its reasons, the solutions for passing it and reaching the ideal government. The methodology is content analysis of Siraj al-Muluk in order to compare the most significant concept of this work with Spragens`s model. This research shows that Turtushi used to want reform in order to solve the crisis and reaching an ideal government which has a great deal of virtualism as a policy to have pure statesmen, reform in government, justice in courts and in relationships between classes, and the improvement of clerics in government as advisers for rulers in order to reach high pure in government.
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In the field of State Studies, power has usually been considered on the basis of coercion and special attention has been paid to deterministic mechanisms. As a contemplative indicator, a search for the concept of power on the Internet... more
In the field of State Studies, power has usually been considered on the basis of coercion and special attention has been paid to deterministic mechanisms. As a contemplative indicator, a search for the concept of power on the Internet reveals how it relates to other coercive concepts such as domination, supremacy, pressure, and force. In this article, while pointing to the consequences of the mentioned limiting model, the main purpose is to reflect on the context of changing attitudes toward the deterministic foundation of power and in this regard, we try to insist on the consequences of the concept of "audience reception" in the context of Power Studies. On this basis, thinking about government power based on the issue of reception has led to the concept of power being considered clustered and complex, and caused it to have the characteristics such as "normative desirability and metamaterial function", "communicative nature", "integrative and expanding social integration", "model-maker and cultural prioritizer", "interrelated with knowledge", "sensitive to independence and interdependence" and "rejection of economism with the acceptance of the legitimacy of the social system". The research method is descriptive-explanatory and the main finding is that explaining how the element of satisfaction plays a role in power (government) studies can be considered as a basis and introduction to "cognitive transformation" in this field; A decisive development that brings a new horizon to the field of thinking about invisibility or soft-power in the field of coercive mechanisms of government power.
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The Arab Awakening which encompassed the broad region of the Middle East and North Africa led to a huge change in internal politics and especially the pattern of statehood in the region. At the state level, the mentioned developments were... more
The Arab Awakening which encompassed the broad region of the Middle East and North Africa led to a huge change in internal politics and especially the pattern of statehood in the region. At the state level, the mentioned developments were accompanied by the symptoms of evolution in the structure of states in the region. In the present paper, the authors are going to explore the transition of Iraq and Syria from statehood to quasi-statehood since the eruption of uprisings and civil wars in the region. the recognized Quasi-states examined here have been recognized as a political entities. however, they lack legitimacy and monopoly in exercising power in the given territory. It is noteworthy that the context of this evolution in Iraq started since the overthrow of Sadam in 2003 and exacerbated since the Arab spring. The main question of the manuscript is as follows: how can the transition of Iraq and Syria from statehood to quasi-statehood since the eruption of the uprising in the region be explained? Accordingly, the following hypothesis has been examined: The weakness of nation-state and legitimacy, identity and participation crises coupled with the destructive roles of foreign actors have led to the mentioned transition in Iraq and Syria. The methodology of the manuscript is a descriptive explanatory approach and the method of gathering data is based on library studies.
Keywords: Iraq, Syria, Arab Awakening
Keywords: Iraq, Syria, Arab Awakening
For several years, corruption news has been heard from Iranian government agencies, a type of intra-group relationships in power structure in which members of each political faction act against the public interest and for their benefit... more
For several years, corruption news has been heard from Iranian government agencies, a type of intra-group relationships in power structure in which members of each political faction act against the public interest and for their benefit and other members of their group. On the other hand, cooperation on bribery and ransom with the public and agents at the lower levels of the country's executive system has developed in recent years, so that the perception of corruption in the country in recent years has decreased in comparison with the other countries in the region. Systematic corrupt practices in the power structure and in the interactions of agents with citizens and a kind of cultural relations referring to as the "culture of pessimism" have always existed in a stable manner in the Iranian society as if there were no way out. Therefore, this article tries to obtain a new and, of course, historical understanding of the financial relations between the government and the people from a historical sociology point of view. In this regard, valid historical documents and secondary analyses have been used. Moreover, for a good observation of the historical evidence, a conceptual model has been designed to better explain the relationships of the components of the observed events. In designing this model, the views of theorists such as Elias, Gambetta and Tilly have been used for a conclusion based on the best explanation. The research findings show that in the points of interaction of government agents with citizens, a set of financial relations with strictness, corruption and pessimism prevailed, which did not follow any ritualized codes.
Keywords: History of Iranian Taxation System, Historical Sociology, Safavid Era, Qajar Era
Keywords: History of Iranian Taxation System, Historical Sociology, Safavid Era, Qajar Era
Based on sociological and philosophical interpretations, there are two perspectives on democracy. Sociologically, democratic institutions take precedence over democratic thought and culture in practice. At the same time, the philosophical... more
Based on sociological and philosophical interpretations, there are two perspectives on democracy. Sociologically, democratic institutions take precedence over democratic thought and culture in practice. At the same time, the philosophical approach prioritizes the culture and theoretical foundations of democracy. Hence, some speak of the primacy of democracy over philosophy, and others of the primacy of philosophy over democracy. The main question now is according to which of the above democratic channels are the seventh and eighth administrations analyzed after the Islamic Republic of Iran? The authors of this article have tried to show that these administrations are evaluated using the conceptual possibilities of the philosophy priority approach to democracy. Accordingly, the main hypothesis states that solving the problems facing the seventh and eighth administrations in the context of democracy requires a philosophical approach. In this regard, this article tries to provide a suitable platform for understanding the process of democracy and proving the main hypothesis by presenting theoretical components such as human attitude to development, education of political knowledge, political culture, political development and political wisdom.
The theoretical framework of this article is the priority of philosophy over democracy, which carries its philosophical theme well, especially by emphasizing awareness and knowledge before democratic action in the thoughts of Seyed Javad Tabatabai, Reza Davari Ardakani and Mostafa Malekian. The precedence of view over action shows that all three thinkers consider political, economic and social opportunities in society as a reflection of previously-trained actions of individuals, and in this regard, their thoughts can be a model. They are good for analyzing the actions of the seventh and eighth administrations. Paying attention to the conceptual possibilities of the theoretical model in the article shows that understanding and analyzing the state of democracy in the seventh and eighth administrations is theoretically very important. Therefore, the method of this research is descriptive and analytical and is evaluated with reference to the library method.
Keywords: Theoretical, Democracy, Philosophy of Democracy, Political Development, Seventh and the Eighth States
The theoretical framework of this article is the priority of philosophy over democracy, which carries its philosophical theme well, especially by emphasizing awareness and knowledge before democratic action in the thoughts of Seyed Javad Tabatabai, Reza Davari Ardakani and Mostafa Malekian. The precedence of view over action shows that all three thinkers consider political, economic and social opportunities in society as a reflection of previously-trained actions of individuals, and in this regard, their thoughts can be a model. They are good for analyzing the actions of the seventh and eighth administrations. Paying attention to the conceptual possibilities of the theoretical model in the article shows that understanding and analyzing the state of democracy in the seventh and eighth administrations is theoretically very important. Therefore, the method of this research is descriptive and analytical and is evaluated with reference to the library method.
Keywords: Theoretical, Democracy, Philosophy of Democracy, Political Development, Seventh and the Eighth States
In Transoxiana political and social history in the Islamic period, there are moments of collision between the primitive and present biospheres, one of the most recent of which is the rise of the Uzbek nomadic rule and their extensive... more
In Transoxiana political and social history in the Islamic period, there are moments of collision between the primitive and present biospheres, one of the most recent of which is the rise of the Uzbek nomadic rule and their extensive migration to the Iranian world and finally the formation of political structure and dual office (tribal-urban). In the present paper, using Weber's sociological approach (traditional authority theory), which depicts the evolution of power and domination in traditional societies, we traced the periods of Uzbek political rule, up to the 13th / 19th century with the ambiguity of "What are the Uzbek nomads like?" "Have they experienced traditional authority and sovereignty in the evolution of their political life?" We claim that “the traditional Uzbek authority, due to the hybrid social system (urban and primitive) and the predominance of the tribal structure, is in constant challenge and tension between different species, simultaneously experiences a multi-layered structure (from gerontocratic, patriarchal and patrimonial authority), and finally, with the rise of the last dynasty of this race (Menghites), for some reason, its patrimonial layer is established." The result of the research completes the above claim in such a way that the extended patrimonial authority of Menghiti approaches sultanism (which is a kind of patrimonial domination) due to the dictatorship of the emirs of this dynasty in the process of establishing their political authority.
Keywords: Uzbek Weber Traditional Authority Bukhara Patrimonialism Transoxiana
Keywords: Uzbek Weber Traditional Authority Bukhara Patrimonialism Transoxiana
The second Pahlavi state has been the subject for many works so far. But in the meantime, less research has discussed the nature and form of the political system of this period. Now that, according to some scholars, economic development... more
The second Pahlavi state has been the subject for many works so far. But in the meantime, less research has discussed the nature and form of the political system of this period. Now that, according to some scholars, economic development has been on the government's agenda during this period; by emphasizing the issue of modernization, the form of the political system in this period of contemporary Iranian history can be examined. Edward Schiles is one of the thinkers who has categorized political systems from the perspective of development and with an emphasis on political development. Schills divides political systems into five categories: political democracy, guided democracy, modernist oligarchy, totalitarian oligarchy, and traditional oligarchy. Accordingly, the research question is which type of political system can be considered in line with the realities of the second Pahlavi state? It seems that in the context of the division of Schiles, the second Pahlavi state (1372-1357) should be considered as a modernist oligarchy. Thus, this research, while expressing the salient features of modern oligarchic systems from Schiles' point of view, tries to adapt the prevailing realities of the second Pahlavi period (1357-1332) to it. The application of this theory in this historical period can well show the ratio and degree of cooperation and accompaniment of dictatorship and modernization in some periods of a country's history and its cost-benefit. This research uses a descriptive-analytical method and data is collected in a library.
Economic diplomacy, using relations and influence to improve international trade and investment, covers a wide range of international representatives, domestic institutions, as well as bilateral diplomatic activities. Economic regionalism... more
Economic diplomacy, using relations and influence to improve international trade and investment, covers a wide range of international representatives, domestic institutions, as well as bilateral diplomatic activities. Economic regionalism is the result of dynamic economic diplomatic interactions that can take shape in the form of a regional organization. The Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) is the only major regional organization to which Iran is a founding member, and sometimes manifests three specific features of the 11th government's foreign policy: developmentalism, regionalism, and internationalism. Now the question arises that what are the factors affecting the inefficiency of Iran's economic diplomacy in the ECO organization in advancing the economic regionalism policy of the 11th government? The main hypothesis is that in spite of the great potential in ECO, intra-structural problems, parallel work and overlapping of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with other institutions have been the cause of inefficiency and inability of this ministry to advance the policy of economic regionalism of the 11th government. The data of this article have been obtained by documentary-archival method and estimated using Eviews software. The analysis of the results obtained by interviewing Iranian diplomatic elites has been analyzed and explained.
The Arab Awakening which encompassed the broad region of the Middle East and North Africa led to a huge change in the internal politics and especially the pattern of statehood in the region. In the state level, the mentioned developments... more
The Arab Awakening which encompassed the broad region of the Middle East and North Africa led to a huge change in the internal politics and especially the pattern of statehood in the region. In the state level, the mentioned developments were accompanied with the symptoms of evolution in the structure of states in the region. In the present paper, the authors are going to explore the transition of Iraq and Syria from statehood to quasi statehood since the eruption of uprisings and civil wars in the region. the recognised Quasi states examined here have been recognised as a political entity. however they lack legitimacy and monopoly in exercizing power in the given territory. It is noteworthy that the context of this evolution in Iraq started since the overthrow of Sadam in 2003 and exacerbated since the Arab spring. The main question of the manuscript is as follows: how can the transition of Iraq and Syria from statehood to quasi statehood since the eruption of the uprising in the region be explained? Accordingly, the following hypothesis has been examined: The weakness of nation state and legitimacy, identity and participation crises coupled with the destructive roles of foreign actors have led to the mentioned transition in Iraq and Syria. The methodology of the manuscript is descriptive explanatory approach and the method of gathering data is based on library studies.
Research Interests:
For several years, corruption news has been heard from Iranian government agencies, a type of intra-group relationships in power structure in which members of each political faction act against the public interest and for their benefit... more
For several years, corruption news has been heard from Iranian government agencies, a type of intra-group relationships in power structure in which members of each political faction act against the public interest and for their benefit and other members of their group. On the other hand, cooperation on bribery and ransom with the public and agents at the lower levels of the country's executive system has developed in recent years, so that the perception of corruption in the country in recent years has decreased in comparison with the other countries in the region. Systematic corrupt practices in the power structure and in the interactions of agents with citizens and a kind of cultural relations referring to as the "culture of pessimism" have always existed in a stable manner in the Iranian society as if there were no way out. Therefore, this article tries to obtain a new and, of course, historical understanding of the financial relations between the government and the people from a historical sociology point of view. In this regard, valid historical documents and secondary analyses have been used. Moreover, for a good observation of the historical evidence, a conceptual model has been designed to better explain the relationships of the components of the observed events. In designing this model, the views of theorists such as Elias, Gambetta and Tilly have been used for a conclusion based on the best explanation. The research findings show that in the points of interaction of government agents with citizens, a set of financial relations with strictness, corruption and pessimism prevailed, which did not follow any ritualized codes.
Research Interests:
Based on sociological and philosophical interpretations, there are two perspectives on democracy. Sociologically, democratic institutions take precedence over democratic thought and culture in practice. At the same time, the philosophical... more
Based on sociological and philosophical interpretations, there are two perspectives on democracy. Sociologically, democratic institutions take precedence over democratic thought and culture in practice. At the same time, the philosophical approach prioritizes the culture and theoretical foundations of democracy. Hence, some speak of the primacy of democracy over philosophy, and others of the primacy of philosophy over democracy. The main question now is according to which of the above democratic channels are the seventh and eighth administrations analyzed after the Islamic Republic of Iran? The authors of this article have tried to show that these administrations are evaluated using the conceptual possibilities of the philosophy priority approach to democracy. Accordingly, the main hypothesis states that solving the problems facing the seventh and eighth administrations in the context of democracy requires a philosophical approach. In this regard, this article tries to provide a suitable platform for understanding the process of democracy and proving the main hypothesis by presenting theoretical components such as human attitude to development, education of political knowledge, political culture, political development and political wisdom.
The theoretical framework of this article is the priority of philosophy over democracy, which carries its philosophical theme well, especially by emphasizing awareness and knowledge before democratic action in the thoughts of Seyed Javad Tabatabai, Reza Davari Ardakani and Mostafa Malekian. The precedence of view over action shows that all three thinkers consider political, economic and social opportunities in society as a reflection of previously-trained actions of individuals, and in this regard, their thoughts can be a model. They are good for analyzing the actions of the seventh and eighth administrations. Paying attention to the conceptual possibilities of the theoretical model in the article shows that understanding and analyzing the state of democracy in the seventh and eighth administrations is theoretically very important. Therefore, the method of this research is descriptive and analytical and is evaluated with reference to the library method.
The theoretical framework of this article is the priority of philosophy over democracy, which carries its philosophical theme well, especially by emphasizing awareness and knowledge before democratic action in the thoughts of Seyed Javad Tabatabai, Reza Davari Ardakani and Mostafa Malekian. The precedence of view over action shows that all three thinkers consider political, economic and social opportunities in society as a reflection of previously-trained actions of individuals, and in this regard, their thoughts can be a model. They are good for analyzing the actions of the seventh and eighth administrations. Paying attention to the conceptual possibilities of the theoretical model in the article shows that understanding and analyzing the state of democracy in the seventh and eighth administrations is theoretically very important. Therefore, the method of this research is descriptive and analytical and is evaluated with reference to the library method.
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The attempt to control and direct the population in any society by power and government through new institutions and techniques of governance is one of the modern debates that was first proposed and developed by Foucault. By targeting... more
The attempt to control and direct the population in any society by power and government through new institutions and techniques of governance is one of the modern debates that was first proposed and developed by Foucault. By targeting individuals and the population to meet its needs, power designs techniques and institutions that, while making individuals visible, increase their control and guidance in society. In this context, in a descriptive-analytical manner, this article intends to examine the relationship between population and government through the actions of Abbas Mirza, Amir Kabir, Nasser al-Din Shah, the Constitution and Reza Shah, based on new governance institutions and techniques in Iran, especially the school institution, since the late nineteenth century, and show what developments took place in Iran facing the West and the formation of a crisis of awareness in the field of government and governance with the elite, And how and why did the population become the target of new rules and techniques of governance? For responding to these questions, this study seeks to prove the changing pattern of governance in Iran on the one hand and the state's efforts to control and guide the population in new institutions on the other hand in order to strengthen the foundations of its government while increasing productivity and obedience.
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In Transoxiana political and social history in the Islamic period, there are moments of collision between the primitive and present biospheres, one of the most recent of which is the rise of the Uzbek nomadic rule and their extensive... more
In Transoxiana political and social history in the Islamic period, there are moments of collision between the primitive and present biospheres, one of the most recent of which is the rise of the Uzbek nomadic rule and their extensive migration to the Iranian world and finally the formation of political structure and dual office (tribal-urban). In the present paper, using Weber's sociological approach (traditional authority theory), which depicts the evolution of power and domination in traditional societies, we traced the periods of Uzbek political rule, up to the 13th / 19th century with the ambiguity of "What are the Uzbek nomads like?" "Have they experienced traditional authority and sovereignty in the evolution of their political life?" We claim that “the traditional Uzbek authority, due to the hybrid social system (urban and primitive) and the predominance of the tribal structure, is in constant challenge and tension between different species, simultaneously experiences a multi-layered structure (from gerontocratic, patriarchal and patrimonial authority), and finally, with the rise of the last dynasty of this race (Menghites), for some reason, its patrimonial layer is established." The result of the research completes the above claim in such a way that the extended patrimonial authority of Menghiti approaches sultanism (which is a kind of patrimonial domination) due to the dictatorship of the emirs of this dynasty in the process of establishing their political authority.
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The second Pahlavi state has been the subject for many works so far. But in the meantime, less research has discussed the nature and form of the political system of this period. Now that, according to some scholars, economic development... more
The second Pahlavi state has been the subject for many works so far. But in the meantime, less research has discussed the nature and form of the political system of this period. Now that, according to some scholars, economic development has been on the government's agenda during this period; by emphasizing the issue of modernization, the form of the political system in this period of contemporary Iranian history can be examined. Edward Schiles is one of the thinkers who has categorized political systems from the perspective of development and with an emphasis on political development. Schills divides political systems into five categories: political democracy, guided democracy, modernist oligarchy, totalitarian oligarchy, and traditional oligarchy. Accordingly, the research question is which type of political system can be considered in line with the realities of the second Pahlavi state? It seems that in the context of the division of Schiles, the second Pahlavi state (1372-1357) should be considered as a modernist oligarchy. Thus, this research, while expressing the salient features of modern oligarchic systems from Schiles' point of view, tries to adapt the prevailing realities of the second Pahlavi period (1357-1332) to it. The application of this theory in this historical period can well show the ratio and degree of cooperation and accompaniment of dictatorship and modernization in some periods of a country's history and its cost-benefit. This research uses descriptive-analytical method and data is collected in a library.
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Economic diplomacy, using relations and influence to improve international trade and investment, covers a wide range of international representatives, domestic institutions, as well as bilateral diplomatic activities. Economic regionalism... more
Economic diplomacy, using relations and influence to improve international trade and investment, covers a wide range of international representatives, domestic institutions, as well as bilateral diplomatic activities. Economic regionalism is the result of dynamic economic diplomatic interactions that can take shape in the form of a regional organization. The Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) is the only major regional organization to which Iran is a founding member, and sometimes manifests three specific features of the 11th government's foreign policy: developmentalism, regionalism, and internationalism. Now the question arises that what are the factors affecting the inefficiency of Iran's economic diplomacy in the ECO organization in advancing the economic regionalism policy of the 11th government? The main hypothesis is that in spite of the great potential in ECO, intra-structural problems, parallel work and overlapping of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with other institutions have been the cause of inefficiency and inability of this ministry to advance the policy of economic regionalism of the 11th government. The data of this article have been obtained by documentary-archival method and estimated using Eviews software. The analysis of the results obtained by interviewing Iranian diplomatic elites has been analyzed and explained.
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Most critical discourses against the status quo in the Qajar period attacked the authoritarian regime and called for the transition from despotism to the rule of law. Eventually, the constitution became the main demand of critics, and the... more
Most critical discourses against the status quo in the Qajar period attacked the authoritarian regime and called for the transition from despotism to the rule of law. Eventually, the constitution became the main demand of critics, and the constitutional decree was issued. However, at the stage of drafting the constitutional amendment, constitutionalism faced a major challenge after being considered by clerical constitutionalists to be contrary to Sharia (Islamic law). Consequently, Habl al-Matin, which had been promoting constitutionalism with explanations based on customary law (orf) for some years, changed its position and promoted constitutionalism based on the idea of separating Sharia from custom (orf). Adopting a descriptive–explanatory method, this study examines the bases and purposes underlying Habl al-Matin’s attempt to explain and promote the idea. The findings show that after the constitution being considered contrary to Sharia, the journal organized its customary explanation of constitutionalism around the jurisprudential permission of the Islamic scholars of Najaf on the necessity of the separation of Sharia from custom during the Occultation, and as a way of linking the idea of the modern state with Sharia.
