International Relations
Fariborz Arghavani Pirsalami; Sajjad karimian
Abstract
One of the most important attentions to international affairs as well as the category of power and order is giving importance to ideas, values and concepts. The importance of ideas, values and concepts in formulating and presenting the best options for order creation in the international arena is always ...
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One of the most important attentions to international affairs as well as the category of power and order is giving importance to ideas, values and concepts. The importance of ideas, values and concepts in formulating and presenting the best options for order creation in the international arena is always considered. In this context, values, concepts and intellectual ideals act as raw materials for building the international order. With Deng Xiaopeng coming to power and adopting a different foreign policy, China's economic growth dazzled the eyes. As a result of economic growth, China's military growth accelerated. In recent years, these two fields have attracted so much attention of international relations researchers that the third field, namely Chinese culture, is on the sidelines of international attention and is paid less attention to it. Considering the increasing power of this country and also being among the great international powers, the importance of the ideas, thoughts and ideals of this country in building order is taken into consideration.According to what was said, what are China's ideals and ideals for the desired order of this country? Paying attention to ancient history and thought in this country is one of the basic requirements to answer this question. When China's long and deep history turns its pages, one of the most important and basic ideas of Chinese human life is the category of "harmony". This issue is so broad and deep that it is not far from reality if I say that the central signifier of social discourse in China is the concept of "harmony". Accordingly, the main research question is what is the nature of Chinese international order under the concept of coordination? In other words, how does the concept of coordination shape the Chinese international order? This article, relying on the descriptive-analytical method and using intellectual propositions in the context of Chinese history, asserts that the Chinese order does not seek uniformity and pursues a balance achieved through recognizing differences. Therefore, the Chinese international order reflects this meaning in the international system.Chinese worldview is a unique and exceptional worldview among the attitudes of different people in today's world. Apart from the five thousand years of historical continuity of China, in the philosophical perspective of this country, there is no existence of a creator that is outside of world creation. This feature makes this worldview completely naturalistic, self-sufficient and self-generating. Accordingly, good and evil do not exist in the mental geometry of Chinese people, and instead there is balance and harmony in contrast to disharmony. Balance has been the guiding light of man and Chinese society throughout the history of this society, and this harmony has emerged as the central sign of various thoughts in China. One of the most important of these ideas is Confucius and Taoism, which is several thousand years old.According to Confucius, the main goal of government is to create harmony, and the last step in achieving this goal is to achieve harmony at the global level. The three basic principles of moral force, empathic understanding and harmony with differences were recognized as the foundations of creating harmony in the international arena. Taoism, like Confucius, pays special attention to the concept of harmony and order. However, Taoism has a different view on the category of harmony and interprets it as cosmic. In this view, the category of order has a place to organize order in the cosmic system. The important and common Taoist principles are isolation, simplicity and harmony with nature.The emphasis of Chinese culture is on fostering harmony not only between different people, but also between people and the fundamental world. The four basic characteristics of harmony are balance in the whole, harmony in difference, order in complexity, and unity in diversity. It was on this basis that certain viewpoints were created to explain and describe the category of harmony in Chinese philosophy, which had a special application in the field of domestic and foreign politics, and therefore are highly contextual and historical. Based on this, the representation of the concept of harmony and social balance in the political sphere of China can be seen in the creation of political constructions such as the Son of Heaven, a strong family system and orderly social hierarchies. These structures, which have always declined and risen for many years, are not the only representations of the concept of harmony emanating from Confucian and Taoist thoughts in China's domestic political sphere. The history of China's political history makes it clear that China has been characterized by the growth and expansion of the hierarchical structure and the formation of the Confucian bureaucracy and, as a result, a powerful political system. In general, the ontology of Chinese man and all aspects of his social and individual life cannot be imagined outside of the concept of under the sky. Accordingly, the inclusion of the concept of harmony includes all areas of Chinese human life.In the Chinese intellectual geometry and the concept of harmony arising from mutual recognition and deepening it is not to meet needs but to create harmony and prevent distance from a balanced world. Based on this, it can be said that order based on demand from the concept of hegemony and geometry in Chinese thought is fundamentally different from Western order in terms of ontology and epistemology, and its nature and essence does not seek to create uniformity and equalization; Rather, it seeks to recognize diversity and at the same time build a world based on mutual understanding. Based on this, it can be concluded that from the point of view of the geometry of Chinese thought and harmony, the role of China is benign. In this way, according to the aforementioned, this country seeks to create a balance at the world level with an emphasis on harmony.Based on the Chinese point of view, order should be based on the deep expansion of China's relations with all countries of the world. In such a way that the final result of these relations should lead to the improvement of the level of world peace and prosperity. Another characteristic of this type of international relations is that it leads to the production of power relations for each side of these relations. The most important examples of promoting coordination and balance in China's international order in the fields of institutions, security and international economy are the Belt and Road Initiative, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Asian Development and Infrastructure Bank. In terms of rules and regulations and the degree of China's presence and authority in them, each of them reflects the category of international coordination and the resulting order in the international arena.
