Political Science
Morteza Alavian; ali ebrahimi
Abstract
It is generally argued that after the victory of the revolution, the group of opponents, including the survivors of the former regime, usually line up with the help and organization of foreign powers against the revolution. Considering the political and social process of revolutions, they can be seen ...
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It is generally argued that after the victory of the revolution, the group of opponents, including the survivors of the former regime, usually line up with the help and organization of foreign powers against the revolution. Considering the political and social process of revolutions, they can be seen as a set of three periods of destruction of the former regime, the transition period from the pre-revolutionary political order to the post-revolutionary political order and the era of creating a new order. The second phase, i.e. the period of transition from the pre-revolutionary political system to the post-revolutionary political system, is one of the turbulent and eventful phases of the revolution. The absence of an efficient government, as well as the widespread presence of conflicting groups and organizations, as well as the accompanying revolutionary and intense emotions of the masses with the restless and tense conditions of this era, cause huge incidents and chaotic events. Each of the claimant groups present in the scene with different interests and goals, while taking advantage of the wide presence of the disorganized groups in the society, they try to play the biggest role in determining the main trend of the society by attracting their support. A successful revolution has two stages: the stage of political mobilization and political participation, in which heterogeneous groups participate in overthrowing the ruling regime as a common enemy and pursue the common goal of changing the ruling political regime; Therefore, they put aside their ideological and political differences temporarily, but after the overthrow of the ruling political system, differences may and will appear. Therefore, every complete revolution has a second stage, which is the creation and institutionalization of a new political organization. The measure of the success of a revolution is the authority and stability of the institutions that the revolution creates. Of course, some revolutions in the world could not create durable regimes and failed.In the past decades, many thinkers have dealt with issues such as the causes, trends and results of revolutions in a scattered manner in scientific fields. The features that were once a structured and focused sub-section in the researches related to some major revolutions in different continents of the world, which in this research, are about Islam-oriented movements in terms of political sociology in the countries of Iran and Egypt. It is determined. A clear and common point is the role of Islamist forces in the victory of both the Iranian and Egyptian revolutions and their efforts to establish Islamic order in both countries. As far as the Islamic movement of the Muslim Brotherhood with its political nature and based on Sharia and Sunni religion in Egypt and Shia political Islamist clergy in Iran have had different results in the post-revolutionary process. In fact, in the post-revolutionary conditions, developments took place that led to the stabilization and continuation of Islamists in Iran and their failure in Egypt. Therefore, the main question of the present article, insisting on the theory of the fourth generation of the Goldstone revolution, is what were the reasons for the continuation and failure of the Iranian and Egyptian revolutions in the post-revolutionary conditions? It seems that the fluctuation between the coherence or the weakness of the Islamist ideology in the countries of Iran and Egypt in the domestic and foreign fields, especially the political legitimacy of the ruling system, the social mobilization of the opposition, the reaction of the elites, especially the armed forces, and finally the role Foreign powers caused us to witness their continuation or failure in the post-revolutionary situation.The results of the research show that due to the difference in the methods and approaches of stabilizing the revolution, different results emerged in the continuation and failure of the Islamists of Iran and Egypt. So that due to the coherence of Islamic ideology in Iran, we have witnessed the stabilization of the revolution. But in the Egyptian revolution, due to the weakness of the Islamic ideology, we witnessed the intervention of foreign powers, the intervention of the army and secular parties, which resulted in the failure and decline of the Islamist ideology. So that it can be argued, the continuation of Islamists in post-revolutionary conditions and their failure in Egypt should be considered in the nature of the religious institution and its power in both countries. As far as the religious ideology in Iran, it was involved in the revolution and its leadership and established its legitimacy on the ashes of the Shah's government. In Egypt, the religious establishment clashed with the Brotherhood system and stood against it on June 30, 2013, declaring its support for the national government led by al-Sisi, which was rooted in the life and patriotic nature of Egyptians. The Brotherhood's rise to power, rather than achieving an ideological victory, was a product of normal and calculable power politics, including coalition building, political maneuvers, and appeasement of various interests and power centers in society. This required a lot of compromise on ideological and religious principles. The Muslim Brotherhood also inflated the political component of its Islamist mission. Political power, instead of social Islamization based on changing people's hearts and minds, became the main goal of the movement. In other words, the Brotherhood could not institutionalize itself as the Egyptian version of the Iranian Islamists who established their Islamic state by gaining social hegemony. However, there are other key ideological differences. In particular, the Muslim Brotherhood rejects revolutionary tactics to gain power. Instead, the group has sought to build political influence through elections, while at the same time stressing to Western powers skeptical of the group's goals that it opposes the establishment of an Iranian model of Islamic rule.