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Research on the ineffectiveness of political parties in Iran is mainly focused on historical, cultural, social, and economic factors. However, there is a little research based on the institutional perspective in this field, leading to... more
Research on the ineffectiveness of political parties in Iran is mainly focused on historical, cultural, social, and economic factors. However, there is a little research based on the institutional perspective in this field, leading to negligence of state party politics. Following an institutional perspective, this paper examines party politics of the political system and its impact on the ineffectiveness of political parties in Iran. Political systems adopt their own party politics in line with different approaches, hence exerting different effects on the life of political parties. Therefore, the present study compares the approaches of party politics adopted by Islamic Republic of Iran with those adopted by Federal Republic of Germany, as the pioneer in party policy-making in the world. The central questions are, what are the differences between the party politics in Iran and in Germany? and how do these differences influence the life of political parties in Iran? According to the results, the approach in Iran’s state party politics is controlling and restrictive. This feature, assuming other conditions are good, has made it difficult for political parties to form, grow, and operate effectively and thus their ineffectiveness. Finally, some suggestions are proposed for favorable party policy-making in Iran.
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From an institutionalist point of view, political development is essentially defined as the process of institutionalization of political power within the state institution, an important criterion of which is the institutionalization of... more
From an institutionalist point of view, political development is essentially defined as the process of institutionalization of political power within the state institution, an important criterion of which is the institutionalization of political power acquisition. This paper studies the evolution of political development in the Islamic Republic of Iran with respect to the institutionalization process of political power acquisition, aiming to identify the difficulties inherent in this dimension of political development in Iran. The content analysis of the data collected through a documentary method shows that there are two major difficulties in the institutionalization process of political power acquisition in the Islamic Republic of Iran. One of the difficulties is linked to the continuing dispute over the ‘identity’ of those who lay claim to power, which involves debates over the identity of natural and legal persons, including political and quasi-political groups. The second difficulty is related to the dispute over the ‘process’ of political power acquisition, including analyzing eligibility, monitoring, and voting. Despite many obstacles to access various and valid documents containing valuable data about these difficulties, the findings of the study can provide powerful impetus for collecting more data and conducting thorough research in future. They can also offer different perspectives for finding more effective ways to cope with the difficulties and face the obstacles inherent in the institutionalization of the process of political power acquisition.
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Khawaja Nasir and his contemporary, Thomas Aquinas, are two prominent philosophers and theologians belonging to Abrahamic religions (Islam and Christianity). Considered as rationalistic and proactive, both scholars discussed religion and... more
Khawaja Nasir and his contemporary, Thomas Aquinas, are two prominent philosophers and theologians belonging to Abrahamic religions (Islam and Christianity). Considered as rationalistic and proactive, both scholars discussed religion and state in their works. The question arises as to whether they view the formation and administration of state as an exclusively religious–divine issue or a natural one related to the civil nature of mankind. Using a descriptive–analytical method, this paper tries to analyze Khawaja Nasir’s and Aquinas’ viewpoints in order to answer the above question. The data shows that both Aquinas and Khawaja Nasir consider the legitimacy of state as a matter of nature conditional on justice and wisdom regardless of whether state is divine or conventional. For Khawaja Nasir, the administration of Utopia is not limited to the prophets and imams—who are distinguished by divine inspiration—but the scholars who are distinguished by the power of reason are also entitled to the administration of Utopia. According to Thomas Aquinas, any government that acts justly and rationally is in the public interest and in line with human nature, so it must be obeyed.
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How the government is formed is one of the important themes about the phenomenon of government. Yet more important is the issue of the dissolution of government. This paper studies the dissolution of government from the viewpoint of... more
How the government is formed is one of the important themes about the phenomenon of government. Yet more important is the issue of the dissolution of government. This paper studies the dissolution of government from the viewpoint of John Locke as one of the greatest political philosophers in the modern world. The main research questions are, what are the foundations in Locke’s political theology that can explain the dissolution of government? and what conditions should be met in order to concede the possibility of the dissolution of government or confer on citizens the right to it? Locke believes that in the state of nature, human beings have rights as well as the ability to govern themselves. Human beings enter the political society with some rights, the most important of which is the right to judge the performance of rulers. Moreover, they have the right to dismiss or even penalize rulers whenever they do not fulfil their obligations, and if rulers go against the popular will, people can resort to force and revolution. For Locke, revolution is not the worst thing in politics but in the despotic politics. In Locke’s viewpoint, revolution is necessary to ensure rulers’ adherence to their obligations. More importantly, revolution is both the foundation of freedom and the greatest manifestation of humans’ self-government.
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Owing to their lasting and permanent effects, geopolitical factors play a significant role in the politics and behavior of state. Given Tajikistan’s geopolitics, it is important to consider geopolitical factors and their effects in order... more
Owing to their lasting and permanent effects, geopolitical factors play a significant role in the politics and behavior of state. Given Tajikistan’s geopolitics, it is important to consider geopolitical factors and their effects in order to understand and predict policies and behavior of the state in Tajikistan. This is also of special importance due the proximity of Tajikistan to the Islamic Republic of Iran as well as myriad commonalities between the two. Adopting a descriptive–analytical method and relying on library research, the present study aims to analyze the politics and behavior of the state in Tajikistan by investigating the effects of Tajikistan’s geopolitics on the state. The hypothesis is that the geopolitical characteristics of Tajikistan are factors causing tension for the country and creating, directly or indirectly, threats, instability, and insecurity which all affect the politics and behavior of the state in Tajikistan. This has led to the state’s authoritarianism and centralism in the domestic arena and its dominated, submissive character in the foreign arena.
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Modernization of governance and the attainment of collective enthusiasm and participation in political decision-making began since the fundamental shift of sovereignty from the Sultan to people. The modern state, as a descendant of... more
Modernization of governance and the attainment of collective enthusiasm and participation in political decision-making began since the fundamental shift of sovereignty from the Sultan to people. The modern state, as a descendant of ancient forms of governance, defines its sovereignty based on human wisdom rather than spiritual sources. As a claimant to the divine and popular sovereignty, the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI)—within the Constitutional Law—has recognized its own political–legal framework based on revelation and jurisprudence. Yet as a political entity in international politics and relations, the IRI cannot remain indifferent to the necessities of the modern world, especially when it comes to political and legal systematization. As a result, the IRI has also used modern methods of governance to organize the country legally and politically as well as to manage public affairs. Since state and modernity are pluralistic phenomena in intellectual and political systems, there are differences in the way the components of the Modern are recognized. Taking this as its central topic, the present study used a descriptive–explanatory and prescriptive approach as well as the library data to analyze the constituting components of state. The main finding is the fact that the difference lies in the normative basis and genesis of the two legal systems.
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This paper aims to understand the nature and causes of fragility of bureaucracy in Iran from the perspective of political economy. Starting from the presupposition that bureaucracy crisis is first and foremost the reflection of the nature... more
This paper aims to understand the nature and causes of fragility of bureaucracy in Iran from the perspective of political economy. Starting from the presupposition that bureaucracy crisis is first and foremost the reflection of the nature of state and its structure of capital accumulation, the present research argues that the twofold nature of Sultanist–rentier state in the second Pahlavi period gradually caused the structure–role distortion of bureaucracy, a decline both in the quality of bureaucratic elites and in the relative autonomy of bureaucrats from politics, the predominance of prebendal spirit and morality, the growth of bureaucratic bourgeoisie, and finally the emergence of a fragile bureaucracy which, in Weberian terms, intermediated between the Sultan and society. Such an intermediary position of bureaucracy exacerbated the crisis of legitimacy of power elites since bureaucracy not only lost its modernist spirit but also later turned into an obstacle to modernization. This situation eventually led to the inability of bureaucracy in performing its intermediary role and making a compromise and balance between the interests of state and social classes on the one hand and to the function of bureaucracy as a factor contributing to the dialectic of state and society, a delay in political development in society, and the facilitation of revolution on the other hand.
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Prior to the 2011 Egyptian revolution, scholars would assess the state– society relations in Egypt in the age of globalization as ineffective, considering any change impossible. However, popular movements in the Middle East and the easy... more
Prior to the 2011 Egyptian revolution, scholars would assess the state– society relations in Egypt in the age of globalization as ineffective, considering any change impossible. However, popular movements in the Middle East and the easy collapse of state indicated that the state–society relation was not passive. In an attempt to re-examine state–society relations, this research focuses on why and how the state–society relations in Egypt, which had been based on authoritarian hegemony, underwent rupture and crisis. Moreover, it tries to explain how the state has managed to deal with the transformation of civil society. The findings show that despite the state’s incomplete and reductionist approach to globalization, the decrease in the state control over economy, in public services and the increase in inequality crisis all have led to class divisions, unemployment, and inflation. The loss of the elements integral to state hegemony led to the emergence of discontented and insurgent political subjects, which made the state insist on its repressive, non-ideological, and undemocratic functions. Due to the weakness in reproducing its power in civil society and the failure to realize the change in the subject’s sensibility–behavior schemata, the state failed in the face of the immediate movement of people, and emerging sociopolitical forces overthrew the state with the help of new media facilities.
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As one of the substantial factors influencing the persuasion of social structure during great crises, social capital plays a vital role in accelerating the implementation and effectiveness of policies adopted to control crisis. In this... more
As one of the substantial factors influencing the persuasion of social structure during great crises, social capital plays a vital role in accelerating the implementation and effectiveness of policies adopted to control crisis. In this respect, this study aimed to examine the role of social capital in the level of satisfaction with government performance in COVID–19 control policy-making. The statistical population of the study comprised all citizens of Tehran. The Cochrane formula was used to determine the sample size, which amounted to 400. The study relied on multistage cluster sampling to choose the participants in 22 districts of Tehran in Iran. Having been collected by a researcher-made questionnaire, the data was processed through SPSS software with one-sample t tests, Pearson Correlation, multivariate linear regression, and one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA). The findings indicate that citizens living in Tehran have a moderate level of satisfaction with government performance in controlling COVID–19. Moreover, the lowest satisfaction mean value was associated with supply chain management and access to health items while the highest mean value of satisfaction pertained to the constraints and social distancing. There was a high correlation between the variable of social capital and satisfaction with government performance in COVID–19 control (R=0.552), and it can predict 30.3% of satisfaction variances. The results show that the variable of trust was the most important predictor of satisfaction with government performance in COVID–19 control.
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Gender policy in contemporary Iran has experienced many fluctuations, but it has generally brought about significant changes in the status of women. The question of this article is focused on political factors, especially the role of... more
Gender policy in contemporary Iran has experienced many fluctuations, but it has generally brought about significant changes in the status of women. The question of this article is focused on political factors, especially the role of state, in these changes. Using a historical–comparative method, the present research shows that gender policy in contemporary Iran was influenced by three variables: the strength of the women’s movement, the state’s tendencies, and other positions of social forces. Moreover, gender policy has emerged under three distinct paradigms. First, the conservative paradigm, which stemmed from the weakness of the women’s movement concomitant with the traditionalist state as well as the resistance of conservative forces, has not succeeded to make considerable changes to the status of women. This paradigm can be seen in the years preceding the constitutional movement (1891–1905), during 1941–1951 (the 1320s Solar Hijri), and in some periods following the Islamic Revolution (1981–1988). The second paradigm, called authoritarian reform, resulted from the weakness of the women’s movement concomitant with the authoritarian state as well as the diminished resistance of conservative forces. This paradigm, seen in the years 1921–1941 and 1963–1978, caused significant changes in the legal status of women. Not accompanied by the participation of women, these changes could not firmly entrench themselves and at times relapsed into the previous stage. Third, the paradigm of democratic reform resulted from the women’s movement concomitant with the reformist state as well as the balance between modern and traditional social forces. This paradigm emerged in the early years following the constitutional movement and in the two post-Revolutionary periods known as construction and reformist, introducing relatively profound and lasting changes to the status of women.
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It is a common assumption that the government’s responsibility in policy making is to formulate official policies and pave the way for achieving specified objectives. However, little attention has be paid to encouraging citizen... more
It is a common assumption that the government’s responsibility in policy making is to formulate official policies and pave the way for achieving specified objectives. However, little attention has be paid to encouraging citizen participation and inspiring an individual sense of responsibility towards achieving large-scale policy objectives. In fact, most policy objectives cannot be achieved—at least not efficiently—without an individual sense of responsibility on the part of citizens. The question is, how can the government increase citizen participation and help them take on responsibility towards achieving policy objectives? To answer the question, this article argues that the government has to empower citizens. Empowered citizens are able to make optimal decisions under different circumstances, which can improve the quality of one’s life and society. In this respect, this paper recognizes the key role of behavior change policy-making which refers to government interventions to empower citizens and encourage citizen participation. Behavior changes policy-making influences citizens’ beliefs, awareness, and behavior, making them compatible with large-scale government policies. The present study argues that citizen empowerment through behavior change policy-making can get citizens to take on responsibility towards achieving large-scale policy objectives. Besides large scale policy-making in various areas, it is thus necessary for the government to consider behavior change policy-making in order to get citizen participation in achieving the objectives in a given area. The present study employed rational choice theory as the theoretical framework as research on behavior change emphasizes that an individual acts based on cost–benefit analysis.
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Decolonization, as a form of establishing sovereign states, is one of the important phenomena of the twentieth century, although its roots can be traced back to the nineteenth century. The increase in the number of UN member states from... more
Decolonization, as a form of establishing sovereign states, is one of the important phenomena of the twentieth century, although its roots can be traced back to the nineteenth century. The increase in the number of UN member states from 51 in 1945 to 149 in 1984 was largely due to decolonization. While colonizers would refer to colonies as part of their own territories and refuse to grant them independence for a long time, from the late 1950s, the UN began to take important measures to accelerate the process of decolonization. This led to the adoption of UN resolution 1514 of December 1960, which recognized the right to self-determination of colonies as a binding rule in the international legal system. The main question of this article is, what processes transformed decolonization from a political ideal into a legal norm? As descriptive research, the present study used library and Internet resources. The analysis of the decolonization process shows that despite the resistance of colonizing states and the failure to include the right of colonies to attain independence in the UN Charter, the right to self-determination of colonies has become an imperative rule in international law owing to liberation movements as well as the support from socialist and the Third World states in the UN General Assembly. As a result, decolonization has been considered one of the most important ways of establishing new states in the international arena.
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The present study examines and analyzes the impact of the participation crisis on the fall of the second Pahlavi regime from the perspective of crisis theory. The main question of the present study is what role did the participation... more
The present study examines and analyzes the impact of the participation crisis on the fall of the second Pahlavi regime from the perspective of crisis theory. The main question of the present study is what role did the participation crisis play in the fall of the Pahlavi regime? The research findings indicate that with the end of dictatorial rule in 1320, Iranian society entered a new phase and the provision of open political space and the activities of political parties and organizations doubled the motivation of the people for political participation. But with the coup d'état of August 28, 1943, a new era of authoritarian rule began in Iran. Political tyranny, lack of growth and inefficiency of parties, lack of free elections, suppression of freedoms and political rights of the people, severe weakness of popular organizations and lack of freedom of the press, caused the Pahlavi government to face a crisis of political participation. The continuation of the crisis of participation in the Pahlavi government and the negligence of the officials of the government to resolve the crisis, paved the way for the fall of the Pahlavi regime. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical and causal research. Data collection in this study was done through library and documentary methods.
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China's government has started the process of economic liberalization since the late 1970s with its own unique pattern. In less than half a century, China economy has gained significant growth. The liberalization also has gradually... more
China's government has started the process of economic liberalization since the late 1970s with its own unique pattern. In less than half a century, China economy has gained significant growth. The liberalization also has gradually eliminated poverty in China significantly and has improved the quality of Chinese citizens' lives. This paper examines the impact of policies based on economic liberalization model in the Chinese government and seeks to study the relationship between economic liberalization and national security in China through a policy-driven research process. This article, examines some of the most influential economic, political, military, and environmental indicators of the Chinese government over the past few decades. From this point of view, as this article shows for the past half century, with the exception of the "environmental and climatic security", China Government has been able to improve and stabilize other Chinese national security indicators. The paper also emphasizes that the Chinese model can be replicated by less developed countries.
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The purpose of this research was to study the managerial performance of world sports organizations in the corona virus crisis and exploit superior experiences for the future similar situations. For this, a comparative study method was... more
The purpose of this research was to study the managerial performance of world sports organizations in the corona virus crisis and exploit superior experiences for the future similar situations. For this, a comparative study method was used. This research sought to answer the question of how the sport organizations acted during the pandemic in Iran and other countries. The study population was public and private sports organizations of the top 20 countries in the field of sports industry in addition to Iran (N = 21) whose performance during the pandemic era was published in the world media. For this purpose, all relevant news and reports published in the world news agencies were analyzed. All collected data were categorized, and interpreted using George Brady's four-step model. The results showed that the performance of sports organizations was divided into two general parts: a) activities related to sports and b) activities related to social responsibility of organizations. The findings showed that there were similarities and differences between countries in the performance of their sports organizations. Meanwhile, Iranian sports organizations did not perform well in most aspects of support activities compared to other countries, so in the future, the managers of these organizations need to use the world experience in crisis management and develop flexible and responsive planning to deal with future crises. In this regard, managers need to put the possibility of training their staff to deal with future crises on their agenda.
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Inter-organizational cooperation is a process in which independent actors interact through formal and informal negotiations and jointly establish the rules and structures governing their relationships and the ways in which they decide and... more
Inter-organizational cooperation is a process in which independent actors interact through formal and informal negotiations and jointly establish the rules and structures governing their relationships and the ways in which they decide and implement common issues. For this purpose, a set of different principles, rules, norms and tools are used to guide communication between different organizations to solve various problems. In some studies, which are often experimental; Inter-organizational collaboration has been described as a way of dealing with complex concepts - such as rapidly changing policy areas or the issue of coordination among a large number of actors. Applying different principles, techniques, structures and norms can enhance and facilitate collaboration between different organizations. Various researchers with different theoretical and empirical studies have tried to combine the optimal and appropriate combination of these principles, structures and tools in a way that formulates and prescribes a comprehensive framework for inter-organizational cooperation in solving policy issues. This study, by examining the existing theoretical and experimental literature, seeks to examine and analyze the factors affecting inter-organizational cooperation. The results show that five macro variables of governance, organizational administrative, personal characteristics, trust, and environment affect inter-organizational cooperation. Each of these variables also has separate variables.
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Modernization theorists believe that there is a direct relationship between economic and social development and the process of transition to democracy. According to modernization theories, economic development and industrialization lead... more
Modernization theorists believe that there is a direct relationship between economic and social development and the process of transition to democracy. According to modernization theories, economic development and industrialization lead to the transition to democracy. China has achieved economic development since 1978 and has had economic growth of more than 10% for consecutive years. However, according to the theory of modernization, this country has not gone through the transition to democracy and has become an exception. The aim of this article is to examine and explain the lack of transition to democracy in China according to modernization theories. The research question is: What factors have prevented China from entering the process of transition to democracy between 1978 and 2021? The hypothesis of this research trying to be proved with the analytical and explanatory methodology, is: Several factors have contributed to the lack of transition to democracy in China. But the most important of them are the coordination and cohesion between the ruling class (Chinese Communist Party, government and army), the weakness of civil society, the fragmentation and dependence of the middle class, the basis and values of Chinese society and the fear of disarray. Social and political stability in the most populous country in the world with most groups, different classes of society and some countries. The combination of these factors has led to the support of the authoritarian system and their unwillingness to enter the process of transition to democracy between 1978 and 2021.
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In the plethora of countries of the Middle East, the entity that nowadays is known as the modern state seriously is different from the primary pattern that has been shaped within more than three centuries in West Europe. One of the signs... more
In the plethora of countries of the Middle East, the entity that nowadays is known as the modern state seriously is different from the primary pattern that has been shaped within more than three centuries in West Europe. One of the signs of the modern state is the exclusive use of physical force by the political authority; this point in the European pattern was formed by the process of bargaining between social forces and statesmen. While the active social forces in the modern Middle East had so little role in institutionalizing physical forces in the state’s hands. Now, the matter is that why the state making process and consolidating procedure of state exclusive on the physical forces in the mentioned regions (West Europe and the Middle East) had a different history. It seems the role of international actors in shaping the Middle East modern state has caused that most part of the regional states is relied on despotic power rather than infrastructure power. The first is focused on social trends and the latter is based on coercion. This work intends alongside pointing to the rival perspectives on the emerging modern state within Historical Sociology as an analytical framework, to study the roots of the emerging modern state in the current Middle East behind the Historical Sociology of International Relations (HSIR) lenses.
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Kuwait is a rentier state which obtains most of its income from oil revenues. However, and despite the arguments that suggest rentier states hinder democracy, the Kuwaiti system almost exclusively among the GCC states, could maintain a... more
Kuwait is a rentier state which obtains most of its income from oil revenues. However, and despite the arguments that suggest rentier states hinder democracy, the Kuwaiti system almost exclusively among the GCC states, could maintain a relatively good reputation concerning the development of its democracy. What helped Kuwait overcome its rentier state tendency for authoritarian rule, is the focus of this paper. While many scholars have emphasized the role of citizens' taxation as the most important driver of political participation and, at the same time, promoter the legitimacy of government, my paper focuses on the historical process from the perspective of historical institutionalism and emphasizes that the legitimacy of the state in the eyes of the Kuwaiti public, based on a parliamentary model, and the organization of the Kuwaiti parliament itself, have been institutionalized in a historical process, and what we see from the progress of democracy and the outcomes of these two institutions in the political sphere of Kuwait today, is the result of this historical institutionalization. Now the fundamental question is how to evaluate the rentier state dynamics in relation to the historical institutionalization of parliament in Kuwait, and what is the role of a variable called a consolidated institution in this regard?
