The State
Mazaher Ziaei
Abstract
Background and ContextNumerous studies have indicated that the state instability existence in past of countries has not only delayed their development but also influenced their current level of development. The study of political instability in the Eurasian region during the agricultural era (3000 BC ...
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Background and ContextNumerous studies have indicated that the state instability existence in past of countries has not only delayed their development but also influenced their current level of development. The study of political instability in the Eurasian region during the agricultural era (3000 BC to 1600 AD) encompasses a significant portion of the history and the contemporary world geography. It can serve as a basis for examining political instability in the history of Iran. Many scholars have considered the proximity to the Central Asian nomadic societies as one of the factors contributing to instability in Eurasian countries. Some of them argue that the history of these tribes' interactions with neighboring regions forms the core of Eurasian history. There are also a limited number of quantitative studies that have encompassed various aspects of these tribes impacts on neighboring communities. There have been numerous studies on the effects of these tribes on Iran as well, but none of them have covered this temporal and geographical scope.Objective of the ResearchThe main objective of this research is to investigate political instability in Eurasia, particularly in Iran, during the agricultural era. It focuses on the Central Asian nomadic influence tribes on the creation of political instability in Eurasia. The research utilizes this framework of interactions and gathered information to periodize political instability in the history of Iran.Research MethodologyIn this study, political instability is perceived as a low average lifespan of states and a high coefficient of variations (standard deviation-to-mean ratio). The study considers Continental Eurasia (including Europe and Asia, excluding their islands) as the studied region and the agricultural era 3000 BC to 1600 AD as the studied period. To assess the timing and extent of Central Asian tribes' influence on political instability in Eurasian states, a total of 432 Eurasian states in the study period were identified. Subsequently, the time and extent of Central Asian tribes' impact on political instability were examined by applying three categorizations to these states: 1) Regional categorization based on the importance of the region each government could have for Central Asian tribes, dividing into Central Asia, unimportant region, less important region, and highly important region. 2) Since the period of significant influence of these tribes on Eurasian developments occurred between 500 BC and 1600 AD, states that existed before 500 BC were classified as belonging to the first period, while others belonged to the second period. 3) By combining the previous two categorizations, the states were grouped into four categories: (I)Central Asian states, (II)unattractive states, (III)low unattractive states, and (IV) highly unattractive states.Descriptive analysis, Two-sample Kolmogorov–Smirnov test (KS2), and categorical regression were used for data analysis and inference.FindingsThe findings regarding regional categorization show the significant differences in the lifespan of states among regions. The average lifespan of states in unimportant regions is more than 3.5 times that of highly important regions, and the coefficient of variation for highly important regions is higher than for other regions. Regression results confirm the model and regression coefficients validity, indicating that this four-group categorization explains 29% of the variations among states.Statistical analysis demonstrates a significant difference in the mean lifespan of states between these two periods. Specifically, the average lifespan of states in the first period in the Region Two, a significant region, is nearly eight times higher than the states in second period of that region. Additionally, the lifespan of states, particularly in Iran, has decreased during the agricultural era.These analyses also reveal significant differences in the average lifespan of states within the categorized groups, with coefficient determination of 0.429. The mentioned item indicates that this model accounts for a significant portion of the variations in the lifespan of the examined states.Moreover, Iran's status in terms of the number, average lifespan, and coefficient of variation of states is examined within different groupings, and the KS2 test confirms that Iran's belonging to specific groups and the irconcordance lack of other groups, except for its concordance with Central Asia.Several supplementary studies on Chinese history, the timing of the beginning and end of the agricultural era, and the period of Central Asian tribes' influence provide further support for the stability of the results.ConclusionThe statistical analysis results show an inverse relationship between the average states lifespan and the level of threat from Central Asia in various categories of states. Evidently, the agricultural-era states' political instability was significantly affected by the invasions of Central Asian tribes. The four-group categorization explains approximately 43% of the variation in states’ lifespans. Notably, this level of explanation is achieved with only four categorical variables.Regarding Iran, the findings indicate that the political instability of Iranian agricultural-era states was also influenced by interactions with Central Asian tribes. The periodization of Iranian history can be established as mentioned bellow:(up to 600), (600 to 1000), (1000 to 1250), and (1250 onwards), with distinct events in the second period onwards attributed to Central Asian tribes, such as the emergence of the Seljuks and the Mongol invasions. The results demonstrate that political instability in Iran was higher than the average for other regions, with an average government lifespan of 90 years during the fourth period, which lasted for approximately 550 years, slightly exceeding the average lifespan of a human today.