International Relations
Sajjad Sadeghi
Abstract
Introduction
It is customary for heads of state or their delegates to deliver speeches at the opening of each regular annual session of the General Assembly, addressing the most pressing current international issues that affect their national interests. These speeches typically outline their government’s ...
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Introduction
It is customary for heads of state or their delegates to deliver speeches at the opening of each regular annual session of the General Assembly, addressing the most pressing current international issues that affect their national interests. These speeches typically outline their government’s perspective on global developments and propose solutions aimed at resolving crises and promoting sustainable regional and global peace and security. Analyzing the speeches delivered by heads of state at the UNGA provides valuable insights: first, into the foundations of their view on the international order; second, into the key global issues as seen through their foreign policy lens; and finally, into their proposed actions for overcoming crises through global partnership, as articulated in official policy statements. Since 1980, when then-Prime Minister Mohammad Ali Rajaee attended the UNGA and presented the Islamic Republic of Iran’s positions on global affairs, Iranian presidents have participated in the General Assembly 24 times up to the 79th session in 2024. They have consistently used this platform to articulate the Foreign Policy Doctrine of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI). This trend has been particularly notable since tensions surrounding Iran’s nuclear program escalated, with Iranian presidents leveraging the UNGA stage to convey the overarching principles of the IRI’s foreign policy to the international community. The relevant Persian-language studies generally examine the speeches from two main perspectives: 1) discourse analysis from a linguistic perspective, and 2) content analysis based on international relations concepts. It is worth noting that some research in the field of international relations addresses aspects of presidential speeches at the UN as part of broader studies on foreign policy. However, these works bear little relevance to the present research. When considering studies that focus specifically on individual presidents, Hassan Rouhani’s speeches have received the most attention from researchers. Overall, the existing literature shows that none of these studies is comparable to the current work in terms of scope or final approach, nor have they attempted to develop a comprehensive foreign policy model based on the policies declared by the presidents. In this respect, the present research aimed to examine the 45-year trajectory of the IRI’s foreign policy and develop a model for future research on Iran’s foreign policy behavior.
Materials and Methods
This research adopted the method of modeling based on inductive content analysis. Content analysis aims to uncover underlying linguistic meanings within a text. When applied qualitatively, this method can develop conceptual models and frameworks by systematically combining themes, indicators, and specialized metaphorical concepts. From a broader perspective, it can also identify and categorize recurring elements within the text, thereby enabling the qualitative formulation of specialized metaphors.
Results and Discussion
The analysis helped identify several common features in the foreign policy doctrine of successive IRI’s administrations. These include a negative and pessimistic perception of the great powers and a prevailing view that international organizations—particularly the United Nations and its Security Council—are ineffective and in need of fundamental reform and transformation. The international system is perceived as characterized by a continuous confrontation between two primary forces: the protectors and supporters of the status quo and the agents of change. Over the past two decades, this dynamic has gradually evolved toward what can be described as a Neo-Cold War order. The IRI’s administrations also believe that a new international order is emerging, one that is in fundamental conflict with the existing system. Given their strong desire for systemic change, they seek to define themselves as agents of change within this emerging international order. Furthermore, they regard the current international system as an unjust system of domination. Taken together, these findings indicated that the core and enduring principle of the IRI’s foreign policy is the doctrine of change-seeking within the current international system.