International Relations
Sajjad Sadeghi
Abstract
Introduction
It is customary for heads of state or their delegates to deliver speeches at the opening of each regular annual session of the General Assembly, addressing the most pressing current international issues that affect their national interests. These speeches typically outline their government’s ...
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Introduction
It is customary for heads of state or their delegates to deliver speeches at the opening of each regular annual session of the General Assembly, addressing the most pressing current international issues that affect their national interests. These speeches typically outline their government’s perspective on global developments and propose solutions aimed at resolving crises and promoting sustainable regional and global peace and security. Analyzing the speeches delivered by heads of state at the UNGA provides valuable insights: first, into the foundations of their view on the international order; second, into the key global issues as seen through their foreign policy lens; and finally, into their proposed actions for overcoming crises through global partnership, as articulated in official policy statements. Since 1980, when then-Prime Minister Mohammad Ali Rajaee attended the UNGA and presented the Islamic Republic of Iran’s positions on global affairs, Iranian presidents have participated in the General Assembly 24 times up to the 79th session in 2024. They have consistently used this platform to articulate the Foreign Policy Doctrine of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI). This trend has been particularly notable since tensions surrounding Iran’s nuclear program escalated, with Iranian presidents leveraging the UNGA stage to convey the overarching principles of the IRI’s foreign policy to the international community. The relevant Persian-language studies generally examine the speeches from two main perspectives: 1) discourse analysis from a linguistic perspective, and 2) content analysis based on international relations concepts. It is worth noting that some research in the field of international relations addresses aspects of presidential speeches at the UN as part of broader studies on foreign policy. However, these works bear little relevance to the present research. When considering studies that focus specifically on individual presidents, Hassan Rouhani’s speeches have received the most attention from researchers. Overall, the existing literature shows that none of these studies is comparable to the current work in terms of scope or final approach, nor have they attempted to develop a comprehensive foreign policy model based on the policies declared by the presidents. In this respect, the present research aimed to examine the 45-year trajectory of the IRI’s foreign policy and develop a model for future research on Iran’s foreign policy behavior.
Materials and Methods
This research adopted the method of modeling based on inductive content analysis. Content analysis aims to uncover underlying linguistic meanings within a text. When applied qualitatively, this method can develop conceptual models and frameworks by systematically combining themes, indicators, and specialized metaphorical concepts. From a broader perspective, it can also identify and categorize recurring elements within the text, thereby enabling the qualitative formulation of specialized metaphors.
Results and Discussion
The analysis helped identify several common features in the foreign policy doctrine of successive IRI’s administrations. These include a negative and pessimistic perception of the great powers and a prevailing view that international organizations—particularly the United Nations and its Security Council—are ineffective and in need of fundamental reform and transformation. The international system is perceived as characterized by a continuous confrontation between two primary forces: the protectors and supporters of the status quo and the agents of change. Over the past two decades, this dynamic has gradually evolved toward what can be described as a Neo-Cold War order. The IRI’s administrations also believe that a new international order is emerging, one that is in fundamental conflict with the existing system. Given their strong desire for systemic change, they seek to define themselves as agents of change within this emerging international order. Furthermore, they regard the current international system as an unjust system of domination. Taken together, these findings indicated that the core and enduring principle of the IRI’s foreign policy is the doctrine of change-seeking within the current international system.
Conclusion
According to the findings, the fundamental principle shaping the IRI’s foreign policy framework is the concept and trend of revolutionism or change-seeking in opposition to the status quo. In the context of foreign relations and the international system, this can be defined as an approach of revolutionism against the current international order. This principle explains the consistent alignment in the foreign policy of successive administrations over the past 45 years, despite differences in domestic political orientations. Therefore, change-seeking based on the negation of the system of domination—which has evolved into change-seeking against the current international system within the IRI’s foreign policy doctrine—can be considered the foundation for the IRI’s foreign policy behavior. In this regard, two propositions can be made from the futures studies perspective. First, the foreign policy of the IRI will support any international actor, coalition—whether bilateral or multilateral—or process that contributes to altering the existing international order. Second, and in contrast, the IRI’s foreign policy will resist and oppose any trend, process, actor, or coalition within the international system that seeks to reinforce or maintain the status quo.