Abolfazl Delavari
Abstract
Problem: The continuation and increasing intensification of the Contentious politics in contemporary Iran, which is an endless revolutions chain, coups, movements, uprisings, and political rebellions, have shown questions about the grounds and roots of this type of politics. In existing studies, the ...
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Problem: The continuation and increasing intensification of the Contentious politics in contemporary Iran, which is an endless revolutions chain, coups, movements, uprisings, and political rebellions, have shown questions about the grounds and roots of this type of politics. In existing studies, the roots of political conflicts in Iran have been attributed either to the state or social cleavages. As far as the role of the state is concerned, it is usually focused on its structural aspects. This article omits the discussion about the structure of the state and focuses only on the functioning of the stateQuestion: The question of the article is: What is the relationship between the continuation and intensification of Contentious politics in contemporary Iran with the practical priorities and orientations of the state in different periods of the contemporary Iranian history?Hypothesis: The hypothesis of the article is that the continuation and intensification of the Contentious politics has been caused by the imbalances and crises caused by the practical priorities and orientations of the state in different periods of contemporary Iranian history. Method: In this article, the method of secondary analysis of historical data is used. Based on the data available in the historical sources, first, the process of the state's performance and priorities in different periods of contemporary history have been identified. Second, the process of accumulation of conflicts and conflicts arising from these performance and priorities has been shown. Third, the relationship between the two mentioned trends is shown. Finally, by using the "ideal type" method, an attempt has been made to design and present a model of the state, which seems to be able to reverse the process of conflict politics in Iran and lead to reconciliation politics.Findings: The findings of the research indicate that over the last two centuries, five different models of state (in terms of orientation and performance) have been effective, which are: self-rebuilding state, nation-building state, developmental state, redistributor state and expansionist state. Of course, this does not mean that the ruling states have only one of these functions at any time; Rather, there has often been some kind of overlap in two or three functions, but at each point, one orientation and function has been the priority and focus of the state's attention. "Self-rebuilding state" appeared in a defective and discrete form during the Qajar era, but in a serious and effective way in the first decade of Reza shah’s rule (1921-40). The "nation-building state" also emerged weakly in the years after the constitutional movement, but seriously and effectively in the last decade of the Reza shah’s rule (1931-41). "Developmental state" emerged faintly in the second decade of Reza shah’s rule (1931-41), and seriously and effectively in the last fifteen years of Mohammad Reza shah’s rule (1962-78), and in the years after The Islamic revolution also took place in some periods such as the presidency of Rafsanjani (1989-96). The "redistributive state" appeared faintly in the last fifteen years of Mohammad Reza shah’s rule (1962-78) and more seriously and effectively in the first decade after the Islamic revolution (1979-88). Finally, the "expansionist state" appeared first in the last years of Mohammad Reza King’s rule (1973-78) and then more seriously and widely in the years after the revolution, especially in the last two decades (2001-2022).Analysis and Discussion: The analysis of the findings of the article showed that: in each of these five models of state, although they had some progress in realizing their main goals and priorities, but in addition to the historical delay in the desired orientation, there were failures in the same orientation. Selecting of the orientations have resulted of disproportionate strategies and policies by each of these states has also created new problems, conflicts and criticisms. In other words, the five patterns of the state have created a vicious cycle of crises, conflicts, instabilities and political violence and a chain of interruptions and breaks in the process of political, social and economic developments and It has resulted in the accumulation of crises in today’s Iran.Conclusion: The results of the article showed that the way out of the current state of Iran is the establishment of a state Patterns that can be called a "conciliatory state". Such a state must first of all emerge from within a comprehensive social contract. Then, based on democratic and efficient institutional arrangements and a coherent legal system, the main priority and goal should be to solve the conflicts affecting the country. This state should accept pluralism and competitive mechanisms in different political, economic, social and cultural fields. This state instead of authoritarian interventions in different fields, should be the guardian of territorial integrity and people's security, and only where the competitive mechanisms face problems with inadequacies and conflict of interest, it should intervene in the framework of democratic laws and mechanisms to compensate for, settle differences and conflicts Resolution, and establish and reproduce social balance and political stability.