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Article 87 of the 1358 Constitution made the prime minister responsible for forming the Council of Ministers and obtaining a vote of confidence from parliament. After the approval of Article 1 of “the law on adding articles to the code of... more
Article 87 of the 1358 Constitution made the prime minister responsible for forming the Council of Ministers and obtaining a vote of confidence from parliament. After the approval of Article 1 of “the law on adding articles to the code of procedure of the parliament about requesting the vote of confidence and the manner of holding it” in 1363/ 5/9, the prime minister was obliged to request a vote of confidence from the parliament both at the beginning of each term of the parliament and in the conditions stipulated in Article 87, after the formation and introduction of the Council of Ministers. In addition, the Council of Ministers was formed based on political will of parliamentary majority. This indicates that the vote of confidence to the ministers follows the parliamentary logic of the political system. After 1368 revision of the Constitution, president made responsible to obtain a vote of confidence for the Council of Ministers after being formed. By stating that “with the change of the parliament new vote of confidence will not be necessary” in Article 133 and removing the post of prime minister, the political system approaches the presidential system. The practical procedure of vote of confidence, after the revision of the Constitution, also confirms the adherence to the logic of the presidential system.
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From ancient times to the present, one of the great ideals of humanity, has been the ideal of peace and how to achieve it. For this purpose, have been used important tools such as rationalism, ethics and human communication. In the midst,... more
From ancient times to the present, one of the great ideals of humanity, has been the ideal of peace and how to achieve it. For this purpose, have been used important tools such as rationalism, ethics and human communication. In the midst, prophets and religious missionaries have played a great role in drawing the idea of peace and directly or indirectly, or they themselves have pursued peace and altruism in the form of religious states or by linking religion and politics, they have led political rulers to avoid war and violence. Due to this issue, this study seeks to investigate this fundamental issue that Mani, who was one of the prophets of ancient Iran, how in his field of thought and action, emphasized the issue of peace and altruism in ancient Iran and in the structure of ancient states. Research findings that have been collected in a descriptive / analytical method, shows that Mani by promoting his religious beliefs, seeks to create a kind of state or religious rule that provides the metaphor of peace and altruism for human beings In order to achieve this goal, Mani uses various strategies such as interacting with other religions or drawing the beauty of peace and altruism with painting and music and he even believes that the ultimate struggle between good and evil is altruism and virtuous peace.
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The experiences of the new industrialized countries such as south Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Malaysia in the process of industrialization, have highlighted the role of government in industrialization. But something that has been remained... more
The experiences of the new industrialized countries such as south Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Malaysia in the process of industrialization, have highlighted the role of government in industrialization. But something that has been remained as a question and would be the subject for many researches is how to play that role for government. Confirming that there are many confusions about the role of government in development and industrialization in Iran ; the aim of this article is to compare the role of government in Auto industry in Iran and South Korea base on institutionalism approach and Evans’ pattern of developmental state (autonomy embedded in society) , and it uses the comparative method in order to find an answer for this core question : despite this fact that Iran and South Korea has established their Auto-industry almost in the same time , but why Korea has been much more succeeded than Iran in the world stand. Findings in the article has supported this hypothesis that the main reason for inefficient and backwardness of Auto-industry in Iran is unbalanced and heterogeneous roles of the government in Iran which are played in this sector of industry, in comparison to well played developmental roles by south Korea’s government.
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One of the essential problems in institutional policies in developing countries is the existence of abstractive institutions such as incompetent rents, the culture of kinship and the lack of transparency of administrative processes. This... more
One of the essential problems in institutional policies in developing countries is the existence of abstractive institutions such as incompetent rents, the culture of kinship and the lack of transparency of administrative processes. This article focuses on the concept of clientelism as institution within the framework of the new institutionalism theory, seeking to disclose the indicators and significance of this institution in the Pahlavi II government. Clientelism assumed as an abstractive institution which leads to the development of the cycle of vicious. The main hypothesis (idea) of this article is that the clientelism is the main reason for losing social trust of sovereignty and the reduction of social capital in the second Pahlavi state, finally, the main reason of its collapse. In the other words, social distrust as a result of the institution of Clientelism bring the second Pahlavi into a social catastrophe, its outcome was the collapse of the political system. Social trap means choice of advantageous policies by social networks and political system, which evidently to be profitable initially, but ultimately leads to social harm and harm. But ultimately it leads to social collapse and political fall down; the Islamic Revolution (1979) was the result of these extensions.
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War and peace are the reality of all ages of human societies, including multicultural societies centered on the institution of state. Whether peace is the product of state action or whether peace is a political reality and something that... more
War and peace are the reality of all ages of human societies, including multicultural societies centered on the institution of state. Whether peace is the product of state action or whether peace is a political reality and something that can be made or something that is unconscious and assumed, all these questions try to examine the role of states in this context as the largest official political institution in peace. On each side of these questions, theorists and experts have been placed and have used various data and documents to base their assumptions. Some, perceiving peace as the absence of war, have considered states as the main agents of peace building in any society, and others have reduced the role of states in this regard by basing peace on the subconscious expansion of a particular culture. The role and responsibility of social forces, civic institutions and elites are emphasized. This article seeks to answer the question of what is the role of states in peacebuilding and reconciliation, especially in societies with cultural diversity? And what are the characteristics of these states? The article, in terms of nature and method, is descriptive-analytical research and the data collection tool is using the library method and the analysis of the findings in the framework of the qualitative analysis method is on the agenda. It emphasizes that addressing the issue of peace is not separate from addressing social-institutional responsibility and the continuation of the political fabric of states, and that despite the unique nature of any conflict, conciliatory states have a number of characteristics. Common such as; They have appropriate institutional capacities, inclusiveness, democracy and media, party and identity diversity, and a balanced economy.
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In the constitutional law of any country, constitutional reform is one of the ways out of legal barriers, as a result, there may be changes in the power of senior officials. In Iran, in 1989, constitutional amendments were made the result... more
In the constitutional law of any country, constitutional reform is one of the ways out of legal barriers, as a result, there may be changes in the power of senior officials. In Iran, in 1989, constitutional amendments were made the result has been a shift in some of the powers of senior government officials and it is worthwhile to address it from the point of view of constitutional law. Among the institutions that were reviewed in the mentioned reforms; it was the "presidency." The present article seeks to answer this question: What are the most important legal reasons for deprivation of the dignity of the Presidency of the "President" in the structure of the 1989 amended constitution? In answer to this question, using the research method: descriptive-analytical, the research results indicate that first; The dignity of the "presidency" was lost as a result of these reforms. Secondly; Due to the persistence of the institution of "presidency" in the constitutional logic, it is erroneously assumed that in these amendments, the institution of the "Prime Minister" was removed and his powers were transferred to the President However, what actually happened was the removal of the "presidency" institution and in this sense, the wording of the constitution needs to be amended.
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In addition to government and official institutions such as the police, the gendarmerie, and the National Organization for Security and Intelligence (SAVAK), the second Pahlavi government used militias to suppress its opponents. This use... more
In addition to government and official institutions such as the police, the gendarmerie, and the National Organization for Security and Intelligence (SAVAK), the second Pahlavi government used militias to suppress its opponents. This use of armed non-state actors continued throughout this period (1942-1979). In fact, force and violence which should have been the monopoly of the state were also entrusted to non-state actors. Previous academic studies have ignored and underestimated the role of such informal/semi-official forces in the politics and militarism of the government. Moreover, these studies have paid little attention to their persistence. Therefore, the purpose of the present study was to explain why pro-government militias continued to exist in the second Pahlavi period. To explain this issue, the views of experts in the field of militias were used as the research hypotheses. The research method was functional-historical explanation and library, documentary, and field methods were used for data collection. The present study examined the performance of militias during the events and political developments of this period. The research showed that during the various political and security crises that the Pahlavi government was involved in from the beginning to the end, gradually, some of the advantages of the militias over the official and government military were realized. These advantages included the low cost of managing and training them, local and specialized knowledge, strengthening the legitimacy of the government, and their deniability. Therefore, the government insisted on strengthening and developing the militias.
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Penalization, as the definition and application of the criminal sanction by the state in the law (statist penalization), is subject to discussions in public law and criminal sciences, and even, in other disciplines out of these sciences.... more
Penalization, as the definition and application of the criminal sanction by the state in the law (statist penalization), is subject to discussions in public law and criminal sciences, and even, in other disciplines out of these sciences. Meanwhile, criminology and human rights which are at the focal address and in the interest of states could be defined as two main paradigms to study the penalization. The statist characteristic of penalization, indeed, demonstrates the importance of these two paradigms. Accordingly, the present article, by conceptualizing “human rights-based penalization”, explores the role of human rights in altering or modifying the governmental monopoly of penalization. Moreover, the article analyzes two international movements of the abolition of corporal punishment (emphasizing on death penalty) and the restriction on imposing imprisonment (prison). This analysis, finally, is tied into an attitude to the governmental structure of penalization in the contemporary history of Iran during the era of codification since Mashruteh to the beginning of the fifteenth century. The article concludes that the Iranian penalization system has not been apart from influences of the mentioned-above movements. Yet, the system, particularly in the post revolution period has seriously resisted against the abolition movement, while it demonstrates a less reluctance to influences of the restriction movement, that it may imply the Iran’s dual policy of reluctant and positive attitudes to the international concrete norms of fundamental rights and freedoms.
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The purpose of this article is to review and criticize the theories of government in Iran (first Pahlavi period). There have been extensive researches about the government in the first Pahlavi period. In these researches, traits such as;... more
The purpose of this article is to review and criticize the theories of government in Iran (first Pahlavi period). There have been extensive researches about the government in the first Pahlavi period. In these researches, traits such as; Modern state, modern absolutist, pseudo patrimonialism, autocracy, dictatorship, pseudo-modernism, oriental tyranny, Iranian tyranny, dependent, neo-authoritarian, etc. have been used. The multiplicity and diversity of these concepts indicate the multiplicity and significant conceptual differences, which are debatable. The main question is, how can these views be proposed and criticized, and what is the alternative for the title of government in this period? The purpose of this article is to present and criticize these conceptual differences and contradictions, as well as to review the presented views that can strengthen the theoretical and experimental literature of this historical period. In this article, I have used the meta-study method to achieve this goal. The obtained results show a diversity of views and based on the criteria used in this article, few of the reviewed writings have a clear understanding of the concept of the state, its functions and special tasks in the new era, and the authors in many cases Due to the confusion of concepts, there is little difference between the words; Government, governance, and regime are not considered to be three different but related institutions. Based on the theoretical foundations of the government as well as the historical documents of the examined period, the government in Reza Shah's period from different aspects; including: historical background; economic, social, cultural fields; And the special tasks and actions have a significant affinity with the absolute government.
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The political development of the state is achieved by attaining different indicators. In the formulation of the political development of state in the eastern societies, it can be seen that although some of the most important factors of... more
The political development of the state is achieved by attaining different indicators. In the formulation of the political development of state in the eastern societies, it can be seen that although some of the most important factors of development may appear, but it can be expected that the society is still far from the political development indicators. In this research, an attempt has been made to investigate the trends in Vietnam to achieve political development by using the theories of the political development of state. The main question is that based on different features, how much the level of the political development of state in Vietnam is according to the factors mentioned in the classic theories of the political development raised by Deutsch and Moore including the rule of agents, the rate of urbanization, the rate of literacy, the economic situation, the rule of the social classes and the rule of international actors? According to the results of this research, it seems that the patterns and policies applied in the Western societies to achieve a democratic system could be an instrument in the hand of the politicians in the countries like Vietnam to shape a political development based on an authoritarian approach.
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The main objective of this article is to describe and analyze the mechanism of establishment of the Iranian States between the Seljuks' formation and the Qajar dynasty's end. The article is based on a critique of the two theories of... more
The main objective of this article is to describe and analyze the mechanism of establishment of the Iranian States between the Seljuks' formation and the Qajar dynasty's end. The article is based on a critique of the two theories of Oriental Despotism and Orthodox Marxism; It seeks to provide a different perspective to explain the process of establishing the state in Iran by using Ibn Khaldoun's discussions about the conflict between primitive and Civilized communities. Based on this, the article believes that the pattern of state establishment in traditional Iran will be understood when this process is placed in the context of the fundamental conflict of Iranian history between tribal groups and sedentary communities. With such a basis, the article's point of view is that the model of the establishment of the traditional state should be analyzed in terms of the centrality of tribes as state-building actors. The findings of the article show that among the multitude of tribes inside and outside the Iranian plateau, some tribes, due to the emergence of charismatic leaders among them, succeeded in overcoming the division inherent in tribal life and forming a coalition that was the product of a "great Asabiyyah". Conquering through force and compromising through the promise of sharing in the spoils were two central factors in the joining of the tribes to this coalition. Charismatic leaders took the great Asabiyyah in the tribal alliance beyond the limited attitude of scattered looting and turned it towards conquering different regions. This process established the initial and unstable form of the tribal state, one that becomes an imperial state in its next evolution.
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When a wall is built, it contains a message at every scale and every level. The message of separating "us" from "them", "self" from "other", "desirable" from "undesirable", the message of creating boundaries and fencing of belongings and... more
When a wall is built, it contains a message at every scale and every level. The message of separating "us" from "them", "self" from "other", "desirable" from "undesirable", the message of creating boundaries and fencing of belongings and assets. The countries of the world are strengthening their international borders to an unprecedented extent. These walls are artifacts of the new age in international relations and a new concept of the idea of borders. This article considers the wall a global phenomenon; A phenomenon that is spreading and developing in the globalized world, mainly due to the feeling of insecurity of the State. Along with the walled discourse, new security requirements are emerging across States' geographical borders. These requirements can change States' relations with their neighbors and the way they treat immigrants and citizens of other countries. The question of the present study is whether the discourse of border walling and fencing can lead to increased security? And what challenges the discourse of fencing and Walling will pose to States, institutions, and immigrants. In this research, an attempt is made to deal with different dimensions of the discourse of walling and fencing and its political geographical consequences are analyzed.
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The dominant approach to Islamic governance considers Islam as an epistemological system and tries to identify and discover the institutions, practices, principles and rules of Islamic governance from within it. In this approach, like... more
The dominant approach to Islamic governance considers Islam as an epistemological system and tries to identify and discover the institutions, practices, principles and rules of Islamic governance from within it. In this approach, like other epistemological systems, analysis is based on certain transcendental axioms. From an epistemological point of view, many works and books have been written about Islamic governance. In this article, we sought to answer the question that from a non-epistemological point of view, how can one think of Islamic governance? To answer this question, the hypothesis formulated using the immanent method (Which is in contrast to the transcendental method and the epistemological approach) is that in the non-epistemological approach to Islamic governance, which can be called "Islamic governmentality", Islam will become the active political force in the immanent life of subjects, regulating the behavior of subjects through changing and daily relations with themselves, resisting the un compromising and domineering axioms of the present, and turning Muslim subjects into creative forces of government. The most important example of such a non-epistemological Islamic governance (Islamic governmentality) can be seen in the current Islam in the life of revolutionaries in the years leading up to the Islamic Revolution.
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Generally speaking, scientific understanding of social phenomena such as government has been based on the evidence and arguments, but in practice, some people have gone astray and changed their direction to pseudo-scientific... more
Generally speaking, scientific understanding of social phenomena such as government has been based on the evidence and arguments, but in practice, some people have gone astray and changed their direction to pseudo-scientific understanding, to the extent that they can claim that "pseudo-science has replaced science." This article tries to analyze this statement. The purpose of the article is to study the challenges of government by examining their relationship with the indicators of science and pseudo-science. The article analyzes the data with the Meta-synthesize method. It seeks to put together and analyze the findings, examine them, discover the basic characteristics of the phenomena and combine them into a transformed whole with the aim of providing a new interpretation of the subject. The finding of this article is that the category of science/pseudo-science is a spectral phenomenon like any other human phenomenon, which means that the works written in the field of government all have both scientific aspects and pseudo-scientific aspects, but the difference is in the location in the spectrum. Some works are closer to the scientific spectrum, but some works are closer to the pseudo-scientific spectrum and their prominent aspect is pseudo-scientific. The result of this study is that the dominant aspect of government studies in Iran is mostly pseudo-scientific and they rely less on objective empirical evidence and philosophical arguments in their analysis, and therefore this harm causes a distorted understanding of the government as an institution of institutions and the most important political force in society.
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In this research, according to Michel Foucault's methodology to understand the nature and dimensions of the state, we analyze the Seljuk state. In this method, instead of starting with the theories of the state and also putting the state... more
In this research, according to Michel Foucault's methodology to understand the nature and dimensions of the state, we analyze the Seljuk state. In this method, instead of starting with the theories of the state and also putting the state in the center, we have started our work by considering the state as the microphysics of power and then we have placed the state in a technology and field of power. This technology of power was formed from the strategies and tactics specific to its time (not from reductionist theories). The main question of the article is, based on Foucault's view of the state, what power relations and technology were actualized in the Seljuk state? According to the historical and concrete needs of this period, the Seljuk Sultan had to provide the conditions to maintain justice and peace in all Islamic lands and on the other hand, considering that the institution of religion was the link between the sultan, the caliph, the bureaucrats and the people, it should be preserved; Therefore, the Seljuk state became the arena for actualizing the power technology of "security, religion and caliphate". This technology consists of various elements and strategies, such as knowledge/power relations, religion/power relations, Sultan/Caliph relations, and bureaucratic institutions, which this article deals with in its various dimensions.
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Political decisions usually affect a large number of people but the point is to what extent these decisions are justified and verified, and to what extent, they have gone through the correct decision-making mechanisms. The negative... more
Political decisions usually affect a large number of people but the point is to what extent these decisions are justified and verified, and to what extent, they have gone through the correct decision-making mechanisms. The negative consequences of some of these decisions have been motivating many researchers to figure out where the problem comes from. However, the problem is that most of these researchers have seen them in a suspended, abstract, and isolated way. The purpose of this article is, first of all, to provide criteria for evaluating these decisions, and in the next step, to identify the most important challenges of the government's political decision-making. In the third step, it tries to provide examples of these challenges with regard to the provided indicators, and then to show the relationship which they are related to the issue of "accountability" and their ultimate relationship with the gap between the government - the nation, and the weakness of the civil society. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and gathering data is based on documents, finally, statistical samples have been used to examine the process of several important political decisions. The specific finding of this article is that political decision-making is a multifaceted and complex phenomenon whose transparency, verification, and justification are closely related to the question of accountability and finally democratic mechanisms, and the existence of strong civil forces and political parties.
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A perusal of global history signifies the role that commemorations and celebrations about the longevity of reigning in monarchies. There are examples of it in Iran and beyond that. While such events cannot be categorized amongst the... more
A perusal of global history signifies the role that commemorations and celebrations about the longevity of reigning in monarchies. There are examples of it in Iran and beyond that. While such events cannot be categorized amongst the expectations form political systems (such as dignity and welfare for citizens), but they could be analyzed within the framework of conduct of the political systems. At its third level, as symbolic capacity, it strengthens other capacities such as extractive, responsive, distributive and regulative. This article seeks to analyze the relationship between the organization of monarchical celebrations, specifically marking their reign, and the legitimacy of the political system. In turn, it influences its actions, through input, demands, and support, and its interactions with the domestic and international spheres. Within the framework of structural-functional theory, this article analyses political legitimacy in light of such celebrations and its impact on strengthening the top of the system. In doing so, it will analyze the Pahlavi’s celebration of 2500 years of monarchy in Iran and its fiftieth anniversary by relying on range of sources, including archives.
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Political issues that are explained in relation to socio-political disorder; Looking at public perceptions, it is considered to be a negative, common and changeable situation that contradicts the values of a significant number of people... more
Political issues that are explained in relation to socio-political disorder; Looking at public perceptions, it is considered to be a negative, common and changeable situation that contradicts the values of a significant number of people and they believe that they should take action to change that situation. Considering the importance of socio-political problem solving in the continuity and efficiency of a social system -Political The main goal of this article is to know the systematic model of the most important political issues of the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the approach of political sociology. Therefore, in response to the main question of what are the most important political issues of the government (as government) of the Islamic Republic of Iran, it has been tried to use a qualitative approach in the form of an empathic interpretation method to answer the main question with the conceptual framework of socio-political anomie and subjective perceptions. With the technique of elite brainstorming, the analysis of the findings (while acknowledging the relative capabilities of governments) indicates that among the agency and structural problems related to the government in the Islamic Republic of Iran, the sinusoidal process of political trust has been the core of our country's political issues today. which in the internal dimension has an important relationship with the weakness in the performance of the supervisory institutions, the inefficiency of some government institutions and the existence of social gaps, and in the external dimension, it has not been unaffected by the US sanctions policies against the Iranian people. Of course, the dimensional and logical empowerment of the government in Economy, culture and security and attracting people's conscious participation will help to reduce the basic political issues of the government.
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The Taliban movement was born in the condition of internal and external conflicts. The domain for the emergence of this movement was events such as the internal coup d’état on April 28th, 1978, the invasion of the Red Army in 1979, and... more
The Taliban movement was born in the condition of internal and external conflicts. The domain for the emergence of this movement was events such as the internal coup d’état on April 28th, 1978, the invasion of the Red Army in 1979, and the civil wars of 1994-1992 in Afghanistan. Finally, the Taliban with a quasi-totalitarian identity tried to declare its existence and rule in that country under the title of the Islamic Emirate of the Taliban between 1996 and 2001. This article tries to look at the emergence of the Taliban movement by relying on Alain Touraine's theory about the emergence of movements, relying on the three principles of Opposition, Identity, and Totality, and analyzing the third principle of "Totality" among these three principles in the establishment of the Emirate of Taliban. The following article tries to answer the question of whether it is possible that the Islamic Emirate of the Taliban 1996-2001 can be recognized as a totalitarian state that has found its identity from the historical conflict situation. To answer this question, Hannah Arendt's opinions in the book Totalitarianism have been cited, and six indicators have been selected for this comparative study, all of which are analyzed according to Arendt's theory of understanding and describing the characteristics of totalitarian political systems. These indicators are: formlessness (informité), mass society, absolute loyalty, ideology and the meaning of borders, totalitarian leadership and Religion and rituals. Before examining these indicators, an attempt has been made to answer these two questions: to what extent is it possible to compare the State in the West and the State in the Islamic world? And also, to what extent can there be a relationship between the Islamic state and the totalitarian State? The theoretical framework used in this research is a combination of Alain Touraine's opinion (in understanding socio-political movements) and Hannah Arendt's theory (in understanding totalitarianism). The research method used in this article is the library and documentary method.