Political Sociology
Mohammad Bagher Khorramshad; Tahereh Karamzadeh
Abstract
Introduction
A main requirement for the advancement of a society is the existence of dynamic and high-quality institutions and organizations. Such institutions can promote a sociopolitical system through their performance and minimize damages and shocks during any probable developments, challenges, ...
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Introduction
A main requirement for the advancement of a society is the existence of dynamic and high-quality institutions and organizations. Such institutions can promote a sociopolitical system through their performance and minimize damages and shocks during any probable developments, challenges, or crises based on their strengths and consistency. On the other hand, societies removed from the indicators of political development struggle with challenges like institutional inefficiency. A major sector of each society that acts as a criterion for the assessment of political development indicators is its bureaucracy. Bureaucracy, through its efficient performance, can contribute to the improvement of political development indicators, while its inefficiency can pose challenges to political development.
Previous studies on bureaucracy in Iran have been heavily influenced by managerial and economic perspectives, and have rarely addressed the issue from the standpoint of social sciences and political development. therefore, approaches to the study of bureaucracy in Iran, from the perspective of political science, have been overlooked, or more precisely, have not received adequate attention. Therefore, given the existing literature, this study seeks to analyze the bureaucratic environment in Iran from the perspective of political development using the meta-synthesis method.
In this regard, the present study aimed to determine the issues facing Iran’s bureaucratic environment from a political development perspective according to the views offered by a group of experts. After the initial coding and the synthesis of the concepts were carried out, the findings indicated that the issues of the bureaucratic system could be categorized into the concepts of historical authoritarianism, inefficient bureaucracy, the weak rule of law, rentier state, the over-politicization of the administrative system, defective institutionalization, and anti-development state.
Methodology
The present study utilized the seven-stage method of Sandelowski and Barroso to synthesize the data. The seven-stage method includes the following stages:
Formulate the research questions, 2. Conduct a systematic review of the related literature, 3. Search and select suitable texts, 4. Extract information from the texts, 5. Analyze and synthesize the findings of the texts, 6. Conduct a quality control procedure, and 7. Report the findings (Sandelowski & Barroso, 2003, p. 121).
Based on the research question mentioned in the introduction section, a set of keywords, including political development, bureaucratic environment, administrative system, and the relationship between bureaucracy and development, was implemented to detect the relevant studies in the Ensani portal, the Scientific Information Database (SID), and Noor Specialized Magazines (Noormags). This process led to the identification of 658 articles, out of which 129 articles matched the topic of the study in terms of their titles, abstracts, and methodologies. However, 59studies were eliminated as they did not match the investigated period. Then, the abstracts were screened according to environmental pathology and the relationship between bureaucracy and political development, and, ultimately, 37 relevant articles were evaluated as suitable based on the relevance of their topics, the number of downloads, and their citations.
Results and Discussion
The themes and concepts resulting from the existing analyses on the pathology of the environmental status of Iran’s bureaucracy were extracted and specified as the main codes after reviewing the selected articles in a meticulous manner. Altogether, 206 codes were extracted using the open coding technique by analyzing the concepts within the selected 37 articles. Generally speaking, codes like the authoritarian historical and political structure, the transformation of a state into a rentier one, the over-politicization of the administrative system, and the inefficiency of the bureaucratic system were more prevalent than others in the investigated articles. Thus, the concepts deduced from the selected 37 articles were considered the codes of the study. The findings of the study obtained through the process of the conceptual classification of the codes showed seven general codes that could all be analyzed in relation to the central concept of political development. In other words, it was shown that the immaturity of Iran’s political development and the existence of a mixture of underdevelopment elements in the country influenced the bureaucratic structure and received mostly negative reviews from researchers in the field. To increase the reliability of the study, first, the researchers reviewed the process of the study based on the selected articles, and the performed coding was investigated once more. Then, two external reviewers were recruited to administer a secondary control over the stages of meta-synthesis, including access to accurate and expressive samples, coding, and the synthesis of the codes. Finally, a third expert was asked to control the extracted concepts so that the quality of the stages and data extraction could be confirmed.