Conclusion
According to the findings, the fundamental principle shaping the IRI’s foreign policy framework is the concept and trend of revolutionism or change-seeking in opposition to the status quo. In the context of foreign relations and the international system, this can be defined as an approach of revolutionism against the current international order. This principle explains the consistent alignment in the foreign policy of successive administrations over the past 45 years, despite differences in domestic political orientations. Therefore, change-seeking based on the negation of the system of domination—which has evolved into change-seeking against the current international system within the IRI’s foreign policy doctrine—can be considered the foundation for the IRI’s foreign policy behavior. In this regard, two propositions can be made from the futures studies perspective. First, the foreign policy of the IRI will support any international actor, coalition—whether bilateral or multilateral—or process that contributes to altering the existing international order. Second, and in contrast, the IRI’s foreign policy will resist and oppose any trend, process, actor, or coalition within the international system that seeks to reinforce or maintain the status quo.
International Relations
Amirroham Shojaie; Reza Simbar
Abstract
IntroductionThe Gaza crisis, which turned into a full-scale war after the events of October 7, 2023, became the center of international attention. Different countries of the world, according to their internal and external requirements, adopted different approaches to this crisis and played a role according ...
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IntroductionThe Gaza crisis, which turned into a full-scale war after the events of October 7, 2023, became the center of international attention. Different countries of the world, according to their internal and external requirements, adopted different approaches to this crisis and played a role according to these approaches. Meanwhile, the countries of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain, Oman, and Kuwait, each of them, according to their own interests and their attitude towards this crisis, has followed certain policies, the variety of which has sometimes been very different among these six countries. Among these diverse orientations, support for Hamas and other Palestinian groups, neutrality, support for Israel, etc., can be seen. Considering the diversity of foreign policies of this country in response to the extraordinary crisis, it seems that a single-level analysis is not suitable for explanation. Therefore, in this article, using the theory of neoclassical realism, which brings the tool of multilevel analysis and explains the differences. The central research question of this study is: What factors have influenced the foreign policy of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries toward the Gaza crisis (October 7, 2023), how have these factors manifested, and how can they be explained?The findings underscore the significant role of domestic variables, particularly the perceptions and interpretations of political leaders and elites. This study adopts an analytical-explanatory methodology, drawing upon the most recent academic and media sources. Given the complexity of the current conflict in Gaza, the study argues that a multi-causal analytical framework is more effective in explaining the foreign policy behavior of GCC countries. Such a framework simultaneously considers structural pressures at the systemic level and internal dynamics at the unit level—including leadership perceptions and state-society relations.One of the core contributions of neoclassical realism lies in its capacity to explain variations in the foreign policies of different states by incorporating both systemic-level factors and domestic-level dynamics. This theoretical framework is therefore particularly well-suited for analyzing complex cases. The Middle East, as a region characterized by deep-seated geopolitical, ideological, religious, and ethnic cleavages—alongside the involvement of extra-regional powers—presents a uniquely intricate environment for political analysis. The interplay of these multi-layered and often conflicting elements makes it especially challenging to interpret and predict foreign policy behavior in this context.In the meantime, the relations between the Zionist regime and the Persian Gulf countries have had many ups and downs and are always influenced by various factors such as the Palestinian issue, their relations with America, the economic and political interests of these countries, the internal ideology and perceptions of the elites, and ... have been. Among these factors, the issue of Palestine is an important issue that the countries of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council are forced to take a stand against. In this regard, the relations of the Gulf Cooperation Council countries with Israel have historically been affected by the Palestinian-Israeli peace process, and the lack of an agreement between Palestine and Israel has played an important role in the non-normalization of the relations between these actors (Niakoui and Haji, 2019: 231).The Al-Aqsa Storm operation came as a shock to the international community. Arguably, its most defining feature was the element of surprise. The Gaza war erupted at a time when significant shifts were anticipated in Arab-Israeli relations. Before the conflict, indicators suggested that the regional balance of power was tilting, particularly with the anticipated normalization of relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel—a development perceived as unfavorable to Iran. However, the outbreak of the war at least temporarily halted this trajectory. From a broader perspective, the crisis has exposed the diverse and divergent responses of the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. These responses range from support for Hamas and other Palestinian factions to neutrality, and in some cases, overt or tacit support for Israel. This variation underscores a critical point: understanding the foreign policy behavior of GCC states amid the ongoing Gaza conflict necessitates a multifaceted analytical approach—one that accounts for both unit-level (domestic) and system-level (international) factors.Materials and MethodsThe research method is analytical-explanatory and relies on up-to-date library and media sources. The theory of neoclassical realism has also been used to analyze the foreign policy of the actors.Results and DiscussionIn a general division, it can be said that the general and common approach of each of these six countries