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The main goal of the upcoming research is to analyze and read a piece of the history of "dominance and change" in Iran in the two decades of 1340 and 1350 AD, which in practice can be said to be a representation or a comprehensive mirror... more
The main goal of the upcoming research is to analyze and read a piece of the history of "dominance and change" in Iran in the two decades of 1340 and 1350 AD, which in practice can be said to be a representation or a comprehensive mirror of the totality of state-society relations in the history of Iran. It is contemporary. Investigating the capacity of enforcing “Social control” and finally the ability and will of "social transformation" and the obstacles facing it, based on the theory of “limited State” or government within society" Jul. S. Migdal, is at the center of the discussion of this article. According to Migdal, in order to have a correct and accurate understanding of the government in the third world, one must avoid the transcendental approach and the myth of the "perfect" government desired by the statists, which puts the government in front of the society and is based on the algebraic zero-sum game between the government and society is, he avoided and paid attention to the approach of the government is a part or a piece of society. In clearer words, this view requires changing the focus of analysis from the government as an independent bureaucratic organization (structural view) to a "process oriented" view of the government in society. With this description, the main question of the research is why the politics of Mohammadreza Shah Pahlavi's social transformation in the form of the White Revolution (in the 40's and 50's) did not reach the desired result and finally the second Pahlavi faced a crisis of dominance? The findings of the research show that despite having a relatively high level of social control, the second Pahlavi government could not provide a more attractive and efficient survival strategy for the social forces and the necessary resources to support to mobilize the desired social transformation policy, therefore, it inevitably turned to the survival policy.
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In the article two claims about the future of state have been posed. These claims have been emphasized and considered in the late prof. Golmohammadi`s writings. The first is about the future of globalization process. And the second is in... more
In the article two claims about the future of state have been posed. These claims have been emphasized and considered in the late prof. Golmohammadi`s writings. The first is about the future of globalization process. And the second is in about the future of state in the context of globalization, based on the Weberian definition of state. My main question in this article is what is the future of state? from contending theories of globalization`s point of views. Will Weberian state be continued or not? The main hypothesis is alongside the continuation of globalization process States will survive but the function of State will change. If we understand globalization as a deep compression of time and space, most important theoreticians believe that in spite of some backwards after Corona pandemic as well as Ukraine War, this process will be continued. Simultaneously, states will exist but their essence and function shall be changed and abandon from the Weberian meaning. At the end I will try to test the claims by come experimental data.
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The present descriptive-analytical research has been conducted in an attempt to find the requirements of governance in the "post-…” era. Today, major developments in epistemology and fundamental changes of ideology have seriously changed... more
The present descriptive-analytical research has been conducted in an attempt to find the requirements of governance in the "post-…” era. Today, major developments in epistemology and fundamental changes of ideology have seriously changed the political affairs. These two transformations have made the institution of the state and its governance in the development era the most important priorities of policymaking and theorizing. In response to the question raised, this article is organized in two sections: in the first section, after explaining the logic of transition to the “post-…” era and the reasons for finding the importance of governance, the most important requirements of governance in the age of development have been proposed by emphasizing the moral/native conditions of Iran as one of the countries on the path of development. For this purpose, a critical normative theoretical approach has been used considering the governments responsible for preparing "fundamental goods”. The results of this research show that issues such as rethinking the philosophy of development, paying attention to the idea of alternative development, improving the quality of the development oriented government, and the teleology of governance in the age of development with local requirements are some of the most important issues that should be on the agenda of governments seeking development, including the government of Iran.
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Iran's economy has not experienced high growth rate during past decades despite huge revenue from oil export. This shows ineffectiveness of resource allocation in Iran economy. The cause of such a resource mis-allocation has been disputed... more
Iran's economy has not experienced high growth rate during past decades despite huge revenue from oil export. This shows ineffectiveness of resource allocation in Iran economy. The cause of such a resource mis-allocation has been disputed by different theories. In this paper, a political economy approach is used to explain such an inefficiency and it will be shown that it provides a better and more comprehensive approach in compare to the rival explanations. The core idea of the paper is that institutional arrangement in the pollical system evolved after Iran revolution from one hand and the quality of institutions on the other hand leads to high social discount rate which dominates short-termism to long-termism. From institutional point of view, high quality institution helps to relax some political economy constraints and provide incentives for economic agents to follow long-term benefits rather than short term one. In the absence of high-quality institutions, supporters of the status-quo allocation prevail the forces who support reallocation to achieve optimal allocation. As a result, transition from current negative equilibrium to superior one is blocked. In another word, economic reform requires high-quality institutions which support reallocation of available resources. Otherwise, different political economy constraints prevent to prioritize superior allocation to inferior one.
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The Islamic Republic of Iran cannot be classified in the classical models of regimes in political economy, and understanding the internal and external logic of its behavior in conventional theoretical frameworks faces difficulties. This... more
The Islamic Republic of Iran cannot be classified in the classical models of regimes in political economy, and understanding the internal and external logic of its behavior in conventional theoretical frameworks faces difficulties. This research seeks to present a conceptual model in understanding the nature of political order and behavioral drivers in the Islamic Republic of Iran under the theories of political economy. Uncertainty in the fundamental relations between the institutions of the state, market and civil society has organized the political economy order of the Islamic Republic in a way that, while being incompatible with all kinds of classical liberal, socialist, fascist and communist orders, elements of each of these orders has in it. This uncertainty is rooted in the simultaneous presence of two conflicting philosophical bases regarding the nature and functions of the state, which are conceptualized in organic and instrumental approaches, and these two conflicting philosophical bases, in the simultaneous existence of parallel and hierarchical structures of conflicting social roles have been determined. In addition, the rentier nature of the state in Iran, as a mediating variable, has weakened the possibility of adjustment and reform in this political economy system. In this research, an appropriate conceptual model for understanding " Rentier pseudo-capitalist state".
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The purpose of this article is studying the trend of changes in government size in Iran and analyze it from the perspective of government efficiency in the light of theoretical literature and to examine empirical comparisons with leading... more
The purpose of this article is studying the trend of changes in government size in Iran and analyze it from the perspective of government efficiency in the light of theoretical literature and to examine empirical comparisons with leading economic countries. The article intends to describe the situation of government size in Iran, to answer the question how the size of government in Iran and its developments can be analyzed? By presenting and comparing government size data in Iran with OECD member countries, high-income countries, high-income middle-income countries and low-income middle income countries, the article shows that first, the size of public government in Iran has decreased and in contrast to production and supply Direct private goods by the government have been on an upward trend, and secondly, the size of public government, which means exercising sovereign duties and providing public goods in Iran, has become smaller compared to the groups in question. The results of the article show that the size of government in Iran has gone through a trend contrary to the findings of recent studies of political economy to reduce the production of private goods and strengthen the regulatory performance of government and the supply of public goods. The trend of government size changes in Iran in the period under review is consistent with the theoretical requirements of the supply-oriented approach, according to which the change in government size is more a function of government requirements than a demand of citizens.
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The task of an intelligence agency is to monitor the ideas and behaviors of groups that are in conflict with the established system and are trying to overthrow the existing system. Monitoring opponents of the political system is not the... more
The task of an intelligence agency is to monitor the ideas and behaviors of groups that are in conflict with the established system and are trying to overthrow the existing system. Monitoring opponents of the political system is not the sole task of an intelligence agency; Rather, it is the task of an intelligence agency to fight subversive opposition groups. Information institutions are an important part of a political system. The fundamental theory of the establishment of the state and the political-legal system determines the policy of the intelligence agencies. When two words are mixed, the breadth of a compound double word is lost and they are limited and conditioned by each other, and the word that is combined with the other word loses its semantic / functional independence. In this article, the political theory of the Intelligence and Security Organization of Iran is considered a lexical fusion due to the dual structure of government (republic and Islamic). Whenever a theory is chosen from among the various political theories that underlie the theoretical basis of government and is the basis for the actions of government and its institutional subdivisions (including intelligence agencies), the government and the intelligence agency are limited to theoretical underpinnings. Using Bernard Crick's model, the author tries to show how a change in the fundamental political theory of a state can led to a change in the character and actions of a country's intelligence organization.
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This article is to consider analyzing the reasons of industrial sector slowdown in the economy and weakening the status of owners of infant industries during the first decade of the Islamic Republic of Iran from a neo institutional... more
This article is to consider analyzing the reasons of industrial sector slowdown in the economy and weakening the status of owners of infant industries during the first decade of the Islamic Republic of Iran from a neo institutional perspective. For this purpose, “institutional-ideological” and “pre-institutional” conditions have been analyzed through historical context to clarify the institutional-historical mechanism leading to weakening of the industrial bourgeoisie and declining of the position of industry and industrial capitalism in the political economy of Iran. The methodological approach of this article is of the type of qualitative historical analysis in which documentary data extracted from official economic and statistical reports, memoirs, written works, and especially conversations with elites (governmental policy-makers and private industrialists active in the period under review), as well as historical, economic, and political analyses by other researchers and experts have been considered and utilized. The study shows that at the time of formation of post-revolutionary governmental and economic institutions in Iran, a set of interrelations institutional and pre institutional factors in historical evolution and transformation shaped a path dependent process in decision making institutions and mindset of decision makers in respect of economic policies of the country which was in contradiction with industrial capitalist development. This approach was one of the main factors inhibiting industrial growth and development in the country during the following decades.
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The author considers Schmitt's and Agamben's state of exception as "Voluntary State of Exception" and propose a new type of state of exception (entitled "Involuntary State of Exception"). Then he explains the foundation and possibility of... more
The author considers Schmitt's and Agamben's state of exception as "Voluntary State of Exception" and propose a new type of state of exception (entitled "Involuntary State of Exception"). Then he explains the foundation and possibility of this second type of state of exception in Iranian society. The author's main argument is that by the gradual combination of the four inevitable super-events (including "general crisis of capital accumulation", "expansion of digital technology in everyday life", "increasing class displacement" and "generational transformation of the dominant traditional power elites"), Iranian society is on the path of a triple great imbalance and an all-out historical discontinuity and ultimately, entering an involuntary state of exception. The author calls this potential state of exception as "Fundamental Question of Iran" and determines the specific process of its occurrence in four stages including "early formation", "great transformation", "liminality", and "hour of involuntary state of exception". According to the author, with the beginning of the "liminality stage" and especially with the oncoming of the "hour of involuntary state of exception" in Iranian society, the existential condition of power elites and social forces transform and everyone feel that they have entered a new historical stage. Therefore, excitement, anxiety and conflict grow in the society. From his point of view, although Iranian involuntary state of exception is not an ultimate and constant situation and there is a possibility of rethinking; However, both power elites and social forces are exposed to some specific great paradoxes.
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In security studies, governments, which are responsible for providing society's need for security, can be considered as important factors that threaten human security. The important characteristics of such governments can include the... more
In security studies, governments, which are responsible for providing society's need for security, can be considered as important factors that threaten human security. The important characteristics of such governments can include the priority of the interests of the government over the interests and values of the people of the society, and the existence of large internal security apparatuses for security-police measures against the citizens of the society. In today's world, the issue of personal security and the threats it faces is of particular importance in security studies. Individual and human security includes various categories from development to peace and dignity in the individual and group dimensions. Today, individual security is examined from different aspects. In the meantime, the government, as an important authority in ensuring the security of the people of the society, can apply serious threats against the people of the society. In other words, it can be said that in security studies, the issue of confrontation and conflict between human security and the interests of the government is a very important issue. Since the 1970s, simultaneously with the expansion of the meaning of security in the world, many experts in the field of security studies have come to the conclusion that the nature of the government, considering its structure, can pose serious threats to individual and human security in the society and from in this sense, in a society, the interests of the government can be opposed to the interests of the citizens of the society.
The ruling government in Saudi Arabia is also in a situation similar to the mentioned situation. In Saudi society, there are serious threats from the government to different individuals and groups of the society. With the implementation of agency changes in the political structure of Saudi Arabia since 2015 and the reforms that have taken place in the cultural and social fields in this country, people have noticed that human security in Saudi Arabia has really been taken into consideration by the current government. The findings of the current research show that despite the aforementioned agency changes in the political structure of Saudi Arabia, the role of the government structure and the context in which the current government was formed cannot be ignored in this issue. From this point of view, while examining the structure of the government in Saudi Arabia, the field of research is clarified and the issue of human security and its relationship with the structure of the government are determined so that through this way, it is possible to examine the issue of human security in this country and examine the role of the government as a structural factor in The threat is heeded. Therefore, the threats against human security in Saudi Arabia by the government, before and after the social and cultural reforms of recent years; will be reviewed. For this purpose, this article seeks to find the answer to the question that how does the structure of the government in Saudi Arabia threaten human security in the society? In this regard, by comparing the conditions before and after the reforms in this country, the question of whether the threat to human security in Saudi society originates from the structure of the government or the role of the agents who are at the top of the power. According to the conducted studies, the hypothesis of the research has been formulated in such a way that the ruling government in Saudi Arabia with the characteristics of a maximalist government and possesses characteristics such as authoritarianism, profit-seeking, and the extensive and decisive performance of influential security apparatus against individuals, personal and human security It has threatened the whole society and thus the category of human security has no meaning for the ruling government in Saudi Arabia and the concept of security only means the security of the state and is summed up in its national and state dimension. The important point is that the reforms of recent years in the social and cultural fields in Saudi society have not been able to reduce these threats. The findings indicate that Bin Salman's reforms in Saudi Arabia were cultural and superficial reforms, and even during their implementation, the ruling government in this country, due to its maximum nature, as in the past through legislation, public policy, and the implementation of its social programs and also from By creating a kind of political disorder caused by the suppression of internal political rivals, it has acted as a de-security factor for the society and human beings and has caused the most important threats to different sections of the society, including elites, critics, immigrants and minorities. Therefore, the nature of the structure of the ruling government in Saudi Arabia can be considered a serious threat to the human security of Saudi society, regardless of the role of agents in it.
Research evidence shows that women in Saudi Arabia are still restricted by Wahhabi rules. As a minority, Shiites are also in the lowest social class, and executions and repression against them have increased. Foreign workers and immigrants, political elites, journalists and civil activists are also in an unfavorable situation due to the repression and restrictions caused by the atmosphere of Ben Salman's rise to power. Therefore, since the applied reforms had only socio-cultural aspects, they were carried out superficially due to the political conditions of Saudi Arabia and were not formulated in the framework of the laws and regulations of this country, and the issue of human security was included in these reforms. therefore, the structure of the government in Saudi Arabia after the reforms are the same as the previous maximum structure, which in nature causes a threat to human security in the society. As a result, it can be acknowledged that removing the threat to human security in a society requires the minimization of the government structure in it, and it requires deep political and civil changes and reforms in the power structure in the country, but in Saudi Arabia after the period of Bin Salman's reforms, the power structure Not only did it not change; Moreover, its authoritarian, police and security components also intensified. Based on this, it can be accepted that human security in Saudi Arabia is still in conflict with the interests of the government and the ruling family, and as long as the government structure in this country is maximal, authoritarian, and profit-oriented, human security in the society will be under threat.
The ruling government in Saudi Arabia is also in a situation similar to the mentioned situation. In Saudi society, there are serious threats from the government to different individuals and groups of the society. With the implementation of agency changes in the political structure of Saudi Arabia since 2015 and the reforms that have taken place in the cultural and social fields in this country, people have noticed that human security in Saudi Arabia has really been taken into consideration by the current government. The findings of the current research show that despite the aforementioned agency changes in the political structure of Saudi Arabia, the role of the government structure and the context in which the current government was formed cannot be ignored in this issue. From this point of view, while examining the structure of the government in Saudi Arabia, the field of research is clarified and the issue of human security and its relationship with the structure of the government are determined so that through this way, it is possible to examine the issue of human security in this country and examine the role of the government as a structural factor in The threat is heeded. Therefore, the threats against human security in Saudi Arabia by the government, before and after the social and cultural reforms of recent years; will be reviewed. For this purpose, this article seeks to find the answer to the question that how does the structure of the government in Saudi Arabia threaten human security in the society? In this regard, by comparing the conditions before and after the reforms in this country, the question of whether the threat to human security in Saudi society originates from the structure of the government or the role of the agents who are at the top of the power. According to the conducted studies, the hypothesis of the research has been formulated in such a way that the ruling government in Saudi Arabia with the characteristics of a maximalist government and possesses characteristics such as authoritarianism, profit-seeking, and the extensive and decisive performance of influential security apparatus against individuals, personal and human security It has threatened the whole society and thus the category of human security has no meaning for the ruling government in Saudi Arabia and the concept of security only means the security of the state and is summed up in its national and state dimension. The important point is that the reforms of recent years in the social and cultural fields in Saudi society have not been able to reduce these threats. The findings indicate that Bin Salman's reforms in Saudi Arabia were cultural and superficial reforms, and even during their implementation, the ruling government in this country, due to its maximum nature, as in the past through legislation, public policy, and the implementation of its social programs and also from By creating a kind of political disorder caused by the suppression of internal political rivals, it has acted as a de-security factor for the society and human beings and has caused the most important threats to different sections of the society, including elites, critics, immigrants and minorities. Therefore, the nature of the structure of the ruling government in Saudi Arabia can be considered a serious threat to the human security of Saudi society, regardless of the role of agents in it.
Research evidence shows that women in Saudi Arabia are still restricted by Wahhabi rules. As a minority, Shiites are also in the lowest social class, and executions and repression against them have increased. Foreign workers and immigrants, political elites, journalists and civil activists are also in an unfavorable situation due to the repression and restrictions caused by the atmosphere of Ben Salman's rise to power. Therefore, since the applied reforms had only socio-cultural aspects, they were carried out superficially due to the political conditions of Saudi Arabia and were not formulated in the framework of the laws and regulations of this country, and the issue of human security was included in these reforms. therefore, the structure of the government in Saudi Arabia after the reforms are the same as the previous maximum structure, which in nature causes a threat to human security in the society. As a result, it can be acknowledged that removing the threat to human security in a society requires the minimization of the government structure in it, and it requires deep political and civil changes and reforms in the power structure in the country, but in Saudi Arabia after the period of Bin Salman's reforms, the power structure Not only did it not change; Moreover, its authoritarian, police and security components also intensified. Based on this, it can be accepted that human security in Saudi Arabia is still in conflict with the interests of the government and the ruling family, and as long as the government structure in this country is maximal, authoritarian, and profit-oriented, human security in the society will be under threat.
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Revolution is an event with fundamental and usually violent changes that disrupt the current course of affairs and seek to launch a new plan and establish a new system. One of the consequences of revolutions is the negation of existing... more
Revolution is an event with fundamental and usually violent changes that disrupt the current course of affairs and seek to launch a new plan and establish a new system. One of the consequences of revolutions is the negation of existing political structures and revolutionaries usually establish their desired institutions after the revolutionary fervor has subsided. However, over time, the confrontation between revolutionary ideology and the administrative and executive structure resulting from the revolution has become one of the most challenging issues for revolutionaries. The present article argues that beyond case-specific conflicts, the root of this issue lies in the issue of "state-building." In fact, due to their sensitivity to the values of the revolution, revolutionaries are reluctant to accept the nature of the state in its true sense and with its inevitable requirements including the concentration of executive power in the government and the originality of the logic of public interest. They have a reductionist view of government, which causes even revolutionary governments to gradually lose an important part of their legitimacy and acceptance in this difficult situation. To this end and to show the importance of this issue as a structural matter and not just a specific person and government, we focus on the two governments of "Mahmoud Ahmadinejad" because the discourse of this government and its supporters, at least initially the coming of that revolutionary state was depicted, but the problem of the incompatibility of revolutionary act and the logic of action in the form of government in these states also manifested itself in a tangible way.
The issue emphasized in this article, i.e. duality in revolutionary institutions and the established political structure, is an issue whose its history and background even goes back to the threshold of the Islamic Revolution; As with the transfer of executive power from the Shah to "Bakhtiar", dual sovereignty was keyed in the country and Imam Khomeini first formed the Revolutionary Council from exile and immediately after returning to Iran, the interim government headed by Bazargan was specified in the Imam's message that the installation Bazargan, while paying attention to their faith in the "Holy School of Islam" and also based on their fighting records, and at the same time "without considering party relations and depending on a particular group". Such an interpretation implicitly indicated the difference between the revolutionaries and the professional technocrats of politics, such as the national-religious forces, and also introduced some dualism in the post-revolution period. This dual situation is understandable in terms of the confrontation between the revolutionary regime and the political system before the revolution (Bakhtiar's government) and perhaps its existence at the beginning of the revolution is also justified, but the issue here is that such dual confrontation has continued in the post-revolution era for some reasons. Discourse disputes are usually made from floating signs at the level of society, but all of them immediately tend to reach the political power and have the upper hand in the government. Therefore, the gap and opposition between the revolutionary discourses and those who are on the opposite spectrum and are referred to by various titles such as moderate, moderate and sometimes harsh terms such as compromiser and even traitor, in its obvious form. shows at the government level. Of course, tension occurs not only in the institution of the government, but also in everything that leads to the government, for example, skepticism towards party activity or at least caution about it is a clear manifestation of this issue, and revolutionaries, including in Iran Due to the concern of the unity of the different classes and spectrums of the people, they have been worried about the multiplicity caused by the activities of the parties even among the aligned currents. This situation has intensified with the appearance of external threats and everything that is classified as coups, conspiracies, internal unrest and protests, etc. Ahmadinejad's coming to power was the result of the rise of fundamentalist, revolutionary and of course populist discourse. In particular, the important beginning of this movement was the victory of fundamentalists on the 28th of February 2003 in the second term of the Tehran City Council elections, which they achieved a decisive victory by organizing in the form of a coalition of Islamic Iran settlers. They were the result of an organization known as the "Coordinating Council of the Islamic Revolution Forces" which was influenced by two fundamentalist organizations "The Party of Islamic Revolution Martyrs" and "Islamic Society of Engineers" and finally Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as one of the activists of these two currents as the mayor of Tehran Selected. During the uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa around 2011 onwards, Ahmadinejad used the term "human awakening" instead of the term "Islamic awakening" and tried to explain this phenomenon beyond a mere issue related to Muslims and Islam. This issue showed a non-ideological implication for describing such movements. Such themes in the philosophical literature and human sciences are not so unfamiliar interpretations, but the revolutionaries could not accept that such interpretations emanate from the speech of the government attributed to them, especially with all the costs they had paid materially and non-materially for the establishment of this government. In fact, just as once upon a time the rational explanation and interpretation of Islamic teachings by streams such as religious intellectuals were interpreted by neglecting some religious foundations, the belief of the spring ring in the reinterpretation of contemporary developments also meant ignoring a part of the revolutionary speech. The justification of the mentioned statesmen regarding the need to emphasize the commonalities between religions or to go beyond the appearances of the Sharia to reach its innermost meaning, because it required ignoring the authority of the revolutionaries, especially the clergy, as the intellectual and administrative authority of the discourse of the revolution, and at the same time, the specific and special dimensions of the discourse of the revolution could not be accepted by this group of supporters of the revolution.