Ghasem Khorami
Abstract
This article is to consider analyzing the reasons of industrial sector slowdown in the economy and weakening the status of owners of infant industries during the first decade of the Islamic Republic of Iran from a neo-institutional perspective. For this purpose, “institutional-ideological” ...
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This article is to consider analyzing the reasons of industrial sector slowdown in the economy and weakening the status of owners of infant industries during the first decade of the Islamic Republic of Iran from a neo-institutional perspective. For this purpose, “institutional-ideological” and “pre-institutional” conditions have been analyzed through historical context to clarify the institutional-historical mechanism leading to weakening of the industrial bourgeoisie and declining of the position of industry and industrial capitalism in the political economy of Iran. The methodological approach of this article is of the type of qualitative historical analysis in which documentary data extracted from official economic and statistical reports, memoirs, written works, and especially conversations with elites (governmental policy-makers and private industrialists active in the period under review), as well as historical, economic, and political analyses by other researchers and experts have been considered and utilized. The study shows that at the time of formation of post-revolutionary governmental and economic institutions in Iran, a set of interrelations institutional and pre-institutional factors in historical evolution and transformation shaped a path-dependent process in decision making institutions and mindset of decision makers in respect of economic policies of the country which was in contradiction with industrial capitalist development. This approach was one of the main factors inhibiting industrial growth and development in the country during the following decades.
Mohsen Khalili
Abstract
The task of an intelligence agency is to monitor the ideas and behaviors of groups that are in conflict with the established system and are trying to overthrow the existing system. Monitoring opponents of the political system is not the sole task of an intelligence agency; Rather, it is the task of an ...
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The task of an intelligence agency is to monitor the ideas and behaviors of groups that are in conflict with the established system and are trying to overthrow the existing system. Monitoring opponents of the political system is not the sole task of an intelligence agency; Rather, it is the task of an intelligence agency to fight subversive opposition groups. Information institutions are an important part of a political system. The fundamental theory of the establishment of the state and the political-legal system determines the policy of the intelligence agencies. When two words are mixed, the breadth of a compound double word is lost and they are limited and conditioned by each other, and the word that is combined with the other word loses its semantic / functional independence. In this article, the political theory of the Intelligence and Security Organization of Iran is considered a lexical fusion due to the dual structure of government (republic and Islamic). Whenever a theory is chosen from among the various political theories that underlie the theoretical basis of government and is the basis for the actions of government and its institutional subdivisions (including intelligence agencies), the government and the intelligence agency are limited to theoretical underpinnings. Using Bernard Crick's model, the author tries to show how a change in the fundamental political theory of a state can led to a change in the character and actions of a country's intelligence organization.
Mohammad Taghi Ghezelsofla
Abstract
The present descriptive-analytical research has been conducted in an attempt to find the requirements of governance in the "post-…” era. Today, major developments in epistemology and fundamental changes of ideology have seriously changed the political affairs. These two transformations have ...