Conclusion
At the political level, extensive political interventions in the administrative sphere and the imposition of extra-legal demands have prevented the administrative system from following its natural course and, as a result, it has become entangled in daily discussions and is no longer able to perform its regular and assigned tasks. On the other hand, the weakness of the rule of law, which has both historical reasons and is rooted in the wide-ranging political interventions in the bureaucracy, has led to the lack of a proper perspective on the state of the administrative system. In addition, inappropriate merit-based selection processes and ambiguity in promotion processes and weak training have created a form of inefficient bureaucracy that has been mentioned in all articles related to the phenomenon of bureaucracy in Iran without exception. The above factors all point to the need to redesign the bureaucracy based on the independence of the administrative system from political groups and to pay attention to educational and motivational mechanisms to attract and promote the most qualified individuals.
History
Mohamad Hosein Sadeghi
Abstract
IntroductionOne of the most contentious topics in the historiography of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution is the question of its influence by the Ottoman Empire. The geographical proximity and the extensive political, cultural, and economic relations between the two countries provided a fertile ground ...
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IntroductionOne of the most contentious topics in the historiography of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution is the question of its influence by the Ottoman Empire. The geographical proximity and the extensive political, cultural, and economic relations between the two countries provided a fertile ground for such influence. However, the nature and extent of this influence remain subjects of debate among historians of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution. Broadly speaking, there are two prevailing views on this matter: 1) Those who deny any influence of the Ottoman Constitutional Revolution on Iran, and 2) Those who acknowledge the influence of the Ottoman Constitutional Revolution on Iran. Representatives of the first group include Adamiyat, Nategh, and Tabatabai, while the second group is represented by figures such as Taghizadeh, Hazrati, and Feirahi. Other scholars, such as Zarinebaf and Raisnia, although not explicitly stating their positions, have discussed the Ottoman Constitutional Revolution and its relation to the Iranian Constitutional Revolution in a way that aligns them with the second group. Alongside the information based on historical documents and evidence, what makes the first group's perspective untenable is their contradictory discourse and misinterpretation of the second group's views. The perspective that denies the influence of Ottoman Constitutionalism on Iranian Constitutionalism began with Fereydun Adamiyat, was continued by Homa Nategh, and was further emphasized by Javad Tabatabai. This essay aims to address the contradictions in Adamiyat and Nategh's arguments and critique Tabatabai's misinterpretation. This misinterpretation stems from his belief that proponents of Ottoman influence argue that Iranians learned constitutionalism—entirely and directly—from the Ottomans, and that without the Ottoman Constitutional Revolution, Iran could not have experienced constitutionalism. Even though such a claim has never been made. While emphasizing the necessity of avoiding a 'single-cause' explanation for historical events, it must be acknowledged that during the period in question, the wave of constitutionalism had already begun and would inevitably reach Iran sooner or later. Nevertheless, in Iran's encounter with this wave, the Ottoman Empire played a more significant role compared to other centers of constitutionalism. This is precisely the focus of this research. Otherwise, in addition to the Ottoman Empire, England, France, India, Russia, and Japan each contributed to some extent to familiarizing Iranians with the 'idea of constitutionalism'. Considering what has been said, this research aims to review various perspectives on the influence of the Ottoman Constitutional Revolution on Iran, test them against historical evidence, and evaluate their validity using historical sources.Materials and ApproachThis research adopts a descriptive approach and relies on historical sources and studies to address its central question. Results and DiscussionThe influence of the Ottoman Empire on the Iranian Constitutional Revolution is one of the most debated topics, leading to diverse viewpoints. This study aimed to review these perspectives, assess their validity using historical evidence, and evaluate their accuracy based on historical sources. To this end, the study first categorized proponents and opponents of the influence of the Ottoman Constitutional Revolution on Iranian Constitutionalism Accordingly, Taghizadeh, Hazrati, and Feirahi, who acknowledge this influence, stand