The issue emphasized in this article, i.e. duality in revolutionary institutions and the established political structure, is an issue whose its history and background even goes back to the threshold of the Islamic Revolution; As with the transfer of executive power from the Shah to "Bakhtiar", dual sovereignty was keyed in the country and Imam Khomeini first formed the Revolutionary Council from exile and immediately after returning to Iran, the interim government headed by Bazargan was specified in the Imam's message that the installation Bazargan, while paying attention to their faith in the "Holy School of Islam" and also based on their fighting records, and at the same time "without considering party relations and depending on a particular group". Such an interpretation implicitly indicated the difference between the revolutionaries and the professional technocrats of politics, such as the national-religious forces, and also introduced some dualism in the post-revolution period. This dual situation is understandable in terms of the confrontation between the revolutionary regime and the political system before the revolution (Bakhtiar's government) and perhaps its existence at the beginning of the revolution is also justified, but the issue here is that such dual confrontation has continued in the post-revolution era for some reasons. Discourse disputes are usually made from floating signs at the level of society, but all of them immediately tend to reach the political power and have the upper hand in the government. Therefore, the gap and opposition between the revolutionary discourses and those who are on the opposite spectrum and are referred to by various titles such as moderate, moderate and sometimes harsh terms such as compromiser and even traitor, in its obvious form. shows at the government level. Of course, tension occurs not only in the institution of the government, but also in everything that leads to the government, for example, skepticism towards party activity or at least caution about it is a clear manifestation of this issue, and revolutionaries, including in Iran Due to the concern of the unity of the different classes and spectrums of the people, they have been worried about the multiplicity caused by the activities of the parties even among the aligned currents. This situation has intensified with the appearance of external threats and everything that is classified as coups, conspiracies, internal unrest and protests, etc. Ahmadinejad's coming to power was the result of the rise of fundamentalist, revolutionary and of course populist discourse. In particular, the important beginning of this movement was the victory of fundamentalists on the 28th of February 2003 in the second term of the Tehran City Council elections, which they achieved a decisive victory by organizing in the form of a coalition of Islamic Iran settlers. They were the result of an organization known as the "Coordinating Council of the Islamic Revolution Forces" which was influenced by two fundamentalist organizations "The Party of Islamic Revolution Martyrs" and "Islamic Society of Engineers" and finally Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as one of the activists of these two currents as the mayor of Tehran Selected. During the uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa around 2011 onwards, Ahmadinejad used the term "human awakening" instead of the term "Islamic awakening" and tried to explain this phenomenon beyond a mere issue related to Muslims and Islam. This issue showed a non-ideological implication for describing such movements. Such themes in the philosophical literature and human sciences are not so unfamiliar interpretations, but the revolutionaries could not accept that such interpretations emanate from the speech of the government attributed to them, especially with all the costs they had paid materially and non-materially for the establishment of this government. In fact, just as once upon a time the rational explanation and interpretation of Islamic teachings by streams such as religious intellectuals were interpreted by neglecting some religious foundations, the belief of the spring ring in the reinterpretation of contemporary developments also meant ignoring a part of the revolutionary speech. The justification of the mentioned statesmen regarding the need to emphasize the commonalities between religions or to go beyond the appearances of the Sharia to reach its innermost meaning, because it required ignoring the authority of the revolutionaries, especially the clergy, as the intellectual and administrative authority of the discourse of the revolution, and at the same time, the specific and special dimensions of the discourse of the revolution could not be accepted by this group of supporters of the revolution.
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In this article, the aim was to explain the category of "political trust" and how it is created and accumulated in relation to "social capital". In this approach, trust as one of the components of social capital is not an inherent... more
In this article, the aim was to explain the category of "political trust" and how it is created and accumulated in relation to "social capital". In this approach, trust as one of the components of social capital is not an inherent characteristic of individuals but an aspect of the conditions and environment in which individuals act. Thus, the source of social capital creation will vary in different societies with different levels of development. Long-standing traditions, local beliefs, and the efficiency of the political system, each alone or in combination, can be the source of social capital. The main argument of the present article is that only the kind of social capital that can create a lasting "political trust" that is born of the "good governance" model; Because this model, beyond "government", includes "civil society" and "capable individual-citizen" Which, by creating social capital in macro, medium and micro dimensions of the social system as a whole, indirectly lays the foundation for civil and rational political trust. In other words, only that type of social capital which is the product of corruption control, "rule of law", "responsibility", "transparency", external effectiveness, internal efficiency and free flow of information from the ruling political system can generate a kind of Political trust should be active and effective, and such factors are possible only in the light of a type of governance called "good governance". In this sense, good governance as a model consisting of an efficient government, an active civil society and individual empowerment and the dynamics of the private sector can be a generator of a special type of social capital with a civil and rational nature that is the necessary platform for provide stable "political trust". In this structure, the relationships between governance components are horizontal and parallel. The components are mutually related to each other and the relationship is such that synergy and unity among actors is established in the drawing of macro-strategies. That is, in this sector, the structure of good governance is not hierarchical and its art is the interaction between social forces, i.e. market, government and civil society. The door of this structure is open for the decisions and implementation of general policies, while diversity and conflict of opinions, and the interactions are based on the needs and the main mechanism of the society. Therefore, good governance includes a set of formal and informal actors that influence the decision-making process, and most development institutions make the promotion of this model of governance an important part of their agenda. It is due to such characteristics that governance is defined as "directed influence in the social process" in which various mechanisms are involved. Some of these mechanisms are very complex and do not originate solely from public sector actors. Therefore, all the definitions of governance express a broader concept of government, which does not only include government actors and institutions, but also includes the three institutions of government, civil society, and the private sector. The government creates a political and legal environment, the private sector creates employment and income, and the civil society facilitates the political and social interaction of active groups to participate in economic, social and political activities. Therefore, the task of good governance is to provide the basis for cooperation and coordination between these three sectors as much as possible.
Based on this, the main claim of the article, that is, the relationship between political trust and a certain type of social capital, is explained in the light of a "Meta-theoretical" model. That is, the relationship between good governance, social capital and political trust has been measured as a "theory". It is based on this three-sided triangle that the "rulers" must focus their minds on the paradigm shift that has occurred in the nature of policy making in the last decade of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century in order to deepen and institutionalize political trust. Based on such a change, political trust is often interpreted as people's feelings about political officials and their decisions. This means, when people think that politicians are moral, honest, trustworthy and faithful to their words, political trust is realized and if they think that political officials run the government for their own benefit and the interests of the majority they do not consider and are not truthful in their speech, trust in them decreases. However, in this article, the authors were of the opinion that political trust is not limited to people's confidence in political officials and the performance of government agents; Rather, political trust reflects people's assessment of the "political environment". In fact, people regulate a large part of their behavior in response to the environment and norms that they interact with continuously and perform their actions within their framework. If the game environment does not make trustworthiness and keeping promises beneficial to the members of the society and does not increase the cost of disregarding obligations and mutual trust, their willingness to offer these norms will decrease. In this way, political trust is not only the result of the behavior and speech of government officials in the field of reality or in the perception of the people, but the origin of its rise and fall should be sought in the category of "governance". As mentioned, "governance" includes "government" and includes the three elements of "government", "civil society" and "citizenship". Based on this theoretical arrangement Based on this theoretical arrangement, the claim of the authors was this that political trust is the product of the accumulation of "social capital" at three levels, "macro", "medium" and "micro", and such capital will lead to the production of "political trust". It was not only limited to evaluating the effectiveness of "government"; Rather, it should go beyond the act of government, arising from the model of "governance" in its good form, which is based on the three elements of "efficient government", "strong civil society" and "active individual-citizen". Finally, the method of collecting data in this documentary and library article and the method of judging and interpreting the collected information are also analytical and explanatory.
Based on this, the main claim of the article, that is, the relationship between political trust and a certain type of social capital, is explained in the light of a "Meta-theoretical" model. That is, the relationship between good governance, social capital and political trust has been measured as a "theory". It is based on this three-sided triangle that the "rulers" must focus their minds on the paradigm shift that has occurred in the nature of policy making in the last decade of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century in order to deepen and institutionalize political trust. Based on such a change, political trust is often interpreted as people's feelings about political officials and their decisions. This means, when people think that politicians are moral, honest, trustworthy and faithful to their words, political trust is realized and if they think that political officials run the government for their own benefit and the interests of the majority they do not consider and are not truthful in their speech, trust in them decreases. However, in this article, the authors were of the opinion that political trust is not limited to people's confidence in political officials and the performance of government agents; Rather, political trust reflects people's assessment of the "political environment". In fact, people regulate a large part of their behavior in response to the environment and norms that they interact with continuously and perform their actions within their framework. If the game environment does not make trustworthiness and keeping promises beneficial to the members of the society and does not increase the cost of disregarding obligations and mutual trust, their willingness to offer these norms will decrease. In this way, political trust is not only the result of the behavior and speech of government officials in the field of reality or in the perception of the people, but the origin of its rise and fall should be sought in the category of "governance". As mentioned, "governance" includes "government" and includes the three elements of "government", "civil society" and "citizenship". Based on this theoretical arrangement Based on this theoretical arrangement, the claim of the authors was this that political trust is the product of the accumulation of "social capital" at three levels, "macro", "medium" and "micro", and such capital will lead to the production of "political trust". It was not only limited to evaluating the effectiveness of "government"; Rather, it should go beyond the act of government, arising from the model of "governance" in its good form, which is based on the three elements of "efficient government", "strong civil society" and "active individual-citizen". Finally, the method of collecting data in this documentary and library article and the method of judging and interpreting the collected information are also analytical and explanatory.
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The capital market can play a role as one of the most effective financial institutions in the dynamics of industry and economy of any country. The initial idea of establishing the capital market in Iran dates back to 1972. But what has... more
The capital market can play a role as one of the most effective financial institutions in the dynamics of industry and economy of any country. The initial idea of establishing the capital market in Iran dates back to 1972. But what has been evident in this era is that there was no serious determination to transform the capital market into its true position. Despite the various policies of economic prosperity in the past years and principle 44, but in the realization stage; Since the governments of Iran were in the category of rentier governments, they did not see much need for people's assistance in advancing their economic goals. And vice versa, it was these people who were always waiting to receive government support but what was observed in Iran from April 2020 to August was the serious determination of the government to give priority to the place of the stock market in the economy. This issue became such a priority that, after the Corona issue, it became the most serious issue for the country's economic and political planners. In order to get out of this situation, the government considered relying on the tax on stock transactions and the prosperity of the capital market. This issue needed to gain the public trust of the people in order to provide the basis for its realization with more participation. The more the trust and public participation of the people increased, the more the government's income from this market increased. But this relationship also has a paradoxical consequence. If the stock market falls, the public and political trust of the people will be affected, which will have important effects on the sphere of Iranian politics and society. Indeed, although this unparalleled attention of the government implies the economic problems caused by sanctions and its consequences such as budget deficit, inflation, recession and finally the spread of coronavirus, but from another perspective, its effects can play a role as a socio-political phenomenon in Iranian society. The important point is that the right or wrong decisions of the government in the field of the stock market in the past years, despite some trials and errors, had little effect on Iran's economic and political arena due to the small number of shareholders. But the huge number of Iranian shareholders and families in 2020 changed the issue. In this regard, the twelfth government of Iran explicitly demanded the serious entry of people into the capital market, and the people eagerly welcomed it in order to preserve and increase the value of their assets, as well as to help the government. This economic trend has had political and social effects on Iranian society and if it continues, it can gradually transform people who have a low role in the economic fields into actors with a special spirit of the capital market, including increasing risk-taking, applying financial rationality and frequent calculations of profit and loss, and in the long run, change their attitude from economy to politics and society. But on the other hand, this economic support of the people to the government, which was the result of trusting the government, has paradoxical consequences. The fall of the stock market means a sharp decrease in political trust and the consequences of the downward trend in the relationship between the people and the government. In fact, the widespread presence of the people caused the impact of the successes and failures or the support and shortcomings of the capital market managers and its main actor, which is the government, to increase in the society and gradually spread the changes from the economic field to other areas. An issue that can result from strengthening political and public trust to loss of trust and from strengthening public participation to some security concerns. The same stages went through during 2020: From the rise of the stock market in five months (April to August 2020) to its downward trend in the rest of the year, and from the unprecedented reception of the people, to the heavy losses inflicted on them, and also from the trust and participation of new shareholders, to Their mistrust and pessimism. In this article, we seek to answer the question that what process can the process of deepening the capital market in the twelfth government has on the political sphere of Iranian society. In the framework of the theory of Capital market tax and also public trust and using the method of content analysis, the issue was studied. The collection of President Hassan Rouhani's speeches related to the capital market was compiled. The working method is based on the number of words used by him in relation to the capital market (from April to August 2020), i.e. the time when the stock market was at its peak, until the sharp fall in this market. Then the results of these data were compared with the same period in the previous years and the 11th government, and by examining these results, an illustrative analysis was obtained. These words are generally expressed in the most important official meetings of the government. In fact, all of Rouhani's speeches during his presidency, in which he mentioned the capital market, were taken into consideration as a statistical community. The method of extracting it was by searching for the word stock among his words. The method used to complete the process, in order to analyze the state of public opinion in Iranian society and examine the role they give to the government in the process of the fall of the capital market, is a collection of the words of influential political and social figures and authorities (including prominent representatives of the Majlis , Presidential candidates in the 1400 Iranian elections, representatives of student organizations), the content of effective national social and media campaigns and the collective and individual performance of stakeholders (protest rallies, etc.) in the time period of August 15, 2020, to June 2021 were analyzed. From the results of the developments, it can be concluded that the twelfth government's explicit support of the capital market has led to the fall of the stock market index, and the process of political trust is at risk.
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The unique features of the emerging blockchain technology and its new tools such as cryptocurrencies, despite having significant benefits, have posed various difficulties for states. In particular, the centrifugal structure of the... more
The unique features of the emerging blockchain technology and its new tools such as cryptocurrencies, despite having significant benefits, have posed various difficulties for states. In particular, the centrifugal structure of the blockchain has made it an important challenge to the sovereignty of the modern state. Too much emphasis on the sovereignty of states and ignoring the capabilities of decentralized technologies will result in nothing but an inefficient structure for states. But the assumptions based on the complete domination of blockchain technology over the sovereignty of states, at least based on the available data, do not seem very realistic. The present paper, using a descriptive-analytical method, answers the question of the consequences of blockchain for state governance without falling into the trap of simplistic unilateralism and dualism. The present study finds that the sovereignty of states and the strength of blockchain technology have framed today's complex life in practice on the basis of interaction and will continue to do so in the near future. Although the first party (state) seems to have the upper hand in such a framework, the distant future is unpredictable. To answer the above question, understanding the characteristics of the mentioned technology, recognizing how states react to it and evaluating the perspectives of how the two sides of the relationship interact (sovereignty of the state / blockchain) in order to make the good policy in this regard, it seems necessary.
The analysis of what has happened to states in the last century shows that the application of the sovereignty of the states is gradually eroding. The changes caused by the creation and development of new technologies have forced the governments to take a specific reaction against the mentioned phenomenon. Some of the characteristics of blockchain technology such as its decentralized and trans-spatial structure, in particular, some elements on the governments, such as the authority to enact comprehensive laws in a specific territorial area and the authority to print national currency (fiat) and control it from It has faced a serious challenge through various economic and financial policies.
Any simplistic view regarding the complete dominance of the state's sovereignty over blockchain technology, as well as the passing of the aforementioned technology from the state's sovereignty, due to ignoring the other party's capacity to coordinate with the developments of the day and manage it, does not seem justified. This issue has caused the government's response to this phenomenon to fluctuate, from complete prohibition to legal restrictions and recognition and even the production of cryptocurrency. It is noteworthy that so far, some governments have not shown any legal or practical reaction to this phenomenon. Despite the relativity in the above assessment, it should be acknowledged that the technical ability of each government in dealing with new technologies (here, blockchain) is one of the most important factors in determining the type of government's response to this phenomenon.
Despite considering blockchain technology as a threat to the sovereignty of states, the opportunities and advantages of the mentioned technology for exercising the sovereignty of states should not be overlooked. In other words, the blockchain technology with its unique features puts innovative methods and mechanisms in line with the government; A tool that, if governments are equipped with the mentioned technology, will deeply affect the scope and effectiveness of the government's actions in the two areas of law making and monitoring its implementation. The aforementioned reality, along with the development of virtual space (and its effects on the diminution of the government's sovereignty in a certain territorial area), doubles the necessity of a justified and calculated response to blockchain technology. However, it should be acknowledged that the technological threats to the government's governance are far greater than its opportunities. The absence of a central control authority in this technology and the equality of all users, as well as the impossibility of refining it by governments or any other person, clearly undermine the government's ability to exercise sovereignty in this field, at least in the current situation is excluded; A thing that also removes other threats to the government's sovereignty (including providing a platform for money laundering and other crimes).
Due to newness of the above technology and the incomplete experience of states in reacting to it, it may not be possible to provide an accurate prediction of the outcome of this relationship (interaction between government governance and blockchain technology) at this stage. Based on this, the range of actions that governments can take in response to the above phenomenon cannot be fully explained and accurately evaluated. Nevertheless, in the current situation, although governments, like other individuals, have the possibility to enter this field and produce cryptocurrencies; Also, they can try to deal with or manage the mentioned phenomenon by prohibiting or imposing some restrictive conditions, it should not be overlooked that the range of the mentioned measures apparently could not and may not be able to create an important practical obstacle for people to enter to this arena. All this shows the necessity of adopting a realistic approach by governments towards this phenomenon, especially considering the consequences of not having a specific reaction against it. The course of the studies conducted in this article apparently indicates that governments are moving towards the option of peaceful coexistence with blockchain technology, of course, with the imposition of certain conditions and specific requirements in order to manage it (to the extent of the technology's capabilities). Governments will move.
Considering the concentration of at least part of the capital of some Iranian individuals in crypto-currencies and predicting the possibility of its continuation in the future and even the entry of more capital in this direction, compiling a model of the Iranian government's justified response to the aforementioned phenomenon with a comprehensive review of experience other governments and evaluating the advantages and disadvantages of each of the models and prescribing the most suitable response based on the economic, political and even cultural conditions and requirements of the Iranian society, can be used as a suggestion for future researches on this issue. be taken into consideration and action.
The analysis of what has happened to states in the last century shows that the application of the sovereignty of the states is gradually eroding. The changes caused by the creation and development of new technologies have forced the governments to take a specific reaction against the mentioned phenomenon. Some of the characteristics of blockchain technology such as its decentralized and trans-spatial structure, in particular, some elements on the governments, such as the authority to enact comprehensive laws in a specific territorial area and the authority to print national currency (fiat) and control it from It has faced a serious challenge through various economic and financial policies.
Any simplistic view regarding the complete dominance of the state's sovereignty over blockchain technology, as well as the passing of the aforementioned technology from the state's sovereignty, due to ignoring the other party's capacity to coordinate with the developments of the day and manage it, does not seem justified. This issue has caused the government's response to this phenomenon to fluctuate, from complete prohibition to legal restrictions and recognition and even the production of cryptocurrency. It is noteworthy that so far, some governments have not shown any legal or practical reaction to this phenomenon. Despite the relativity in the above assessment, it should be acknowledged that the technical ability of each government in dealing with new technologies (here, blockchain) is one of the most important factors in determining the type of government's response to this phenomenon.
Despite considering blockchain technology as a threat to the sovereignty of states, the opportunities and advantages of the mentioned technology for exercising the sovereignty of states should not be overlooked. In other words, the blockchain technology with its unique features puts innovative methods and mechanisms in line with the government; A tool that, if governments are equipped with the mentioned technology, will deeply affect the scope and effectiveness of the government's actions in the two areas of law making and monitoring its implementation. The aforementioned reality, along with the development of virtual space (and its effects on the diminution of the government's sovereignty in a certain territorial area), doubles the necessity of a justified and calculated response to blockchain technology. However, it should be acknowledged that the technological threats to the government's governance are far greater than its opportunities. The absence of a central control authority in this technology and the equality of all users, as well as the impossibility of refining it by governments or any other person, clearly undermine the government's ability to exercise sovereignty in this field, at least in the current situation is excluded; A thing that also removes other threats to the government's sovereignty (including providing a platform for money laundering and other crimes).