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The present descriptive-analytical research has been conducted in an attempt to find the requirements of governance in the "post-…” era. Today, major developments in epistemology and fundamental changes of ideology have seriously changed the political affairs. These two transformations have made the institution of the state and its governance in the development era the most important priorities of policymaking and theorizing. In response to the question raised, this article is organized in two sections: in the first section, after explaining the logic of transition to the “post-…” era and the reasons for finding the importance of governance, the most important requirements of governance in the age of development have been proposed by emphasizing the moral/native conditions of Iran as one of the countries on the path of development. For this purpose, a critical normative theoretical approach has been used considering the governments responsible for preparing "fundamental goods”. The results of this research show that issues such as rethinking the philosophy of development, paying attention to the idea of alternative development, improving the quality of the development-oriented government, and the teleology of governance in the age of development with local requirements are some of the most important issues that should be on the agenda of governments seeking development, including the government of Iran.
Jalil Dara; Mozhgan Rezaeyan Esfehani
Abstract
The experiences of the new industrialized countries such as south Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Malaysia in the process of industrialization , have highlighted the role of government in industrialization. But something that has been remained as a question and would be the subject for many researches is how ...
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The experiences of the new industrialized countries such as south Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Malaysia in the process of industrialization , have highlighted the role of government in industrialization. But something that has been remained as a question and would be the subject for many researches is how to play that role for government.Confirming that there are many confusions about the role of government in development and industrialization in Iran ; the aim of this article is to compare the role of government in Auto-industry in Iran and South Korea base on institutionalism approach and Evans’ pattern of developmental state (autonomy embedded in society) , and it uses the comparative method in order to find an answer for this core question : despite this fact that Iran and South Korea has established their Auto-industry almost in the same time , but why Korea has been much more succeeded than Iran in the world stand. Findings in the article has supported this hypothesis that the main reason for inefficient and backwardness of Auto-industry in Iran is unbalanced and heterogeneous roles of the government in Iran which are played in this sector of industry , in comparison to well-played developmental roles by south Korea’s government.
Amir Massoud Shahram Nia; Kheirollah Kheiriasl
Abstract
Studies on the ineffectiveness of political parties in Iran, mainly analyze the historical, cultural, social and economic factors. Usually, little institutional studies are carried out in this field and the party politics is completely neglected. In this article, we examine, from an institutional point ...
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Studies on the ineffectiveness of political parties in Iran, mainly analyze the historical, cultural, social and economic factors. Usually, little institutional studies are carried out in this field and the party politics is completely neglected. In this article, we examine, from an institutional point of view, the political party politics of the political system and its impact on the ineffectiveness of political parties in Iran. Political systems adopt their own party politics with different approaches and, on this basis, can make different effects on the life of political parties in countries. Therefore, in this article, the approach of party politics of Islamic Republic of Iran is compared with that of Federal Republic of Germany. The basic question here is, what is the difference in political party politics in Iran compared to party politics in Germany and how do these differences affect the life of political parties in Iran? According to this article, the approach adopted in Iran's political party politics is a controlling and restrictive approach, and this has made it difficult for the political parties to form, grow, and effectively operate and it causes them to be ineffective. At the end of the article, there are some suggestions in favor of good political party politics in Iran. We believe that the approach of political party politics in Iran should be modified in a way that support parties.
Mohsen Shafiee Seifabadi; Ali Bagheri Dolat Abadi
Abstract
Today, the coronavirus has become a pandemic and a major international concern. The virus has been able to give states powers that would not normally be possible. It has created many restrictions for them, either. In this regard, the purpose of this paper is the comparative study of the performance of ...