in contrast to Adamiyat, Nategh, and Tabatabai, who reject it. Next, by examining the Tanzimat reforms as a precursor to the constitutional movements in both Iran and the Ottoman Empire, the study explored various perspectives on the Tanzimat in Iran and its influence by the Ottoman Tanzimat. In this regard, Nategh, Tabatabai, and Feirahi argue that Iran imitated the Ottoman Tanzimat reforms. Hazrati, by rejecting the imitation view, asserts that the relationship between the Iranian and Ottoman Tanzimat was more about influence than mere imitation, while Adamiyat completely denies any imitation or influence. Based on the evidence presented in this study, the views of Nategh, Tabatabai, Feirahi, and Hazrati align more closely with 'historical reality' than Adamiyat's perspective. Similar disagreements exist regarding the constitutional movements. Adamity, Nategh, and Tabatabai, by rejecting that the first Ottoman constitution was truly 'constitutional,' also do not accept the influence of the Ottoman Empire on Iran's constitutional movement. The flaw in this perspective lies in its disregard for the historical context and its one-dimensional, purely legalistic view of the constitutional movement. It is undeniable that, despite its flaws, the First Ottoman Constitution embodied a form of constitutional governance. Tabatabai further argues that the intermediary for Iranians' familiarity with constitutionalism was not the Ottoman Empire but India. This claim is made even though no one argues that the Ottomans were the sole intermediary. Just as other countries such as Japan, Russia, England, and France played roles in introducing Iranians to constitutional ideas, so did India and the Ottoman Empire. What matters is the nature and manner of this role. Before Shushtari, whom Tabatabai references, encountered the 'Justice House' in India, Abu Bakr Ratib Efendi, the Ottoman ambassador to Vienna, had already discussed the 'new system' in his diplomatic reports. In the final step of this research, by examining the influence of Ottoman modernization (particularly the Tanzimat and constitutionalism) on Iranian constitutional pioneers such as Mirza Malkam Khan, Sepahsalar, Mostashar al-Dawla, and Mirza Agha Khan Kermani, the profound impact of Ottoman modernization and its models on their Iranian counterparts became evident. Conclusion Based on the findings of this study, it can be argued that the Ottoman influence is clearly visible in Malkam Khan's promotion of the Tanzimat idea, Sepahsalar's implementation of reforms, and Mostashar al-Dawla and Mirza Agha Khan Kermani's efforts to legitimize constitutionalism. An important point to note is that, except for Mostashar al-Dawla, who had a brief stay in Istanbul during his travels to France, all these individuals had a long history of residence in the Ottoman Empire (at least ten years). As long as the dominant discourse of reform was the Tanzimat, Iranian reformers were influenced by their Ottoman counterparts both in theory and practice. The similarities between the theoretical efforts (e.g., writing works such as Defter-i Tanzimat (Book of Reforms), Majlis-i Tanzimat (Council of Reforms), and Ketabcheh-ye Tanzimat-e Hasaneh (The Book of Beneficial Reforms) ) and practical endeavors (e.g., establishing institutions like the 'Majlis-i Showra-ye Dowlati' (State Consultative Assembly) and the 'Maslihatkhaneh' (House of Expediency) ) of Iranian reformers and their Ottoman counterparts further highlight the extent of this influence. This influence is also evident in the discourse of constitutionalism. It was in Istanbul that Malkam Khan recognized the role of the people in "legislation" and, for the first time, moved away from the Tanzimat discourse toward constitutionalism. Sepahsalar, as Iran's ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, acted as a "reporter of Ottoman reforms" for Iranian statesmen and played a significant role in introducing Naser al-Din Shah to the Ottoman Tanzimat and its outcomes during the Shah's visit to Arab Iraq, alongside Midhat Pasha. Later, as prime minister, he devoted all his efforts to advancing his reform project (Tanzimat-e Hasaneh). Mostashar al-Dawla, who took significant steps in legitimizing constitutionalism, was in contact with the Young Ottomans, and his discourse closely resembled theirs. If 'justice' is considered the central theme of his legal discourse, the influence of the Young Ottomans on him becomes even more apparent, as they had previously used the concept of justice in the same manner. Additionally, it is important to note that a significant portion of works containing constitutionalist thought in the Ottoman Empire (primarily Istanbul) were written there. It was in Istanbul that Mirza Agha Khan Kermani defined constitutionalism as the 'best foundation and form of governance.” Following the approach of the Young Ottomans and Mostashar al-Dawla, sought to legitimize constitutionalism by introducing concepts such as 'human rights” and “national interests' to his audience; an achievement that would have been impossible during his time in Iran.