Due to newness of the above technology and the incomplete experience of states in reacting to it, it may not be possible to provide an accurate prediction of the outcome of this relationship (interaction between government governance and blockchain technology) at this stage. Based on this, the range of actions that governments can take in response to the above phenomenon cannot be fully explained and accurately evaluated. Nevertheless, in the current situation, although governments, like other individuals, have the possibility to enter this field and produce cryptocurrencies; Also, they can try to deal with or manage the mentioned phenomenon by prohibiting or imposing some restrictive conditions, it should not be overlooked that the range of the mentioned measures apparently could not and may not be able to create an important practical obstacle for people to enter to this arena. All this shows the necessity of adopting a realistic approach by governments towards this phenomenon, especially considering the consequences of not having a specific reaction against it. The course of the studies conducted in this article apparently indicates that governments are moving towards the option of peaceful coexistence with blockchain technology, of course, with the imposition of certain conditions and specific requirements in order to manage it (to the extent of the technology's capabilities). Governments will move.
Considering the concentration of at least part of the capital of some Iranian individuals in crypto-currencies and predicting the possibility of its continuation in the future and even the entry of more capital in this direction, compiling a model of the Iranian government's justified response to the aforementioned phenomenon with a comprehensive review of experience other governments and evaluating the advantages and disadvantages of each of the models and prescribing the most suitable response based on the economic, political and even cultural conditions and requirements of the Iranian society, can be used as a suggestion for future researches on this issue. be taken into consideration and action.
Research Interests:
The dynamic and changing politics of the United States have been focus of political researchers since the beginning of this country. Due to its new construction, the US did not benefit from the requirements of the old countries, hence,... more
The dynamic and changing politics of the United States have been focus of political researchers since the beginning of this country. Due to its new construction, the US did not benefit from the requirements of the old countries, hence, the way of its political action was different. Since the U.S. gained power in the world arena, how government policy is formed in the United States became important for the researchers of international relations. The opinions of prominent scholars show that one of the defensible theories in the political construction of the United States is based on the prominent role of groups in this field. Different groups or more precisely "interest groups" shape and manage all the elements of this policy. These groups are also responsible for the change of the political structure and the direction of internal and external policies. Attributing such importance to interest groups makes it necessary to explain the importance and the function of these groups in policy making in the United States. This issue forms the main structure of this article. Therefore, the main question of this article is why interest groups are important in the political construction of the American government. The current research tries to answer this question based on opinions of "Arthur Bentley". For this reason, the present article has a theoretical approach and answers a fundamental question in the field of political construction. The correct understanding of internal dynamism of politics in United States is based on correct understanding of this issue, and it is necessary to understand this process in order to change the internal policy of United States. Bentley's main book called "The Process of Government" was written in the early 20th century. Bentley systematically theorized groups and trends from a political perspective for the first time. Interest groups are deeply rooted in both conflict and compromise over political decisions as well as historical changes in political systems. In order to answer the main question of this article, the materials have been categorized using the qualitative method, comparative research strategy and gathering data from documents and libraries. For this purpose, after a brief explanation about Bentley and his most important book, his views on the importance of interest groups in the political system of the United States are explained. At the end, the criticisms towards this perspective will be explained and the result of this theoretical research will be presented. Research findings show that interest groups act as a link between interests and decision makers. Studies of the policy process show that interest groups often play a central role in setting the government's agenda, options, influencing decisions, and directing the executive branch. In this regard, both the official structures and the informal structures of American politics provide a suitable base for influence groups. One of the features of the American system that increases their influence is the relative weakness of the political parties of the United States, which partly stems from the principle of separation of powers. A second feature of this system that encourages interest groups is the decentralization of political power to states and municipalities, known as a federal system or "federalism." Citizens' associations often begin at local levels in the states and later merge into national organizations. Therefore, decentralization leads to greater diversity and encourages interest groups. As a result, research shows that interest groups, in addition to influencing policy outcomes through direct lobbying, influence political attitudes and behaviors in various ways. Interest groups often respond directly to candidates, policies, or specific initiatives. In other words, while influencing political policies and decisions, interest groups influence the formation of votes and political behaviors of parties and political leaders and react to them.
The result of Bentley's theory in foreign policy is interesting. People become politically important only when they are members of a group, and groups become important when they perform activities. But political life is very complicated: There is no man who only is a member of one interest group, and there is no interest group that operates separately from other groups. The alliance between the groups is also very fragile and unstable. No part of the government in the real world of politics is immune from the pressure of different groups and this includes the judicial system and courts. Therefore, according to Bentley, liberal ideas that seek to create departments to pursue public interests and away from the pressure of large and powerful groups are doomed to failure.
The result of Bentley's theory in foreign policy is interesting. People become politically important only when they are members of a group, and groups become important when they perform activities. But political life is very complicated: There is no man who only is a member of one interest group, and there is no interest group that operates separately from other groups. The alliance between the groups is also very fragile and unstable. No part of the government in the real world of politics is immune from the pressure of different groups and this includes the judicial system and courts. Therefore, according to Bentley, liberal ideas that seek to create departments to pursue public interests and away from the pressure of large and powerful groups are doomed to failure.
Research Interests:
As one of the most visible aspects of political life in recent years, the populist rises imply the ‘crisis of representation’ that means the existing institutional mechanism of representative democracy is ineffective in representing the... more
As one of the most visible aspects of political life in recent years, the populist rises imply the ‘crisis of representation’ that means the existing institutional mechanism of representative democracy is ineffective in representing the variety of social demands. In accordance with the liberal democratic approach, while this situation, warns of the mass society revivaland new versions of authoritarianism, the radical democratic approach considers it to the possibility of retrieve democracy.
Which variables determine the contending evaluations of populism impacton democracy? The present paper presupposes that the contending evaluations are driven by different conceptions of principal constituent of democracy (rule of law or general will?) and the populism entity (a manner of governance or a movement constructing collective will?). Given the postulates of the contending democratic theories (liberal and radical), the paper hypothesizes that evaluating the effects of populism on democracy depends on the way of interaction of some variables: a) the content of the populist discourse (egalitarian articulation of plural demands or discriminatory one?); b) the context in which the populist movement arises (democratic structure of opportunity or authoritarian one?) c) the mutual strategy of political actors whether from opposition or in position ones (the connection between street politics and institutional one or disconnection?). Taking advantage of the contending democratic theories (liberal and radical) in a combinative theoretical framework, the paper attempts to justify the hypothesis by highlighting the fact that both democratic theories are built on one aspect of the conception of democratic order.
Marking the elements such as individual subjectivity, rationality, the rule of law, pluralism, etc. as characteristics of the democratic order, a liberal democratic approach considers populist popular and exclusionary (i.e., determined by populists’ particular definition of the people) orientation as a threat to democracy. It is because of the such orientation restricts public debates and leads to weakening democratic institutions, the opposition’s rights, and the plurality of society. On the contrary, the radical democratic approach points to the significance of the populist mobilization for the democratization of status quo democracies owing to re-politicization of the issues neglected by the sovereign elite, provided that to articulate accumulated demands around a democratic egalitarian nodal point. Such evaluation emanates from the fact that this approach identifies democracy with collective subjectivity, general will, participation, and so on.
It seems that a non-paradoxical and justifiable reference to both the above-mentioned approach in an analysis of the effect of populism on democracy entails taking their different concentrations into account. It means ‘populism-in-power’ (as a way of governance) puts the structural foundations of democracy in danger and facilitates the emergence of authoritarianism due to its anti-institutionalism, anti-pluralism, and tendency to mass politics. It is whilst, in the status of ‘opposition’ (a mobilizing movement), populism might be an opportunity to revive democratic politics. This argument resorts to the action of constructing a new collective will, in populist strategies of mobilizations, which reveals shortages of representative systems such as the monopoly of a minority, technocratic elitism, and so on. Nevertheless, the actualization of the progressive effects of the populist movements on democracy depends heavily on the interaction of variables which are as follows.
a) If the populist discourse articulates accumulated social demands around a democratic egalitarian will, then the populist moment (as the moment of crisis in a representative democracy) can be of progressive connotations for democracy-deepening. Conversely, discriminatory articulation (like racist or class populism) paves the way for authoritarianism. Hence in terms of democratization and de-democratization, various populisms can be imagined; ranging from democratic populism to authoritarian, leftist to far-right.
b) Realization of the above-mentioned progressive version of populism depends on the ‘democratic structure of political opportunity’. The possibility of the mobilization by democratic egalitarian populism is only imaginable where the rules of the democratic competition are guaranteed. In other words, if there is no equal and fair opportunity to declare the policies in electoral campaigns and implement them after taking into power, then there can be just governmental types of populism that mobilize the mass for advocating governmental policies and decisions. Here, populism appears in its authoritarian face in a mass society.
c) The third variable is the strategy that political actors of both realms, movement, and institution, in a political structure adapt. If the populist movement ties its street activism with institutional bargaining (e.g. by resorting to parliamentary parties) and, mutually, the government opens up the policy-making input to populist demands (rather than rejecting them), then the rise of a democratic egalitarian populist movement might result in democracy- deepening. Otherwise, populism can bring about some contending de-democratizing mass mobilizations, whether in the shape of authoritarian up-to-down governmental populism or fruitless gross-root radical populism.
In brief, the paper maintains that by vindicating ‘popular sovereignty’, populism has double-edged effects in terms of weakening or strengthening democracy; ranging from an infertile radicalism leading to authoritarianism to radical reformism containing the possibility of retrieval of democracy. Hence democratic theory needs to develop an order that balances the rule of law and public will as two sides of democracy. It calls for a new social contract based on a balanced relationship between specialism and democratic responsibility. To reach such a situation, more inclusive politics should be targeted by current-day democracies. The key, however, is hearing the demands of populist advocators rather than populist leaders’ programs.
Which variables determine the contending evaluations of populism impacton democracy? The present paper presupposes that the contending evaluations are driven by different conceptions of principal constituent of democracy (rule of law or general will?) and the populism entity (a manner of governance or a movement constructing collective will?). Given the postulates of the contending democratic theories (liberal and radical), the paper hypothesizes that evaluating the effects of populism on democracy depends on the way of interaction of some variables: a) the content of the populist discourse (egalitarian articulation of plural demands or discriminatory one?); b) the context in which the populist movement arises (democratic structure of opportunity or authoritarian one?) c) the mutual strategy of political actors whether from opposition or in position ones (the connection between street politics and institutional one or disconnection?). Taking advantage of the contending democratic theories (liberal and radical) in a combinative theoretical framework, the paper attempts to justify the hypothesis by highlighting the fact that both democratic theories are built on one aspect of the conception of democratic order.
Marking the elements such as individual subjectivity, rationality, the rule of law, pluralism, etc. as characteristics of the democratic order, a liberal democratic approach considers populist popular and exclusionary (i.e., determined by populists’ particular definition of the people) orientation as a threat to democracy. It is because of the such orientation restricts public debates and leads to weakening democratic institutions, the opposition’s rights, and the plurality of society. On the contrary, the radical democratic approach points to the significance of the populist mobilization for the democratization of status quo democracies owing to re-politicization of the issues neglected by the sovereign elite, provided that to articulate accumulated demands around a democratic egalitarian nodal point. Such evaluation emanates from the fact that this approach identifies democracy with collective subjectivity, general will, participation, and so on.
It seems that a non-paradoxical and justifiable reference to both the above-mentioned approach in an analysis of the effect of populism on democracy entails taking their different concentrations into account. It means ‘populism-in-power’ (as a way of governance) puts the structural foundations of democracy in danger and facilitates the emergence of authoritarianism due to its anti-institutionalism, anti-pluralism, and tendency to mass politics. It is whilst, in the status of ‘opposition’ (a mobilizing movement), populism might be an opportunity to revive democratic politics. This argument resorts to the action of constructing a new collective will, in populist strategies of mobilizations, which reveals shortages of representative systems such as the monopoly of a minority, technocratic elitism, and so on. Nevertheless, the actualization of the progressive effects of the populist movements on democracy depends heavily on the interaction of variables which are as follows.
a) If the populist discourse articulates accumulated social demands around a democratic egalitarian will, then the populist moment (as the moment of crisis in a representative democracy) can be of progressive connotations for democracy-deepening. Conversely, discriminatory articulation (like racist or class populism) paves the way for authoritarianism. Hence in terms of democratization and de-democratization, various populisms can be imagined; ranging from democratic populism to authoritarian, leftist to far-right.
b) Realization of the above-mentioned progressive version of populism depends on the ‘democratic structure of political opportunity’. The possibility of the mobilization by democratic egalitarian populism is only imaginable where the rules of the democratic competition are guaranteed. In other words, if there is no equal and fair opportunity to declare the policies in electoral campaigns and implement them after taking into power, then there can be just governmental types of populism that mobilize the mass for advocating governmental policies and decisions. Here, populism appears in its authoritarian face in a mass society.
c) The third variable is the strategy that political actors of both realms, movement, and institution, in a political structure adapt. If the populist movement ties its street activism with institutional bargaining (e.g. by resorting to parliamentary parties) and, mutually, the government opens up the policy-making input to populist demands (rather than rejecting them), then the rise of a democratic egalitarian populist movement might result in democracy- deepening. Otherwise, populism can bring about some contending de-democratizing mass mobilizations, whether in the shape of authoritarian up-to-down governmental populism or fruitless gross-root radical populism.
In brief, the paper maintains that by vindicating ‘popular sovereignty’, populism has double-edged effects in terms of weakening or strengthening democracy; ranging from an infertile radicalism leading to authoritarianism to radical reformism containing the possibility of retrieval of democracy. Hence democratic theory needs to develop an order that balances the rule of law and public will as two sides of democracy. It calls for a new social contract based on a balanced relationship between specialism and democratic responsibility. To reach such a situation, more inclusive politics should be targeted by current-day democracies. The key, however, is hearing the demands of populist advocators rather than populist leaders’ programs.
Research Interests:
Problem: The continuation and increasing intensification of the Contentious politics in contemporary Iran, which is an endless revolutions chain, coups, movements, uprisings, and political rebellions, have shown questions about the... more
Problem: The continuation and increasing intensification of the Contentious politics in contemporary Iran, which is an endless revolutions chain, coups, movements, uprisings, and political rebellions, have shown questions about the grounds and roots of this type of politics. In existing studies, the roots of political conflicts in Iran have been attributed either to the state or social cleavages. As far as the role of the state is concerned, it is usually focused on its structural aspects. This article omits the discussion about the structure of the state and focuses only on the functioning of the stateQuestion: The question of the article is: What is the relationship between the continuation and intensification of Contentious politics in contemporary Iran with the practical priorities and orientations of the state in different periods of the contemporary Iranian history?Hypothesis: The hypothesis of the article is that the continuation and intensification of the Contentious politics has been caused by the imbalances and crises caused by the practical priorities and orientations of the state in different periods of contemporary Iranian history. Method: In this article, the method of secondary analysis of historical data is used. Based on the data available in the historical sources, first, the process of the state's performance and priorities in different periods of contemporary history have been identified. Second, the process of accumulation of conflicts and conflicts arising from these performance and priorities has been shown. Third, the relationship between the two mentioned trends is shown. Finally, by using the "ideal type" method, an attempt has been made to design and present a model of the state, which seems to be able to reverse the process of conflict politics in Iran and lead to reconciliation politics.Findings: The findings of the research indicate that over the last two centuries, five different models of state (in terms of orientation and performance) have been effective, which are: self-rebuilding state, nation-building state, developmental state, redistributor state and expansionist state. Of course, this does not mean that the ruling states have only one of these functions at any time; Rather, there has often been some kind of overlap in two or three functions, but at each point, one orientation and function has been the priority and focus of the state's attention. "Self-rebuilding state" appeared in a defective and discrete form during the Qajar era, but in a serious and effective way in the first decade of Reza shah’s rule (1921-40). The "nation-building state" also emerged weakly in the years after the constitutional movement, but seriously and effectively in the last decade of the Reza shah’s rule (1931-41). "Developmental state" emerged faintly in the second decade of Reza shah’s rule (1931-41), and seriously and effectively in the last fifteen years of Mohammad Reza shah’s rule (1962-78), and in the years after The Islamic revolution also took place in some periods such as the presidency of Rafsanjani (1989-96). The "redistributive state" appeared faintly in the last fifteen years of Mohammad Reza shah’s rule (1962-78) and more seriously and effectively in the first decade after the Islamic revolution (1979-88). Finally, the "expansionist state" appeared first in the last years of Mohammad Reza King’s rule (1973-78) and then more seriously and widely in the years after the revolution, especially in the last two decades (2001-2022).Analysis and Discussion: The analysis of the findings of the article showed that: in each of these five models of state, although they had some progress in realizing their main goals and priorities, but in addition to the historical delay in the desired orientation, there were failures in the same orientation. Selecting of the orientations have resulted of disproportionate strategies and policies by each of these states has also created new problems, conflicts and criticisms. In other words, the five patterns of the state have created a vicious cycle of crises, conflicts, instabilities and political violence and a chain of interruptions and breaks in the process of political, social and economic developments and It has resulted in the accumulation of crises in today’s Iran.Conclusion: The results of the article showed that the way out of the current state of Iran is the establishment of a state Patterns that can be called a "conciliatory state". Such a state must first of all emerge from within a comprehensive social contract. Then, based on democratic and efficient institutional arrangements and a coherent legal system, the main priority and goal should be to solve the conflicts affecting the country. This state should accept pluralism and competitive mechanisms in different political, economic, social and cultural fields. This state instead of authoritarian interventions in different fields, should be the guardian of territorial integrity and people's security, and only where the competitive mechanisms face problems with inadequacies and conflict of interest, it should intervene in the framework of democratic laws and mechanisms to compensate for, settle differences and conflicts Resolution, and establish and reproduce social balance and political stability.
Research Interests:
In recent Iranian intellectual space, some thinkers of political thought and jurisprudence (in particular the late Dr. Davood Feirahi) have believed that Iran’s situation in Islamic world is similar to and comparable with England in... more
In recent Iranian intellectual space, some thinkers of political thought and jurisprudence (in particular the late Dr. Davood Feirahi) have believed that Iran’s situation in Islamic world is similar to and comparable with England in Europe and Christian world. That's because Iran is a Muslim country yet at the same time a Shi'ite one and England in Europe is a Christian yet at the time an Anglican one. On the other hand, they have believed that the situation and the political project of John Locke in England is similar to and comparable with the situation and the political project of Allameh Mohammad Hossein Naeini in contemporary Iran. That's also because both of them tried to defend freedom and democracy on the basis of a religious ground, that means the holy text. And both of them had religious opponents (Sheiq Fazlollah Nuri and Robert Filmer). Therefore, the quarrel for democracy and freedom at the time of John Locke and Allameh Mohammad Hossein Naeini was a religious one. That means it was religion against religion, both authoritarianism and democracy was based on different accounts and interpretation of the hole text. Hence, in Iran Feirahi believed that secularism isn't our real problem but the problem is religious accounts of authoritarianism and democracy. He believed that the path of democracy passes through a democratic account of religion. Here, what he called as modern theology can make sense.
The main concern of the present article is to evaluate this claim. Is Shi'ite Islam is comparable with Christianity and Anglicanism in particular? What are the differences? At least we know the Constitutionalism movement in Iran came to a different conclusion than the Constitutionalism movement. In Iran, only after two decades after the Constitutionalism revolution an authoritarianist government came to power and it can be said that Rezakhan destroyed democracy. The main subject of my essay is Law but not any kind of Law (Natural Law, Religious Law, etc.). It is only governmental law or human Law. What is created by man and in particular by a government. In order to evaluate the aforementioned claim and what people like Feirahi said I chose the concept of law and on the other hand I tried to study the concept in the context of the two important treatises of these two thinkers; the second treatise of John Locke on Government and Mohammad Hossein Naeini’s Tanbih o lommah va Tanzih o lmellah. It should be added that Law is very important for these two. Locke defines political power on the basis of Law. For Locke, that's Law which draws a distinction between a state of war and a political state. For Naeini, Law is an alternative for ismah (innocence) of imam at the time of qeibah (absence of imam).
It should be noticed that Law in Iran was a goal that so many people had tried the achieve. One the main aims of the Constitutionalism revolution was to create Law and to limit and control the behavior of the governors on the basis of Law. So, the essay studied different aspects of the question of law in the project of those two thinkers (Naeini and Locke) and what the said in their most important treatises (Tanbih o lommah va Tanzih o lmellah of Mohammad Hossein Naeini and John Locke’s Second Treatise on Government). This study is a part of a wider research, which tried to find the basis of such comparison. My methodological approach in present essay is an interpretive-comparative one. That means that I tried to interpret both texts from the viewpoint of Law and after that and the same time I tried to compare the two texts.
The present essay is divided in different parts. First, I studied the foundation of Law in the two treatises (a metaphorical one and a normative one). Then I wrote about the limitations of Law for Locke and Naeini. For Locke and Naeine there two different kinds of limitations. Locke limits Law by Natural Law or Natural Rights and the contents of the very basic contract between people and the governors. On the other side. Naeini limits Law by Shari'ah and the contents of the very basic contract between people and the governors. Then I talked about the Legislative Power (Parliament of Majlis). Here I studied the position of the the Legislative Power and its conditions. And in the end, I wrote about the goal or aim law, what Law tries to achieve. Here I pointed to the relations between public good and its relation with consent.
In the final analysis, the present research shows that in spite of some similarities, there are fundamental differences between John Locke and Naeini, which cannot and should not be overlooked. I believed that the proponents of the claim are ignorant of the differences. Such ignorance twists our system of thinking and creates more problems.