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Today, the coronavirus has become a pandemic and a major international concern. The virus has been able to give states powers that would not normally be possible. It has created many restrictions for them, either. In this regard, the purpose of this paper is the comparative study of the performance of the Iranian and Singaporean states dealing with the coronavirus, the political-social future of these two nations and the final status of the virus within the framework of future research method. Therefore, the question that arises is, "what has been the performance of Iran and Singapore dealing with the coronavirus, and what would be the political-social future of these countries and the final status of this virus?" The results show that Singapore's performance in confrontation with the coronavirus is faster, more planned, more legal and more transparent than in Iran. In terms of the future of both states, five scenarios can be proposed, which are in three categories: A) The Favorable Future: The End of Corona, Reduction of Job Costs for States and Improving the Knowledge System of Citizens. B) Probable Future: 1. Corona's gradual defeat, the emergence of the crisis of unemployed youth and maximum pressure on the State. 2. Gradual control of Corona, expansion of influence and intelligence dominance of States. 3. Corona's survival, the centralization of power and the closing of democratic space. C) Possible future: long-term failure of Corona, economic crisis and maximum pressure on the people and the emergence of social protests.
Davoud Feirahi
Abstract
Iranshahri is a new version of the old heritage that, despite its traces in the pre-constitutional period, is especially due to the developments in the constitution and the national government. When the National Government (1905) was established in Iran, it led the constitutional leaders to find a "place" ...
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Iranshahri is a new version of the old heritage that, despite its traces in the pre-constitutional period, is especially due to the developments in the constitution and the national government. When the National Government (1905) was established in Iran, it led the constitutional leaders to find a "place" where they could set up tents of this nationality but be safe from the winds and storms. Some of these thinkers saw this "suitable place" in "ancient Iran" and tried to "revive" it. These ideas have had ups and downs so far, and its current expression is tied to the thoughts and works of Professor Seyed Javad Tabatabaei. In this article, while explaining "Iranshahri" according to the latest book of Professor Tabatabaei, some positive and negative aspects of this idea have been examined. In his opinion, Iran was not a part of the Islamic history and world, but also in the area of "Inside Out". The area that although "we have not yet been able to draw its coordinates", is, and we have the "intuition" and recognize. Therefore, an independent theory is required to explain Iran's transformation logic. In this writing, we have tried to investigate this thought and some of its important material
Mahdi Abbasi Shahkooh
Abstract
This article, using the method of historical sociology and the sociology of knowledge, attempts to address the power relations between society and government in Iran before the emergence of the Pahlavi state. Powerful social masters such as the royal family and their relatives, clergies, landowners, ...
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This article, using the method of historical sociology and the sociology of knowledge, attempts to address the power relations between society and government in Iran before the emergence of the Pahlavi state. Powerful social masters such as the royal family and their relatives, clergies, landowners, merchants and marketers, and ultimately local rulers and head of tribes who had a high degree of control and regulation in society, made the Iranian society to be web like. The power of the leaders of the society prevented the government from fulfilling its reformative demands and policies. The constant struggle between the state and society led to ways of achieving "compromise" by the state. "Encouraging strife" in networked society has been another way for the government to overcome this inability. This paper analyzes the structure of Iranian society and the power of the pre-modern state from the Safavid era to the beginning of the Constitutional era based on Migdal's theoretical model and seeks to answer the question: “What pattern of power relations between the state and society in pre-modern Iran did it follow?” The purpose of this study is to examine the sociological power relations of the governments with social forces from a historical perspective in order to understand the reason for the problem of the weakness of the political power of the modern state in Iran. In this article, the results suggest a kind of confrontation and contrast between governments and social forces in which government is disintegrated and the network community struggles to survive the government and social rivals.
Vahid Sinaee; Abol-Ghasem Shahriari
Abstract
The outbreak of World War II and the occupation of Iran on the pretext of the presence of German troops in this country had unfortunate consequences. The end of Reza Shah Administration meant the beginning of a new era in which absolute authority did not exist anymore. The deterioration of conditions ...