was based on opposing the killing of civilians, opposing human rights violations by Israel, and opposing the spread of conflicts to other parts of the region. Meanwhile, Qatar, Oman, and Kuwait have openly opposed Israel and its inhumane actions, and Qatar, as the main mediator between the warring parties, has sought to elevate its regional and international role. The attitude of each of these six countries towards Hamas has also been one of the factors affecting their approach in this war.Saudi Arabia's policy regarding this war has also been affected by several factors, including: the special prestige that Saudi Arabia has for itself among Arab countries (the need to take a stand in favor of the people of Gaza), opposition to Hamas on the one hand, and establishing a relationship with Israel on the other. general agreement with the destruction of Hamas, a growing economy, and de-traditionalization (to achieve which the spread of war in the region must be stopped). The United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, however, have shown different positions compared to other countries of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, the reason for which can be found in the normalization of relations between these two actors with Israel under the name of the Ibrahim Accords.ConclusionIn a general summary, it should be said that the approach of the six Arab countries mentioned to the ongoing war in Gaza has been affected by both systemic and internal factors. In relation to this issue, neoclassical realism can well explain the politics of these countries. Meanwhile, it seems that domestic and state-level factors (Unit-Level Government Variables) have played a significant role in shaping the foreign policy of these countries regarding the Gaza crisis.
Politics and International Relations
Roh-Allah Talebi Arani; Mehdi Dorofki
Abstract
One of the criteria by which states in the current international system can be classified is the amount of power they actually enjoy or are often thought to have. Based on this criterion, states are divided into big powers, middle powers and small states.Great powers are states that define global interests ...
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One of the criteria by which states in the current international system can be classified is the amount of power they actually enjoy or are often thought to have. Based on this criterion, states are divided into big powers, middle powers and small states.Great powers are states that define global interests and responsibilities for themselves, they mainly play a leading role in international organizations, they act unilaterally in the first place, and in case of failure, they act in cooperation with other counterparts, an unequal/one-sided relationship. They establish relations with other states, including middle powers and small states, and in addition, in a socio-historical context, their status as a great power has been recognized by other members of the international community.The middle powers neither have the capacity nor the desire to become a great power, nor are they weak enough to be caught in the abyss of absolute action. Instead, their ability in the international arena is average, by not challenging the existing international system and its great powers, they advance their foreign policy based on domestic prosperity and survival in the international arena, and by creating norms of peaceful behavior. and encouraging the settlement of disputes through international law and international institutions, instead of resorting to force, they try to introduce themselves as a country that seeks to stabilize the world order.Small states, meanwhile, have some distinctive features: for example, they have to adopt one of two approaches towards international developments not least international conflicts: diplomatic Isolationism or diplomatic activism. Thus, the limitation of internal power resources as well as foreign power relations makes the small state to adopt a cooperative approach, which, as a result, makes mediation the Centre of its diplomatic efforts. However, in today's era, small states are not like in the past that cannot compensate for their vulnerability because they have increasingly become important and influential actors in international politics. Although the scale of their operations is significantly different from that of larger states, they are not ignored even in the current world of unequal power relations, so that their diplomatic activities and influence on international politics may exceed their actual capabilities.The Sultanate of Oman is a clear example of a small state that has become an influential state, at least at the regional level, by adopting a policy of mediation in its foreign policy. Since the reign of Sultan Qaboos bin Saeed (1970-1920) and even following his death, this state has adopted a distinct foreign policy based on mediation. On this basis, the question of the present study is why mediation has played a pivotal role in Oman's foreign policy in the face of regional developments in West Asia during the reign of Sultan Qaboos. In answering to this question, drawing on the conceptual framework of the small state Diplomacy, and Using the integrated method of quantitative-qualitative content analysis, it is argued that the limitations of Oman's power as a small state have made Oman willing to mediate in foreign policy in the face of regional developments in West Asia. The findings of the study indicate that the opportunities of Oman's foreign policy for the Islamic Republic of Iran far more than its challenges, so that this sultanate can reduce the current regional and international pressures and moderate the behavior of enemies and rivals of the country.In this article, it was shown how Mbanjigari has been able to promote a small state like Oman as a respectable actor in the international and regional arena. In this regard, by turning to a functional explanation, it was argued that the centrality of mediation in diplomatic efforts, with its "branding/highlighting function", was caused by Oman's cooperative approach towards regional and international actors and issues; And Oman's cooperative approach, with its "function of ensuring survival", has arisen from the limitations of Oman's power and has caused this government to adopt a cooperative approach in order to compensate for the damage caused by it, and as a result, mediation is the focus of its efforts. Having said that, Oman as a small state has always acted as an adopted child of great powers. In continuation of this tension-free approach with great powers, Oman has tried to use communication mediation to highlight itself.