The main concern of the present article is to evaluate this claim. Is Shi'ite Islam is comparable with Christianity and Anglicanism in particular? What are the differences? At least we know the Constitutionalism movement in Iran came to a different conclusion than the Constitutionalism movement. In Iran, only after two decades after the Constitutionalism revolution an authoritarianist government came to power and it can be said that Rezakhan destroyed democracy. The main subject of my essay is Law but not any kind of Law (Natural Law, Religious Law, etc.). It is only governmental law or human Law. What is created by man and in particular by a government. In order to evaluate the aforementioned claim and what people like Feirahi said I chose the concept of law and on the other hand I tried to study the concept in the context of the two important treatises of these two thinkers; the second treatise of John Locke on Government and Mohammad Hossein Naeini’s Tanbih o lommah va Tanzih o lmellah. It should be added that Law is very important for these two. Locke defines political power on the basis of Law. For Locke, that's Law which draws a distinction between a state of war and a political state. For Naeini, Law is an alternative for ismah (innocence) of imam at the time of qeibah (absence of imam).
It should be noticed that Law in Iran was a goal that so many people had tried the achieve. One the main aims of the Constitutionalism revolution was to create Law and to limit and control the behavior of the governors on the basis of Law. So, the essay studied different aspects of the question of law in the project of those two thinkers (Naeini and Locke) and what the said in their most important treatises (Tanbih o lommah va Tanzih o lmellah of Mohammad Hossein Naeini and John Locke’s Second Treatise on Government). This study is a part of a wider research, which tried to find the basis of such comparison. My methodological approach in present essay is an interpretive-comparative one. That means that I tried to interpret both texts from the viewpoint of Law and after that and the same time I tried to compare the two texts.
The present essay is divided in different parts. First, I studied the foundation of Law in the two treatises (a metaphorical one and a normative one). Then I wrote about the limitations of Law for Locke and Naeini. For Locke and Naeine there two different kinds of limitations. Locke limits Law by Natural Law or Natural Rights and the contents of the very basic contract between people and the governors. On the other side. Naeini limits Law by Shari'ah and the contents of the very basic contract between people and the governors. Then I talked about the Legislative Power (Parliament of Majlis). Here I studied the position of the the Legislative Power and its conditions. And in the end, I wrote about the goal or aim law, what Law tries to achieve. Here I pointed to the relations between public good and its relation with consent.
In the final analysis, the present research shows that in spite of some similarities, there are fundamental differences between John Locke and Naeini, which cannot and should not be overlooked. I believed that the proponents of the claim are ignorant of the differences. Such ignorance twists our system of thinking and creates more problems.
Research Interests:
Imagining government as a powerful and all-encompassing institution that effectively controls a geopolitical area has affected the basic role of this institution in the development discourse. Because the government is considered the main... more
Imagining government as a powerful and all-encompassing institution that effectively controls a geopolitical area has affected the basic role of this institution in the development discourse. Because the government is considered the main basis of political, economic, and social order, its representative role is significant. Today, many thinkers and international organizations believe that the government still plays an essential role in advancing the process of development and poverty reduction but the problem is that always some governments have not been able or willing to play the expected roles. Many governments, due to various social, political, economic, and structural reasons do not have the ability and capacities necessary for carrying out development and poverty reduction, or basically do not show much political desire and will in this regard. Since the 1990s, those states whose governments lack the necessary ability to perform normal functions and lead their society to development have been known as fragile states. This is a concept that is more related to developing countries. On the basis of this, the main question of the current research is "What are the criteria for evaluating the capacity and willingness of fragile states in planning for development and poverty reduction?" The research method used in this research is systematic review and information is collected using library tools and internet resources. The theoretical framework of the research is based on Torres and Anderson (2004). From the point of view of Torres and Anderson, the development capacities of a government include the foundations of government authority, administrative capacity and efficiency, economic efficiency and the effective exercise of political power. A government that lacks these capacities or has these features just to a limited extent will lose its capacity and ability to advance development and reduce poverty to a large extent. In addition, from thier point of view, along with these features, the political will for development and poverty reduction must exist at the top of the government. In other words there should be an explicit political statement that shows the commitment and desire of a government to advance development and poverty reduction programs. As well, in this direction, attention should be paid to the existence of strategies, tools, and motivations for implementation, so that services are provided in the best possible way and have the character of inclusiveness. Finally, Torres and Anderson (2004) present a fourfold typology of governments (weak willingness and capacity governments, strong willingness and weak capacity governments, strong willingness and capacity governments, and weak willingness and strong capacity governments) that can be used to identify the criteria for evaluating the capacity of fragile states in development planning and poverty reduction. The results of the research findings show that governments in fragile states could have proper planning in order to improve development capacities and reduce poverty by strengthening the foundations of authority, effective exercise of political power, efficiency in macroeconomic management, administrative capacity for implementation, along with the political commitment to reduce poverty and provide comprehensive services. Based on this, the governments that have weak political desire and will, even if they have the necessary capacities for development and poverty reduction, will not succeed. Similarly, those states that have a strong political desire and will but lack the necessary capacities, will not be successful. In transition countries, where governments are usually more fragile, rapid changes may lead to instability. Therefore, it should be emphasized on gradual reforms and more accountability of governments in these countries. As the Iraq experience clearly shows, dramatic changes—including a sudden move toward fully competitive elections—in countries with weak cohesion, fragile institutions, and a history of intergroup hostility can be highly explosive and undermine the entire reform agenda. So, it is better to give priority to solidarity and security and gradually carry out broader reforms in the field of development and poverty reduction so that do not explicitly threaten the status quo. Limits such as increasing transparency and carrying out budgeting methods, strengthening non-governmental organizations, creating a strong civil society, strengthening public cohesion and trust, increasing income and reducing unemployment, improving the rule of law and the government's capacity to judge and implement it can improve relations between governments and people and provide the basis for other actions. It seems that the biggest determining factors eventually are the government, its leadership, policies and institutions; This does not mean ignoring the role of the society as sustainable development requires roles of both government and society. The development-seeking government and the development-seeking society, with their desire and high capacities for development, are the key to success in the advancing development and poverty reduction.
Research Interests:
In 1978, the Islamic Revolution achieved victory with the aim of fighting injustice, oppression, and tyranny, establishing security, freedom, independence, and most importantly, forming a single nation. After the victory of the... more
In 1978, the Islamic Revolution achieved victory with the aim of fighting injustice, oppression, and tyranny, establishing security, freedom, independence, and most importantly, forming a single nation. After the victory of the revolution, the first Shiite democratic system was established under the title of Islamic Republic based on the principle of divine sovereignty (Islamism) and people's sovereignty (Republic). Undoubtedly, the establishment of an Islamic state is one of the ultimate goals of the Islamic revolution, so that the laws and rulings of the Islamic religion are implemented, which, in addition to regulating the current affairs of the people, also guides the direction of the society towards perfection and nearness to God. But until today, the actions and efforts taken were not enough and the Islamic State has not yet been realized in the real sense. Therefore, the explanation of Ayatollah Khamenei's point of view as the great leader of Iranian society and also as the most important Shiite thinker in the Islamic world regarding the foundations and indicators of the Islamic state is very effective and can be a guide for the formation and theoretical and practical activity of the Islamic state. Because during his leadership period, he explained the five stages of the objectives of the Islamic revolution (Islamic revolution, political system, Islamic state, Islamic society, and Islamic civilization) and drew the Islamic state as the most important and third stage of this process and repeatedly They have emphasized the importance and necessity of forming an Islamic state as an important factor in the realization of Islamic civilization. Therefore, it is requisite and necessary to explain his point of view regarding the foundations and indicators of the Islamic state.
Question: This research seeks to answer the question, from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei, how are the foundations and indicators of the Islamic state drawn?
Methodology: The method of this research is based on the qualitative content analysis method, in order to benefit from this method, attention was paid to the hidden themes of Ayatollah Khamenei's statements from 1981 to 2022, and inference and extraction of meaning was made from it. The thematic search of the word (Islamic State) among the statements of Ayatollah Khamenei was obtained with the help of MAXQDA software, and the search results of his statements were prepared in the form of a slip, which is about the topic of the foundations and indicators of the Islamic State. The next step after collecting the slips is the analysis procedure in three ways: purification, explanation, and which is the structure analysis procedure of this research. The next step is to specify the units of analysis, which are divided into word (symbol), theme, character (personality), paragraph, and title (item), and in this research, the unit of analysis is a paragraph. The next step is coding to determine the categories. The next step is coding to determine the categories, which in this research was done in an open and inductive approach because the qualitative view prevails in it. Therefore, for this coding, it is necessary to read and review the text of the statements 2-3 times, line by line, and then convert it into the smallest possible component, where similar codes are merged and categories are extracted from these codes. And finally, each of these categories is analyzed and interpreted.
Result and Discussion: Using the qualitative content analysis method, three categories were determined regarding the foundations of the Islamic state, and ten categories were determined regarding the indicators of the Islamic state and each of these categories was analyzed and examined, and several points can be made from the findings. He deduced the basics:
From the point of view of Ayatollah Khamenei, the Islamic state is the most important and the third stage of the five-fold process of the ideal of the Islamic Revolution, and if it is not fully realized, the Islamic society will not be formed.
What distinguishes the Islamic state from other states is; Its Islamic foundations and orientation are rooted in the connection between religion and politics in Islam, the necessity of social life, and the necessity of realizing a virtuous life for the Muslim community in material and spiritual dimensions.
From his point of view, the model of the Islamic State is the prophetic and Alawite state, which has indicators for the formation of the Islamic State at present, the most important of which are justice-oriented, adherence to the standards of religious democracy (importance of people's vote and opinion)., anti-tyranny, law-oriented, value-religious orientation, preservation of Islamic identity, service, science-oriented, wisdom-oriented, fight against corruption, etc.
Question: This research seeks to answer the question, from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei, how are the foundations and indicators of the Islamic state drawn?
Methodology: The method of this research is based on the qualitative content analysis method, in order to benefit from this method, attention was paid to the hidden themes of Ayatollah Khamenei's statements from 1981 to 2022, and inference and extraction of meaning was made from it. The thematic search of the word (Islamic State) among the statements of Ayatollah Khamenei was obtained with the help of MAXQDA software, and the search results of his statements were prepared in the form of a slip, which is about the topic of the foundations and indicators of the Islamic State. The next step after collecting the slips is the analysis procedure in three ways: purification, explanation, and which is the structure analysis procedure of this research. The next step is to specify the units of analysis, which are divided into word (symbol), theme, character (personality), paragraph, and title (item), and in this research, the unit of analysis is a paragraph. The next step is coding to determine the categories. The next step is coding to determine the categories, which in this research was done in an open and inductive approach because the qualitative view prevails in it. Therefore, for this coding, it is necessary to read and review the text of the statements 2-3 times, line by line, and then convert it into the smallest possible component, where similar codes are merged and categories are extracted from these codes. And finally, each of these categories is analyzed and interpreted.
Result and Discussion: Using the qualitative content analysis method, three categories were determined regarding the foundations of the Islamic state, and ten categories were determined regarding the indicators of the Islamic state and each of these categories was analyzed and examined, and several points can be made from the findings. He deduced the basics:
From the point of view of Ayatollah Khamenei, the Islamic state is the most important and the third stage of the five-fold process of the ideal of the Islamic Revolution, and if it is not fully realized, the Islamic society will not be formed.
What distinguishes the Islamic state from other states is; Its Islamic foundations and orientation are rooted in the connection between religion and politics in Islam, the necessity of social life, and the necessity of realizing a virtuous life for the Muslim community in material and spiritual dimensions.
From his point of view, the model of the Islamic State is the prophetic and Alawite state, which has indicators for the formation of the Islamic State at present, the most important of which are justice-oriented, adherence to the standards of religious democracy (importance of people's vote and opinion)., anti-tyranny, law-oriented, value-religious orientation, preservation of Islamic identity, service, science-oriented, wisdom-oriented, fight against corruption, etc.
Research Interests:
The view that education should be in accordance with the ideals and goals of the Prebendal state as one example of a corrupt state is a type of state that in which power elites and government agents demand rights in excess of their rights... more
The view that education should be in accordance with the ideals and goals of the Prebendal state as one example of a corrupt state is a type of state that in which power elites and government agents demand rights in excess of their rights at the level of the political system. Basically, the prebendal state is the product of some factors such as elites’ mental perceptions and the trust and authority-citizenship culture at the cultural level, legitimacy and ideology at the political level, and rentierism and the big stage at the economic level. The present article focuses on this main question what are the consequences of the prebendal state in IRAN during the second Pahlavi era? The hypothesis of the article seeks the consequences of such a state at two levels, individual and systemic consequences. The theoretical framework of the article is inspired by Max Weber's views and Richard Joseph's prebendal state theory. In the analytical model of the article, the prebendal state is as an independent variable and its consequences at the individual and systemic levels are considered as dependent variables. Methodically, the type of research is qualitative and the approach of the article is descriptive –analytical and the research method is based on library –documentary analysis. The findings of the article indicate that the prebendal state will lead to to alienation at the individual level and at the systemic level it will lead to the emergence of five types of crises such as legitimacy, efficiency, identity, accumulation, and hegemony.
The emergence and gaining of power in Iran during the second Pahlavi era had two lasting and effective consequences at the individual and systemic levels. At the individual and social level, it can be considered as the most important consequence of alienation, distancing, the emergence of a gap between the people and the elites of the country, and finally the separation of the people from the Pahlavi system. The white revolution and agrarian reforms at the level of villages and industrialization, urbanization, and modernization at the level of cities along with the weakening of the traditional middle class, administrative modernization, etc. have been the basis for such an outcome.
At the system level, the establishment and expansion of the prebendal state in the country and the penetration of all power structures and the unaccountable access to huge oil resources and preventing it from being directed towards development-oriented investment and production provide the basis for the emergence of all kinds of crises in the country. brought including legitimacy crisis, identity crisis, hegemony crisis, accumulation crisis, and efficiency crisis which intensified and eventually led to the fall of the Pahlavi regime system.
In this article, the consequences of the prebendal state in the second Pahlavi era are analyzed in detail in two separate sections. In the first part, agrarian reforms and physical-identity displacement of villagers are examined as the first step of personal and social alienation. This process physically led to the expansion of marginalization in big cities, and in terms of identity, it created a disintegration and an identity gap between rural immigrant villagers and urban dwellers. In the continuation of the policy of development, modernization and industrialization of the second Pahlavi regime, its effects and consequences on the alienation of urban people and the destruction of traditional classes in the cities are discovered and explained. In the second part, the consequences of gaining power and expansion of the prebendal state in the country and exclusive access to huge oil resources and preventing it from flowing towards development-oriented investment are examined in order to identify the causes of various crises in the country, crises that lead to the downfall of the regime. Pahlavi ended.
The aim of this article is the examination of the consequences, results, and effects of the prevalence of prebendalism in the second Pahlavi period, which crystallized on two individual levels - social and systemic - the political system. We have shown how the prebendal policies of land reforms and urban and industrial modernization of the Pahlavi system at the individual-social level led to alienation, distancing, and the emergence of a deep gap between the people and the elites of the country and ultimately the separation of the people from the Pahlavi system. Also, based on numerous documents and sources, it was explained that the white revolution and agrarian reforms at the village level and industrialization, urbanization, and modernization in the cities along with the weakening of the traditional middle class, a deep rupture between the rural and urban classes with the second Pahlavi regime and the prebendal elites. The ruler created it, which eventually led to the uprising of the rural dwellers along with the city dwellers against the system and the rulers of the second Pahlavi era.
At the level of the political system and system, the establishment and expansion of the prebendal state in the country and the penetration of all the power structures and the unaccountable access to huge oil resources and preventing it from being directed towards development-oriented investment and production will cause all kinds of crises. provided in the country. Among them, the legitimacy crisis, identity crisis, hegemony crisis, accumulation crisis, and efficiency crisis which intensified during this period and ultimately led to the fall of the Pahlavi regime and the destruction of prebendalism in Iran. By marginalizing civil parties and groups and sidelining independent politicians, the prebendal system caused the lack of meritocracy and the placing of incompetent people who were dependent on the king at the head of the country's political, administrative and military-security system, which had no result but the reproduction of corruption. Because the agents and corrupt and dependent elites had to accept and continue the current relations for their survival in the pyramid of power. In this situation, the ways of communication and the link between the government institutions and the elites with the people were broken and the vacuum in the relationship between the government and the society caused the regime to not have a correct and accurate understanding of the people's wishes and demands, and as a result, it could not act based on the people's demands. The result of this was the failure to reform the affairs, creating dissatisfaction among the people and turning them to underground, secret, radical and revolutionary activities. In addition, such a situation in relation to government institutions and elites connected with the people caused the political institution to become informal and political and economic relations to be outside the legal framework due to political corruption, which resulted in nothing but the distance of the government from the people and the deepening of the gap between the state and the nation.
The emergence and gaining of power in Iran during the second Pahlavi era had two lasting and effective consequences at the individual and systemic levels. At the individual and social level, it can be considered as the most important consequence of alienation, distancing, the emergence of a gap between the people and the elites of the country, and finally the separation of the people from the Pahlavi system. The white revolution and agrarian reforms at the level of villages and industrialization, urbanization, and modernization at the level of cities along with the weakening of the traditional middle class, administrative modernization, etc. have been the basis for such an outcome.
At the system level, the establishment and expansion of the prebendal state in the country and the penetration of all power structures and the unaccountable access to huge oil resources and preventing it from being directed towards development-oriented investment and production provide the basis for the emergence of all kinds of crises in the country. brought including legitimacy crisis, identity crisis, hegemony crisis, accumulation crisis, and efficiency crisis which intensified and eventually led to the fall of the Pahlavi regime system.
In this article, the consequences of the prebendal state in the second Pahlavi era are analyzed in detail in two separate sections. In the first part, agrarian reforms and physical-identity displacement of villagers are examined as the first step of personal and social alienation. This process physically led to the expansion of marginalization in big cities, and in terms of identity, it created a disintegration and an identity gap between rural immigrant villagers and urban dwellers. In the continuation of the policy of development, modernization and industrialization of the second Pahlavi regime, its effects and consequences on the alienation of urban people and the destruction of traditional classes in the cities are discovered and explained. In the second part, the consequences of gaining power and expansion of the prebendal state in the country and exclusive access to huge oil resources and preventing it from flowing towards development-oriented investment are examined in order to identify the causes of various crises in the country, crises that lead to the downfall of the regime. Pahlavi ended.
The aim of this article is the examination of the consequences, results, and effects of the prevalence of prebendalism in the second Pahlavi period, which crystallized on two individual levels - social and systemic - the political system. We have shown how the prebendal policies of land reforms and urban and industrial modernization of the Pahlavi system at the individual-social level led to alienation, distancing, and the emergence of a deep gap between the people and the elites of the country and ultimately the separation of the people from the Pahlavi system. Also, based on numerous documents and sources, it was explained that the white revolution and agrarian reforms at the village level and industrialization, urbanization, and modernization in the cities along with the weakening of the traditional middle class, a deep rupture between the rural and urban classes with the second Pahlavi regime and the prebendal elites. The ruler created it, which eventually led to the uprising of the rural dwellers along with the city dwellers against the system and the rulers of the second Pahlavi era.
At the level of the political system and system, the establishment and expansion of the prebendal state in the country and the penetration of all the power structures and the unaccountable access to huge oil resources and preventing it from being directed towards development-oriented investment and production will cause all kinds of crises. provided in the country. Among them, the legitimacy crisis, identity crisis, hegemony crisis, accumulation crisis, and efficiency crisis which intensified during this period and ultimately led to the fall of the Pahlavi regime and the destruction of prebendalism in Iran. By marginalizing civil parties and groups and sidelining independent politicians, the prebendal system caused the lack of meritocracy and the placing of incompetent people who were dependent on the king at the head of the country's political, administrative and military-security system, which had no result but the reproduction of corruption. Because the agents and corrupt and dependent elites had to accept and continue the current relations for their survival in the pyramid of power. In this situation, the ways of communication and the link between the government institutions and the elites with the people were broken and the vacuum in the relationship between the government and the society caused the regime to not have a correct and accurate understanding of the people's wishes and demands, and as a result, it could not act based on the people's demands. The result of this was the failure to reform the affairs, creating dissatisfaction among the people and turning them to underground, secret, radical and revolutionary activities. In addition, such a situation in relation to government institutions and elites connected with the people caused the political institution to become informal and political and economic relations to be outside the legal framework due to political corruption, which resulted in nothing but the distance of the government from the people and the deepening of the gap between the state and the nation.
Research Interests:
The view that education should be in accordance with the ideals and goals of the ruling political system is always considered one of the governments and the cultural and social policy makers of the societies main concerns. This is... more
The view that education should be in accordance with the ideals and goals of the ruling political system is always considered one of the governments and the cultural and social policy makers of the societies main concerns. This is important that in the form of change management, which has always been considered by the executive managers of the governments. In the investigations related to the government in Iranian society, paying attention to the field of education and creating changes and transformations in it and adapting it to the goals of the Islamic Revolution has always created a challenge between the public sphere and the policy-making sphere in such a way that the issue of change and transformation in Education has become a tragic tragedy.
One of the most extensive disputes in recent years between the field of education and the government in the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran is the preparation, approval and implementation of "the fundamental transformation document in education". This important document has been prepared and approved by the highest executive authorities of the government as an upstream document for change and development in the education system.
The government in the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran was hoping for such a change and development that the document on the fundamental transformation of education in line with the vision document of 1404 and the comprehensive scientific map of the country and the approvals of the Expediency Council, in the session No.
Unfortunately, the implementation process of this document continued facing serious challenges in such a way that after ten years of its approval, it has not been successful in the implementation phase. Therefore, the important point related to the current research is the discussion of social policies that governments apply to change the behavior of large sections of people. In this regard, the purpose of this research was to investigate the process of approving and implementing the document of fundamental transformation in education by adopting the critical approach government in society of the "Joel Migdal". Because from Migdal's point of view and in contrast to Weber's view of this social existence, the government is not a coordinated and coherent entity, but rather a conflicting entity that sometimes works against itself, but this process is not the same for all governments, because governments have the same ability are not.