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The outbreak of World War II and the occupation of Iran on the pretext of the presence of German troops in this country had unfortunate consequences. The end of Reza Shah Administration meant the beginning of a new era in which absolute authority did not exist anymore. The deterioration of conditions in the country prompted Iranian thinkers to speculate about Iran for the post-Shah era. One of these thinkers was Ahmad Kasravi. According to his many years of experience in the Iranian politics and his life experiences, Kasravi achieved to reconstruct the theory of government in post-Reza Shah Period. Hence; this article will examine the nature and specifics of post-Reza Shah Administration in Ahmad Kasravi’ thought. In order to answer this question using qualitative content analysis method, Kasravi's writings have been investigated from 1942 to 1945. The findings indicate that Kasravi, considering the existing conditions and pursuing a realistic approach, selected an elitist government and recalling what occurred during Iran’s Constitutional period and Reza Shah reign, he believes that neutrality in foreign relations, formation of an independent army, trying to inform people and considering Iran’s cultural conditions in legislation are this elitist government’ duties.
ali Karimi(maleh)
Abstract
The present theoretical- analytical article aimed at the study of the characteristics of wicked problems & the strategies applied for their management according to the ideas of Rittel and Weber. Based upon some statistical data and secondary analysis method, the article presents some manifestations ...
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The present theoretical- analytical article aimed at the study of the characteristics of wicked problems & the strategies applied for their management according to the ideas of Rittel and Weber. Based upon some statistical data and secondary analysis method, the article presents some manifestations of wicked problems in contemporary Iran. From the pathological standpoint, the main reason for the wickedness of policy problems is stemmed in the historical and continuous gap and persistent cleavage between state and society. Inspired by theoretical approaches presented in the conceptualization section, it sounds that the collaborative strategy is necessary for the wise and successful management of wicked problems. The strategic implication of this statement is the necessity for whole and profound revision of traditional patterns of state-society relations in Iran and its transformation to participatory, deliberative, collaborative, dialogue-based, non-hierarchical, decentralized and citizen-oriented relationships which its fulfillment in turn necessitates the transformation of state’s functions and the nature of the structure of power in one hand and the behavioral change of citizens in the other hand.
Shahrouz Shariati
Abstract
Geographical continuities, intraregional requirements, underdevelopment, and energy issue are among the issues which can justify the convergence of the Iran-Iraq economic relations; Iran and Iraq both are among Middle Eastern countries whose fundamentals of power and political legitimacy have been ...
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Geographical continuities, intraregional requirements, underdevelopment, and energy issue are among the issues which can justify the convergence of the Iran-Iraq economic relations; Iran and Iraq both are among Middle Eastern countries whose fundamentals of power and political legitimacy have been formed on the basis of religion. These two countries have many convergence grounds including Kurds issue, cooperation with OPEC, cultural and religious subjects, and the problem of foreign intervention. But despite the convergence factors, there are some factors such as capturing the regional consumer markets and production and the sale of oil that place the two countries against each other. This article by political economy approach and using a theoretical framework which is based on "the rentier state theory" and "integration theory" will assess the internal problematic of integration between Iran and Iraq by studying the structure of power in the region, and it will deal with the feasibility assessment of the convergence grounds of these two countries. This essay will show that domination of rentierism over the two countries’ state is the most significant obstacle for regional integration. Finally, the article will present some proposes which can help the promotion of economic cooperation and integration between Iran and Iraq in the region.
Seyed Shamseddin sadeghi; Loghman ghanbari
Abstract
One of the main concerns of political Sociology of Iran is how to enter the path of political development. In other words, it means by which way we can achieve the political development: from the top and by the dominant political elites (reformation), from the bottom and by the presence and entrance ...
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One of the main concerns of political Sociology of Iran is how to enter the path of political development. In other words, it means by which way we can achieve the political development: from the top and by the dominant political elites (reformation), from the bottom and by the presence and entrance of masses into the political realm (revolution) or from the outside (international organizations/human rights agencies)? The explanatory claim of this research is that political development is hard to achieve without considering the nature of the political culture of Iran’s mass. In this regard the main concern of the present research is to explain and analyze the effect of the mass political culture on the process of political development in Iran. Considering this important fact, the research is aimed to explain nature of the relation of political development and political culture and the effect of the mass political culture on political development in Iran. The question of the research is what effect the mass political culture has on the process of political development in Iran. In order to answer the question of the research the following hypothesis is evaluated: because of the lack of the required contexts and opportunity due to the State the mass political culture has a deterrent effect on the process of Iran’s political development. The research method is descriptive-analytical on the basis of the framework of historical sociology and collective psychology.
naser pourhassan
Abstract
The nature of the state in Iran is one of the most controversial issues among political science researchers. Unlike new states which were established in the post-colonial era, the state in Iran has a long history, so that it is considered as the first state of history. After the end of the Second World ...