Politics and International Relations
Muhammad Mahdi Koohkan; Majid Ghorbanali Doolabi
Abstract
Islam, as the last and most comprehensive religion, undoubtedly includes social and governmental dimensions in addition to individual dimensions, and has provided specific frameworks for the economic and political systems of managing the social life of humans. In order for the foreign policy of the Islamic ...
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Islam, as the last and most comprehensive religion, undoubtedly includes social and governmental dimensions in addition to individual dimensions, and has provided specific frameworks for the economic and political systems of managing the social life of humans. In order for the foreign policy of the Islamic government to achieve the desired goals in the prosperity and perfection of society, it is necessary to regulate the actions of the foreign policy of the Islamic government in the light of the principles and fundamental rules derived from Islamic law. Before the victory of the Islamic revolution in Iran and the establishment of a government based on the Islamic Sharia, although centuries had passed since the formation of jurisprudence and researching in various Islamic sciences, among the followers of the Ahl al-Bayt, the governmental aspects of Shiism, due to not being practical, were given less importance. Considering this reason, after the establishment of the government of the Islamic Republic, and especially in the current situation, when more than 40 years have passed since the establishment of this holy system, which is based on the rules of pure Islam and the teachings of the Ahl al-Bayt, the need for research in these areas is even more necessary. One of the most effective issues in achieving the goals of Islamic society and Islamic government, is relations with other governments and countries, which are regulated based on foreign policy. In foreign policy, having the right prioritization, which forms the basis of the country's numerous and important foreign policy choices, is essential to having a consistent and appropriate foreign policy. the main question in this matter is, what is that prioritization based on the principles and rules of jurisprudence? and what factors are effective in arranging the jurisprudential principles and rules related to foreign policy Something that seems to have been somewhat neglected so far. Considering that foreign policy is a concept that has taken a different form after the formation of modern governments, in the old jurisprudence and narrative texts, there is no specific discussion under the title of foreign policy prioritization; Although the discussion of relations with other nations is one of the topics that the Holy Qur'an and hadiths have dealt with, and the scholars have also discussed it and raised it among other jurisprudential issues since the beginning of the establishment of the Islamic State. In addition, with the conducted surveys, there is no research work that has paid independently to Prioritization of foreign policy actions in Islam. But there are some researches that are somehow related to the issue of foreign policy and Islamic international relations. The main purpose of this research is to examine the priorities of foreign policy action from the perspective of Islamic jurisprudence. In addition, the position of expediency in the foreign policy of the Islamic State from a jurisprudential point of viewand the role of the ability to achieve goals in prioritizing foreign policy from a jurisprudential perspective is also examined.The present study reinforces the idea that by using conflict resolution methods in the science of principles of jurisprudence and rational principle, the most important preference, as well as the realities of the contemporary world, the problems of the Islamic world in the present age and the role of foreign policy in providing It has the interests of countries, according to the circumstances, it is possible to make an arrangement for prioritization of the most important principles and rules of foreign policy from the perspective of Islamic jurisprudence and consequently, the necessary actions to implement them. It can be said that in prioritizing foreign policy from the point of view of the jurisprudence of Islamic religions, principles and rules such as peaceful coexistence, the Mustache negation rule, the principle of the necessity of contracts, the principle of reciprocity, the principle of invitation, the concepts of power and public interest; are decisive principles and rules. Also, this general principle that the existence of a task in the implementation of each of the prioritized principles depends on its ability to do so, and also in case of conflict between any of the principles of foreign policy with the principle of expediency, expediency, especially expediency of maintaining the of Islamic system takes precedence over everything, it is deduced.