The State
Abolfazl Ghasemi
Abstract
AbstractIntroductionThe complexity of governing countries, coupled with changes in the roles and functions of governments, has led to a more complex administrative and managerial structure. At the dawn of the 21st century, two main currents have shaped development policy worldwide: globalization, which ...
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AbstractIntroductionThe complexity of governing countries, coupled with changes in the roles and functions of governments, has led to a more complex administrative and managerial structure. At the dawn of the 21st century, two main currents have shaped development policy worldwide: globalization, which integrates private sector interaction and trade relations, and localization, which is the process of devolution of roles, financial responsibilities, and management from central government to a subnational unit. Administrative systems are considered the executive arms of political leaders in society. Administrative systems can be divided into two categories: centralization and decentralization. Centralization is a type of administration under a single command. In a centralized system, a country's affairs are managed from a central location by ministers who are the highest decision-making authorities in the government and are usually based in the capital. Decentralization is a system in which the authority to make decisions about matters is devoted to authorities who are more or less independent of the central authority. In other words, they have a degree of administrative independence and freedom of action.Decentralization is used in many countries as one of the principles of good governance and is a means of promoting political, economic, civil, and managerial governance. Intending to find solutions to problems in cities such as poverty, unemployment, inflation, and environmental pollution, a transformation has occurred in the urban development management system, the basis of which is the focus on a decentralized approach in organization. In this approach, the concept of urban governance is first used, meaning the simultaneous and joint participation of people, local institutions, and government and non-governmental organizations as actors in urban development.In Iran, with the growth of cities, their management and administration have also faced various challenges, as meeting the demands of different groups of citizens requires interaction with various institutions. Metropolises have sought good urban governance to be managed correctly and appropriately, in which citizens have the opportunity to freely agree and establish various social, economic, political, and cultural relationships without violating the rights of othersResearch Question(s): Why has decentralization and good urban governance not been realized in Iran?Literature ReviewBy reviewing the background of conducted research, the fundamental gap observed is the lack of a coherent study examining the simultaneous causes of the failure of decentralization and good urban governance in Iran. The author aims to fill this research gap concerning decentralization and the delegation of powers to formal sub-national, as well as good urban governance, since the failure to achieve these two has led to unfavorable consequences at the urban level in Iran.MethodologyThis research is Institutionaly (Public Administration) approach. The data collection tool is a library-documentary approach, referring to books, articles, official reports, and electronic resources.ResultsHistorically, Iran's administrative system has been characterized by a strong hierarchical structure, reflecting a deep-rooted cultural emphasis on obedience and authority. This hierarchical mindset, evident in the bureaucratic culture, has its roots in centuries of centralized governance. The Iranian state has traditionally been structured around a unitary political center, with power concentrated at the national level. This centralized model, while providing a degree of stability and control, has often hindered local initiative and responsiveness to diverse regional need. In this tradition, decision-making processes were given less consideration, and executive authorities preferred broader government powers to enable rapid decision-making on various issues at all levels of the territory. The concept of decentralization first emerged during the Constitutional Revolution. After the Islamic Revolution, decentralization, administrative deconcentration, and the council system were also given attention, and the Constitution explicitly mentioned the council-based governance of the country. Urbanization has been on the rise in Iran, with the urban population increasing from 54.3% to 74% between 1986 and 2016, according to post-revolutionary censuses. The number of cities has also grown from 199 in 1956 to 1431 in 2022.To achieve good urban governance, certain requirements are necessary, based on global lived experiences, whereby decision-making powers are delegated to sub-national institutions. Among the most important factors influencing the strength or weakness of good urban governance are the political elites' perspective on the delegation of powers, their understanding and vision of sub-national governance, political culture, the historical background of governance, the social and class base of the state, and the geopolitical position of the state.Iran's political elites' perspective, lack of a Referential, political culture, bureaucratic culture, oil revenues, the tradition of governance in Iran, and the government's security-oriented view of society have all contributed to the continued centralization, leaving local governance not particularly strong in practice. The consequences of centralization and the failure to achieve good urban governance in Iran can be summarized as follows: reduced civic participation, reduced transparency, reduced accountability, Disruption, and inefficiency in service delivery, Increased government intervention and complex bureaucratic processes, and Growth of corruption.ConclusionAn evaluation of urban planning and management experiences in Iran indicates a centralized approach. In a centralized political management system, planning is influenced by the overall thoughts and programs of the government and central institutions. The Iranian government, with its oil revenues excessive independence from society, and the dependence of social classes on it, has focused on centralized decision-making. To successfully decentralize at the urban level, there is a need for a strong will among high-level government officials to share power, authority, and financial resources with sub-national entities.