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The nature of the state in Iran is one of the most controversial issues among political science researchers. Unlike new states which were established in the post-colonial era, the state in Iran has a long history, so that it is considered as the first state of history. After the end of the Second World a large part of Iranian state studies focused on the Marxist nature, especially the Stalinist, of the five socio-economic formation. Another part of the state's studies was to criticize and reject the above-mentioned views. The nature of the state in Iran is the main issue of this article. In response to the question of what is the nature of the state in Iran, the following hypothesis has been formulated:with regard to the climatic roots and ecosystem of Iran and the dominance of the Eilat (nomads ), it is possible to formulate a " dawlat -eil"(nomads- state ) for a predecessor Iran, especially from the Seljuk to the end of the Qajar Dynasty . The nomads-state, due to the identity-related, organizational, and military features of the nomads structure, also refers to the formation of the state by the supreme nomads, and includes the nomads that, without being governed, are as quasi Governments ruled over their territory. This hypothesis has been processed by the methodology of historical sociology and the analysis of the nature of the ruling states from Safavid to the end of Qajar by descriptive-analytic method.
Reza mousazade; mahmood ganjbakhsh
Abstract
The way governments deal with the claims of victims of terrorist incidents is one of the most important political issues of the day. Since the Canadian government claims that it fights terrorism the political strategies that govern this government are important in responding to the survivors of the terrorist ...
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The way governments deal with the claims of victims of terrorist incidents is one of the most important political issues of the day. Since the Canadian government claims that it fights terrorism the political strategies that govern this government are important in responding to the survivors of the terrorist events. By accusing the Iranian government, it has done its most important action against one of the victims of terrorism. By using the theory of Barry Buzan in analyzing this action of the Canadian State the findings of this paper show that Canada by utilizing some policies like a particular definition of international terrorism advocating state and regarding Iran as one the biggest countries which advocate terrorism, giving up the diplomatic relation with Iran, repudiating the immunity of Iran’s properties and their seizure in the interests of victims of terrorist attacks in occupies lands is a way of cooperating with the US and Israel. According to Buzan theory about security dilemma and the complexities and contradictions inherent in political choices about that the operation of Canada about the Iranian government's immunity in international law is not defensible. In this article we are looking for answers to this question that "What are the political fields of Canada’s action against Iran?" This review is based on Barry Buzan's theory and was conducted by using descriptive analytical method.
Hamidreza Rahmanizadeh Dehkordi; Mohamad Medi Zanjani
Abstract
Purpose: There are various approaches to study the modern state in Iran including the Marxist approach, Patrimonial approach and the Oriental despotism approach. These approaches, however, often consider the modern state as a full-blown despotism and Reza Shah as an "oriental despot" or an autocrat who ...