Hadith Asemani Kenari; Seyyed Mohammad Tabataba'i
Abstract
For a long time, the only solution to ending disputes between countries was war on the battlefield and military option. In the midst of these wars, the most important military strategies were born and often used in other battles. But over time, states have found that warfare is a very costly activity, ...
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For a long time, the only solution to ending disputes between countries was war on the battlefield and military option. In the midst of these wars, the most important military strategies were born and often used in other battles. But over time, states have found that warfare is a very costly activity, with massive casualties and financial losses. Therefore, conversation and peaceful solutions in form of Diplomacy was seriously placed in state's agenda. However, none of these ways (Strategy and Diplomacy) could alone bring lasting peace to the world. Therefore, the necessity of the emergence and importance of Military Diplomacy was more determined. The present paper seeks to examine the implications of military diplomacy as a new approach in explaining the strategic issues and to deal the role of this approach in foreign policy of the countries". The main hypothesis is that "military diplomacy is a new way for providing the military power to achieve peaceful purposes, avoid the military violence and increase deterrence," which has become a tool for achieving foreign policy goals, especially for the great powers. The studies have shown that "the adoption of such an approach will increase the ability of countries to pursue foreign policy goals and, consequently, increase their power and their role in international developments.
ali bagheri; hossein ebrahimi
Abstract
Purpose: Seeking development has always been one of the top priorities of developing countries. For this reason, various governments have tried to follow relevant policies as one of the politico- economic priorities. In Iran, given that after eight years of Holy Defense, many industrial, economic and ...
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Purpose: Seeking development has always been one of the top priorities of developing countries. For this reason, various governments have tried to follow relevant policies as one of the politico- economic priorities. In Iran, given that after eight years of Holy Defense, many industrial, economic and agricultural infrastructure were destroyed, the pursuit of development-oriented policy became one of the main slogans of the government of the time to an extent that the government of Hashemi Rafsanjani called itself the Sazandegi (constructive) Government. Considering that achieving development requires cooperation in both domestic and foreign policies, the aim of the present paper is to show the requirements of foreign policy in order to realize the development-oriented policy in Sazandegi Government. In particular, the paper seeks to answer this question: What changes took place in Iran’s foreign policy for adapting itself based on the development-oriented policy? The main hypothesis refers to a changing of foreign policy priorities of Iran and its compliance with internal and international contexts. Thus, Iran, in addition to changing the tone of its speech in the region, attempted to demonstrate new figures to attract foreign investors.
Design/Methodology/Approach: This paper is formed and based on the theory of economic liberalism with the descriptive-analytic method. The research data is collected from hard and electronic sources such as papers, books, journals etc.
Findings: The research findings show that in the state level, Iran, for détente in its foreign relations, improved its relations with the EU, China, Russia and neighboring Arab countries. In regional and international levels, Iran followed the policy of strengthening and revitalization of eco-organization, de-politicization of OPEC, use of the capacity of the Organization of Islamic Conference, and more interaction with the United Nations, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund. To achieve this purpose, Iran reduced its ideological propaganda and changed its tones on export of revolutionary ideals in Middle East. At this time, creating an Islamic Japan was considered the gateway of exporting of the Islamic revolution and the government attempted spend all its energy to improve the economy. On this path, the government even embarked upon reforms in the foreign ministry. Although adjustment instances of Iran’sgovernment in some areas of foreign policy could help to achieve a development-oriented policy, such changes were insufficient and the enforcement of new sanctions against Iran challenged its policy of détente and attraction of foreign investment. In the economic aspect, Iran merged adopted global economy and moved away from the Islamic economic model. The implication of this policy was the growth of liquidity level and the spread of poverty and injustice in the society.
Originality/Value: Trying to introduce the measures of Iran’s government in foreign policy for adapting itself with the development-oriented policy is the first criterion that distinguishes the present paper from other research. Also, the article has concentrated on economic indexes of development-oriented policy, and, in this way, distinguishes itself from other research efforts. Besides these two issues, the paper does not have a black and white viewpoint to successes and failures of the government of Hashemi Rafsanjani and tries to explain the effect of world economy on some politico-economic decisions of the government.