In accordance with Migdal, strong governments are governments that have the necessary abilities to influence, regulate social relations, extract resources and distribute or allocate resources for social transformation through design, policy and program implementation, on the other hand, weak governments are those that are willing or They do not have the ability for making such social changes.
The mentioned approach, while providing empirical evidence and conducting field research, deals with the process of making government decisions and their implementation with a different perspective than the Weberian perspective. Therefore, contrary to the state-oriented views that place an important role on the government in the process of transformation of the third world and transitioning countries, she does not consider the government to be the only main player in the political field. In other words, Migdal believes in the dispersion, division and fragmentation of power in networked societies and does not consider the power of the government to be Leviathan-type and maximal.
This research was conducted with a qualitative approach and semi-structured interview method in order to collect data and also by using thematic analysis technique to analyze the interviews. A total of 15 interviews were conducted at high levels of policy making and implementation, which led us to the necessary theoretical saturation. The interviewees presented their opinions on topics such as their general attitude towards the fundamental transformation document, the strengths and weaknesses of the document, the obstacles to the implementation of the document, the different types of resistance formed during its implementation, and the role of the education expert body in this regard.
The findings of this research show that, as Migdal's theory predicts, the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran is not a unified organization that can easily implement its approved laws. Rather, there are many competitions and disagreements both inside (the taste preferences of the executive authorities, inconsistency between institutions, etc.) and outside it due to the structure of the network society (influence of social political groups and currents, etc.), which hinders the executive It becomes the document of the fundamental transformation of education and similar documents and laws.
This review also shows the conflicting interactions of various official and unofficial centers in charge of guiding the people; Centers that try to pull the behavioral and normative pattern of the society in a certain direction, that too in a government structure called formal education and in the form of the Ministry of Education.
Of course, such a perception, if it is the statesmen true belief, leads to the simplification of reality and causes statesmen to make unenforceable promises or adopt unenforceable policies without considering the existing facts. Or they don't consider the necessary requirements to implement their policies, the consequences of which are many implementation failures and depriving people of their trust in the government and its ability to solve society's problems.
The executive proposal of this plan is for the government to make optimal use of the existing ability in the organized public sphere in order to find problems and provide solutions, especially in the field of education; Failure to include this importance (not considering public demands and demands) in the formulation and implementation of transformational and structural plans will not only lead to the implementation stage; But in the end, it will cause society's disappointment in political institutions and reduce the society's political trust.
One of the most extensive disputes in recent years between the field of education and the government in the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran is the preparation, approval and implementation of "the fundamental transformation document in education". This important document has been prepared and approved by the highest executive authorities of the government as an upstream document for change and development in the education system.
The government in the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran was hoping for such a change and development that the document on the fundamental transformation of education in line with the vision document of 1404 and the comprehensive scientific map of the country and the approvals of the Expediency Council, in the session No.
Unfortunately, the implementation process of this document continued facing serious challenges in such a way that after ten years of its approval, it has not been successful in the implementation phase. Therefore, the important point related to the current research is the discussion of social policies that governments apply to change the behavior of large sections of people. In this regard, the purpose of this research was to investigate the process of approving and implementing the document of fundamental transformation in education by adopting the critical approach government in society of the "Joel Migdal". Because from Migdal's point of view and in contrast to Weber's view of this social existence, the government is not a coordinated and coherent entity, but rather a conflicting entity that sometimes works against itself, but this process is not the same for all governments, because governments have the same ability are not.
In accordance with Migdal, strong governments are governments that have the necessary abilities to influence, regulate social relations, extract resources and distribute or allocate resources for social transformation through design, policy and program implementation, on the other hand, weak governments are those that are willing or They do not have the ability for making such social changes.
The mentioned approach, while providing empirical evidence and conducting field research, deals with the process of making government decisions and their implementation with a different perspective than the Weberian perspective. Therefore, contrary to the state-oriented views that place an important role on the government in the process of transformation of the third world and transitioning countries, she does not consider the government to be the only main player in the political field. In other words, Migdal believes in the dispersion, division and fragmentation of power in networked societies and does not consider the power of the government to be Leviathan-type and maximal.
This research was conducted with a qualitative approach and semi-structured interview method in order to collect data and also by using thematic analysis technique to analyze the interviews. A total of 15 interviews were conducted at high levels of policy making and implementation, which led us to the necessary theoretical saturation. The interviewees presented their opinions on topics such as their general attitude towards the fundamental transformation document, the strengths and weaknesses of the document, the obstacles to the implementation of the document, the different types of resistance formed during its implementation, and the role of the education expert body in this regard.
The findings of this research show that, as Migdal's theory predicts, the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran is not a unified organization that can easily implement its approved laws. Rather, there are many competitions and disagreements both inside (the taste preferences of the executive authorities, inconsistency between institutions, etc.) and outside it due to the structure of the network society (influence of social political groups and currents, etc.), which hinders the executive It becomes the document of the fundamental transformation of education and similar documents and laws.
This review also shows the conflicting interactions of various official and unofficial centers in charge of guiding the people; Centers that try to pull the behavioral and normative pattern of the society in a certain direction, that too in a government structure called formal education and in the form of the Ministry of Education.
Of course, such a perception, if it is the statesmen true belief, leads to the simplification of reality and causes statesmen to make unenforceable promises or adopt unenforceable policies without considering the existing facts. Or they don't consider the necessary requirements to implement their policies, the consequences of which are many implementation failures and depriving people of their trust in the government and its ability to solve society's problems.
The executive proposal of this plan is for the government to make optimal use of the existing ability in the organized public sphere in order to find problems and provide solutions, especially in the field of education; Failure to include this importance (not considering public demands and demands) in the formulation and implementation of transformational and structural plans will not only lead to the implementation stage; But in the end, it will cause society's disappointment in political institutions and reduce the society's political trust.
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The theory and practice of policymaking in today's world have found a very vital role because the legitimacy of governments which is measured by the ability to solve public problems through public policy. If the government lacks the... more
The theory and practice of policymaking in today's world have found a very vital role because the legitimacy of governments which is measured by the ability to solve public problems through public policy. If the government lacks the ability to solve public problems, no other element can legitimize its continued rule. From the perspective of public policy-making discipline, there is no achievement for any public policy unless policymakers and citizens have active and intense participation in the policy-making process as well as policy implementation. Because in a public policy-making relationship, one side as a policymaker is obliged to solve the problem of the other side. This relationship, as one of the most influential relationships in people's life quality, needs to be carefully regulated and guaranteed. The law, as a normative discipline, is supposed to regulate relations between these two agents. In the initial conception of representative democracy, as a legal and political framework of governing society, people were completely removed from political and policy-making processes by electing representatives and were only subject to the decisions of their representatives. In other words, in a classic version of representative democracy, almost all of the political power is in the representative bodies’ hands. It is possible that minority and pressure groups try to present their issues as public problems by influencing such institutions. In the democratic age, there is a political and legal tendency to maximize the role of citizens in the policy-making process in order to prevent any legitimation crisis that may be raised from representative democracy shortcomings. The mentioned weakness can be considered as systematic and deep corruption in a decision-making system. In order to fix this weakness, the basic step is to redistribute powers and jurisdictions between different actors in the process of policy making, because studies on current democracies demonstrate that, the first step in the policy-making process, i.e., recognizing the public problem, is the most important, critical and crucial one. In other words, if the people do not have any role or influence in the first step of public policy making, the whole process will be at very serious risk. This paper, using descriptive and analytic approach, criticized the legal framework of recognizing the public problem in Iran. In Iran, due to the great legal authority and authority of the legislative body, such mechanisms have not been foreseen for the people and even other institutions. Even a powerful institution like the presidency cannot resist the decisions of the legislative body. So, it seems democracy in Iran is still very similar to the classical type of representative democracy and needs to be revised and accompanied by recent developments in the knowledge of politics and law. By distinguishing between representative-centered and citizen-centered approaches to policy making, the author proposed a shift from the former approach to the latter, in the interpretation of legal documents, especially Iran's constitutional law. The shift will lead to participatory democracy and multi-level policymaking. This new approach, by emphasizing the role of people as diagnosers of public problems, reduces the risk of semi-public problems being included in government programs and policies. The proposed approach says no problem is a public problem unless it affects the ordinary life of a reasonable number of citizens. Before reaching to this stage, the government should not allocate any budget to solve it. The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran has provided the possibility of interpretation in favor of the proposed approach in many parts considering the decisive role of the people, including in Article No.: 59. Creating mechanisms to realize such a role for the people is one of the necessities of Iran's current decision-making system. By considering the countries' experiences such as Italy and the USA, suggestions such as veto rights for the people regarding the issues raised in the policy-making institutions, and the right to raise the issue for them to be discussed in the same institutions can be proposed as necessary mechanisms. In these countries, at the request of the people and upon reaching a certain number, the legislative assembly will be required to remove an issue (a semipublic-problem) from the agenda, or put an issue on its agenda.
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Problem: Sweden is considered as a small state in terms of its domain, surface area and extension, population, territorial extent and the grandeur of its military power; Sweden and other Nordic countries are states that do not rank as big... more
Problem: Sweden is considered as a small state in terms of its domain, surface area and extension, population, territorial extent and the grandeur of its military power; Sweden and other Nordic countries are states that do not rank as big states in terms of hard power components. However, a look at the role and influence of these governments at the international level has shown their great influence.
Question: The question that arises here is how, despite Sweden's small measure, this country has a great moral influence in the domestic, regional and international dimensions.
Hypothesis: The hypothesis of this research responding to this question is that; Swedish government, by playing a moral role at the international level, has been able to introduce itself as a moral superpower and makes influence the arrangements of international relations. This government takes a special position in many international conflicts and that position is a mediator. In the peacekeeping missions of the United Nations, both the forces of this government are stationed and it pays many budgets to carry out these missions.
Findings: In the human rights attempt that take place in developing countries, this government is considered among the supporters of women's movements and other human rights movements. Also, this government is considered to be a constant in the fight against climate changes. The image of Sweden is carved as a well-functioning utopia; Both in the outside world and among the Swedes themselves. The hospitality of the Swedes has caused the experience of Sweden to be painted as an extreme immigration policy and as a arrogance sign in other European countries (Sanandaji, 2021: 62).
Analysis and Discussion: "Neutrality has been an important part of Sweden's international brand identity" (Bjereld, 1994: 238). Sweden is free of military alliances. This means that "we do not agree on mutual defense guarantees and we ourselves are responsible for the defense of Sweden." On the other hand, the freedom of our military alliance does not create an obstacle; participating in international defense cooperation. In practice, Sweden's position has turned into non-commitment, and the public strongly supports its continuation, however, Sweden's political elites support NATO membership (Ydén, Berndtsson, & Petersson, 2019). This indicates the renaming of the idea of neutrality or non-commitment after the Cold War to respond to the demands of the international environment of the 21st century. However, the aspiration of neutrality in Sweden as well as in Finland is an issue that has changed according to the new security needs of these two governments. The Swedish brand of neutrality and non-commitment can be understood as human values and a basis for Sweden's self-perceived legitimacy to act in global affairs. These (non-commitment and neutrality) are two important concepts in political debates such as the NATO membership debate (Simons, Manoilo, & Trunov, 2019).
Conclusion: Sweden's ethical motivations have led to the foreign policy behaviors formation and have sought policy-making results that characterize the more practical layers of this country's foreign policy. The role of feminist foreign policy, the moralism of foreign policy, and Sweden's environmental policy are topics that can be mentioned. International relations have traditionally been introduced as the science of analyzing the relations of great powers. Basically, the rationalist mainstream of international relations pays attention to governments from the point of view of the size of power. However, some of the states are considered small states in terms of the size of their military power, population, territory, and other hard components of power, the Nordic states are included in this division of states. these governments, by accepting international roles, internal links with the international normative environment, and assuming humanitarian duties, undertake missions that become brands in the world. have become international in humanitarian, feminist, immigration, peace-oriented, neutral, and non-commitment fields. Sweden is one of the leaders among the small Nordic countries. Sweden has created an image corresponding to the "human rights government", "environmental government", "green government", "electronic government", and "free government" TV this image which has been transmitted internationally. Tarif", "feminist government", "peace-keeping government" and "immigrant-friendly government". However, although international commitments have been made for these roles of Sweden, there have also been damaged; Among the contradictory policies of political parties in the country regarding the Swedish brand in some of these fields.
Question: The question that arises here is how, despite Sweden's small measure, this country has a great moral influence in the domestic, regional and international dimensions.
Hypothesis: The hypothesis of this research responding to this question is that; Swedish government, by playing a moral role at the international level, has been able to introduce itself as a moral superpower and makes influence the arrangements of international relations. This government takes a special position in many international conflicts and that position is a mediator. In the peacekeeping missions of the United Nations, both the forces of this government are stationed and it pays many budgets to carry out these missions.
Findings: In the human rights attempt that take place in developing countries, this government is considered among the supporters of women's movements and other human rights movements. Also, this government is considered to be a constant in the fight against climate changes. The image of Sweden is carved as a well-functioning utopia; Both in the outside world and among the Swedes themselves. The hospitality of the Swedes has caused the experience of Sweden to be painted as an extreme immigration policy and as a arrogance sign in other European countries (Sanandaji, 2021: 62).
Analysis and Discussion: "Neutrality has been an important part of Sweden's international brand identity" (Bjereld, 1994: 238). Sweden is free of military alliances. This means that "we do not agree on mutual defense guarantees and we ourselves are responsible for the defense of Sweden." On the other hand, the freedom of our military alliance does not create an obstacle; participating in international defense cooperation. In practice, Sweden's position has turned into non-commitment, and the public strongly supports its continuation, however, Sweden's political elites support NATO membership (Ydén, Berndtsson, & Petersson, 2019). This indicates the renaming of the idea of neutrality or non-commitment after the Cold War to respond to the demands of the international environment of the 21st century. However, the aspiration of neutrality in Sweden as well as in Finland is an issue that has changed according to the new security needs of these two governments. The Swedish brand of neutrality and non-commitment can be understood as human values and a basis for Sweden's self-perceived legitimacy to act in global affairs. These (non-commitment and neutrality) are two important concepts in political debates such as the NATO membership debate (Simons, Manoilo, & Trunov, 2019).
Conclusion: Sweden's ethical motivations have led to the foreign policy behaviors formation and have sought policy-making results that characterize the more practical layers of this country's foreign policy. The role of feminist foreign policy, the moralism of foreign policy, and Sweden's environmental policy are topics that can be mentioned. International relations have traditionally been introduced as the science of analyzing the relations of great powers. Basically, the rationalist mainstream of international relations pays attention to governments from the point of view of the size of power. However, some of the states are considered small states in terms of the size of their military power, population, territory, and other hard components of power, the Nordic states are included in this division of states. these governments, by accepting international roles, internal links with the international normative environment, and assuming humanitarian duties, undertake missions that become brands in the world. have become international in humanitarian, feminist, immigration, peace-oriented, neutral, and non-commitment fields. Sweden is one of the leaders among the small Nordic countries. Sweden has created an image corresponding to the "human rights government", "environmental government", "green government", "electronic government", and "free government" TV this image which has been transmitted internationally. Tarif", "feminist government", "peace-keeping government" and "immigrant-friendly government". However, although international commitments have been made for these roles of Sweden, there have also been damaged; Among the contradictory policies of political parties in the country regarding the Swedish brand in some of these fields.
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After the massive and sudden attack of ISIS on Iraq, the existence of the Iraqi state and nation and the sanctities of Muslims were under serious threat. While ISIS was approaching gates of Baghdad and the Iraqi army and security forces... more
After the massive and sudden attack of ISIS on Iraq, the existence of the Iraqi state and nation and the sanctities of Muslims were under serious threat. While ISIS was approaching gates of Baghdad and the Iraqi army and security forces were not able to deal with it, with Ayatollah Sistani's fatwa regarding jihad to confront ISIS and ward off this real danger, a defense-security organization called Hashd al-Shaabi, consisting of volunteers People and militia groups, which are considered the military arm of Iraqi political parties and currents, were formed. The Iraqi state, which was in a state of emergency, supported the formation of this new defense-security organization and provided it with financial, logistical and weapons support. With the threat of ISISremoval and the end of state of emergency, the existence of such an organization, which is mainly controlled by militia groups, has become a significant challenge for Iraqi state, which seeks to obtain a monopoly on the use of legitimate force. Therefore, after 2014, all heads of the Iraqi government have tried to prevent the formation of a parallel defense-security institution outside the government's control by adopting different strategies. This article, in which the data has been collected by referring to library and online sources and explained and analyzed with a descriptive-analytical method, seeks to find an authentic answer to this question: "The relationship between the Iraqi government and Hashd al-Shaabi and its constituent militia groups. How has it been?" The findings of the article show that the relationship between the Iraqi government and the militia groups was subject to the requirements of the time in such a way that in emergency and threatening situations, the government used the capacity of these groups and in the absence of these conditions, these groups were considered by the government as a disturbing, undesirable and threatening element, a range of control policies and strategies have been applied to them by the Iraqi government. In the post-crisis era, the Iraqi government, as a system actor that considers itself committed and accountable to the existing rules, norms and order, cannot support the anti-systemic actions of the militia groups that it cooperated with and supported during the ISIS crisis in the form of Hashd al-Shaabi. to bear Therefore, since 2014, the governments of Haider al-Abadi, Adel Abdul Mahdi and Mostafa Al-Kazemi have tried to control these groups as much as possible through adopting a series of strategies and measures. Among the four strategies of repression, containment, collusion and integration, these governments have put two strategies of collusion and integration on their agenda. The reason for choosing these two strategies is that, firstly, Hashd al-Shaabi and its constituent groups are still considered strategic allies of the government, and the political currents of which these groups are considered as their military arm participate in the political process and in the formation of the government. Secondly, even if these groups strongly deviate from the government's criteria and the relationship between the militia groups turns from reconciliation to conflict, the Iraqi government does not have the ability to restrain or suppress these groups. In the collusion strategy, the Iraqi government tries to relatively control the actions of Hashd al-Shaabi groups by granting some concessions and through financial and logistical support tools. As well, in the integration strategy, the Iraqi government has put the recruitment of the Hashd al-Shaabi and its integration in the official Iraqi defense-security structures on its agenda, and the heads of the Iraqi government have issued orders and adopted measures in this regard. Collusion and integration strategies have not been able to be fully and effectively implemented due to the resistance and opposition of the commanders of the militia groups and their insistence on their organizational independence and ideological and identity foundations, and these two strategies have only been implemented superficially and formally.
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Water issue" has been one of the main issues of Iranian human life throughout history, and the research about it can shed light on various aspects of the political, economic and social life of Iranians. Artificial irrigation has long been... more
Water issue" has been one of the main issues of Iranian human life throughout history, and the research about it can shed light on various aspects of the political, economic and social life of Iranians. Artificial irrigation has long been one of the necessities of people's lives in this semi-arid climate. The dispersion of water resources, which was subject to dispersion of the population, required the country to have an innumerable number of dams, aqueducts, reservoirs, wells and streams. Building a dam to store water and control floods and building aqueducts, which sometimes reached tens of kilometers in length, required spending a lot of money and a lot of labor. At first glance, the government was expected to be responsible for the creation and repair of water facilities as institution that has the most resources of the country. The question is, considering that pre-modern governments played a minimal role in solving people's problems and providing their necessities of life, to what extent did the Qajar government accept responsibility for the creation and repair of these facilities in the territory of Iran? What evidence confirms the minimal involvement of Qajar government in the water issue? What were the reasons for the non-interference of the government in water supply and how could the people be responsible for solving this problem? Our assumption is that the Qajar government did not consider itself obligated to provide water to villages, farms and even cities with minimal interference in civil affairs, and the countless number of dilapidated dams and aqueducts is a sign that the government has a duty in this field for He did not imagine and only in a few cases where he was sure that the profit would quickly reach the treasury, he accepted a small investment. In the meantime, the further some areas were from the center, the less government intervention in their irrigation systems. Also, the Qajar government looked at the water issue as an opportunity for earning money by selling running water and collecting taxes from other water sources. Governors of the provinces were also interested in creating irrigation system for their fields only if they were the owners of land in that province. In the meantime, the main burden of creating and maintaining water facilities was the responsibility of the people, who mainly provided the expenses to the landlords and the labor to the subjects. The tradition of endowment was another factor that weakened the role of the government in this field. People's participation in the construction and repair of dams, aqueducts, reservoirs and streams, as well as group oppressions and settlements, as well as collective conflicts, along with the management of water distribution and the selection of Mirabs, led to the emergence of self-organized groups and circles and their greater cohesion in society. Previously, the views of people like Karl Marx and Karl August Wittfogel about the active involvement of Asian governments in solving the water problem in semi-arid climates had gained supporters. Marx believed that in these areas, governments took control of limited water resources and established water supply security, and by managing water resources, they made the producers highly dependent on themselves, and made the government subjects critical. Influenced by him, Wittfogel also realized the need of these communities for huge water supply facilities that only the government could cover. He knew the first and fundamental factor of the formation of the absolute power of the government in these regions. In our research, we have tried to show by relying on a lot of data from the history of Qajar era Iran that not only the government was not involved in many waters supply matters, but also the realities and limitations of the pre-modern world, the Qajar government in planning to intervene in the water issue, especially in remote areas. From the center, he was disabled. This research was done with the descriptive-explanatory method and using the documents, especially the petitions of the Majlese Tahqiqe Mazalem. The theoretical framework of the research is derived from Patricia Crone's point of view about the minimal government in the pre-modern world. Previously, no independent research has been conducted on the minimal role of the Qajar government in the water issue.