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Purpose: There are various approaches to study the modern state in Iran including the Marxist approach, Patrimonial approach and the Oriental despotism approach. These approaches, however, often consider the modern state as a full-blown despotism and Reza Shah as an "oriental despot" or an autocrat who imposed his will upon the society. The critics of Reza Shah claim that he was a dictator: He secularized laws, forced women to do away with the veil, and introduced Western-style dress for men. They state that during his time, there was hardly any political life in the form of opposition. The press was muzzled; the parliament rubber-stamped the king’s decisions, and some of his political rivals and confidantes were imprisoned, some eliminated. Religious protests were put down robustly, and Reza Shah was ruthless with tribal rebellions. Indeed, his style was very brusque. This study aims to show how a seemingly absolute and autocrat modern state, Reza Shah’s State, could be limited by a number of factors including the existence of strong social forces such as tribes, the state’s incapability to exert absolute force, and the intervention of foreign powers. In other words, there have been some social and economic contexts influencing the modern state. In this situation, the Shah could be forced to make a decision and take an action different from his own will. To prove this claim, this study gives some evidence from various sources, including foreign state documents, books, memories, diaries of foreign financial advisers such as Dr. Millspaugh, eyewitnesses who registered their observations etc. Design/Methodology/Approach: The structural approach is adapted to justify the modern state. In other words, it is shown that to understand the concrete reality of The Modern State, one should refer to the context (social forces, geographic situation, and intervention of foreign forces) and, moreover, one should refer to the state and its ability/inability to exerting absolute force in its territory. Findings: Our thesis can be summed up by one typical statement: Social, economic, and demographic situations (including social forces and geographically large countries with dispersed population), that is what is called as a context and some characteristics of the Modern State (including state inability to exert absolute force on the country), prevent the state from falling into full-blown despotism. The study has summarized the other approaches and compared them to the approach of the present paper for highlighting the different dimensions of this approach. Originality/Value: It is the researcher’s belief that this study throws a new light to the debates on Reza Shah’s state as the first modern state in Iran. The critics of this state assert that it was a full blown despotic state, and the defenders consider it as a reformer-dictator state that laid the foundation of modern Iran and transformed the chaotic and desperate conditions of the time. This study shows that, in spite of the fact that there were some suppressions, some structural impediments prevented the Shah to act on his own absolute will.
Shahrooz Shariati; Mahdi Abbasi Shahkuh
Abstract
Purpose:Before the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty, the Iranian Society relied on entities and associations that were independent to a significant degree; this paper tries to explain the relations between society of Iran and its antagonistic opposition with the government in in the era of Pahlavi ...
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Purpose:Before the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty, the Iranian Society relied on entities and associations that were independent to a significant degree; this paper tries to explain the relations between society of Iran and its antagonistic opposition with the government in in the era of Pahlavi emergence. From this point of view, before the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty, the Iranian Society relied on entities and associations that were independent to a significant degree and Social control were prevented by them. In this regard, for example the Shi’i scholars had the opportunity to criticize the governmental actions due to their financial independence and having the mosque tribunes under their control as well as having the exclusive right to interpret the religious rules. Therefore, Reza Shah who was aware of the power of opposition gradually started to show a negative reaction to them. Therefor Government to achieve its modernization goals did not bear the power of social networks. Using case studies and revision political actions and combining the social Control theories, this paper tries to explain the relations and Competition between the society and oppressive government on social control, in the era of Pahlavi. Design/Methodology/Approach:Case study research is a methodology which refers to the in depth analysis of some historical facts before the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty and some facts about society of Iran in the era of Pahlavi emergence. Findings: The concepts of social control and governance are closely related, from this point of view Reza Shah who was aware of the power of the society in Iran gradually started to show a negative reaction to the oppositions against his suppressive and secular policies and in place of reinforcing a legal authority, he tried to suppress the social movements through threatening, dual game, assassination, conspirators as well as using the militaristic powers. Therefor Government to achieve its modernization goals did not bear the power of social networks. This policy not only was based on Iran cultural and social condition but also created many fundamental problems and specially caused antagonism between tradition and modernity in Iran. Originality/Value: Along with the emergence of modern states, the concept of social control has undergone a fundamental transformation and governmental approaches were ruled to governmental surveillances. This article reviews the concept of social control to re-reading the history of the modern state in Iran. From this point of view, before the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty, the Iranian Society relied on entities and associations that were independent to a significant degree and Social control were prevented by them. Using case studies and revision political actions and combining the social Control theories, this paper tries to explain the relations and Competition between the society and oppressive government on social control, in the the era of Pahlavi.