Politics and International Relations
Hasan Sadeghian; Arastoo Fadaei
Abstract
Today, political analysts consider that the concept of "smart power" has developed as a result of the combination of "soft power - hard power". The case study of the current research confirms this claim; This means that Turkey, during the last two decades, to advance its goals and realize its interests, ...
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Today, political analysts consider that the concept of "smart power" has developed as a result of the combination of "soft power - hard power". The case study of the current research confirms this claim; This means that Turkey, during the last two decades, to advance its goals and realize its interests, has combined soft and hard power mechanisms such as the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency, the Public Diplomacy Coordinating Organization, the Yunus Emre Institute, the Radio Organization and Turkish State Television, Anadolu Agency, Organization of Turks Abroad and Related Communities, International Organization of Turkish Culture, Turkish Red Crescent, the Office of Religious Affairs, Turkish Education Foundation, etc. It is a powerful presence and gaining national, regional, and international authority, on the other hand, in the discussion of public diplomacy, beyond these motives, the provision of religious, humanitarian, ethnic, and security goals has been prioritized.In other words, Turkey's soft power has been effective in its various dimensions during the last two decades and has paved the way for the holders of this power [the Justice and Development Party governments] to have both authority, interests, security, and a kind of Cover the self-concept and the deepening of religious and ideological attitudes with the clothes of realization. So that the leaders of this country, realize this in choosing the field, apart from being in the peripheral regions, they also think about distant regions; Therefore, Turkey is one of the countries in the region that has paid attention to almost all cultural climates in the field of Islam and Muslims. Central Asia, the Caucasus and Transcaucasia, Southwest Asia, the Balkans, the Crimean Islands and beyond, the Horn of Africa, etc., have generally been exposed to the presence and cultural movements of Turkey in recent years.However, the source and origin of Turkey's soft power should be sought in the deep social, political, and economic developments of this country. This in turn is based on an effective combination of political strategies of the ruling political structures, which intensified the focus of politics on the individual, companies, and civil society organizations. This development included redefining the Turkish political language, giving a new role to business organizations and non-governmental organizations, and reanalyzing the relationship between Islam and democracy.It is obvious that along with the economic and social changes in the domestic sphere, the emergence and occurrence of important changes in the international scene, such as "the end of the Cold War and consequently the end of the bipolar system", and "Turkey's membership proposal in the European Union" are an opportunity. It provided new possibilities for Turkey, the most important of which was openness from the perspective of foreign policy and trade policy. Turkey's soft power discourse parallels the rise and fall of Turkey's foreign policy; Therefore, it has gone through different periods.So in the last two decades, when we are facing the single rule of the Justice and Development Party, Turkey's soft power has been influenced by the ups and downs of foreign policy. In other words, according to the political nature of the Justice and Development Party government and the process of domestic, regional, and international political developments, the weight and importance of the aforementioned mechanisms in securing national interests have been different. For example, in the first decade of the Justice and Development Party's rule, i.e. from 2003 to 2013, the role of soft power mechanisms such as Tika and Yunus Emre in smoothing the path of progress and development was much greater. But in the second decade, that is, from 2013 until now, with the beginning of the crises in the Middle East region and Turkish campaigns in areas of Syria and Iraq and the emergence of internal political problems in Turkey such as the Gezi Park crisis and the failed coup of 2016, the role and importance of mechanisms It has become more difficult to secure national interests. The presence and role of Turkish military forces in Syria, Iraq, Libya, Karabagh, and recently in Afghanistan confirms this claim.So, with the reduction of Turkey's decisive foreign policy and the reduction of international credibility, which served the political program of the Justice and Development Party, the credibility and importance of the discourse of soft power has been greatly weakened, and in a way, it has witnessed a shift in discourse, which means the decline of soft power and We are witnessing the emergence of hard power, in which the role of mechanisms such as the Red Crescent, the Crisis Management Organization, and the Armed Forces have increased exponentially. Regional changes and the failure of developmental policies in West Asia, the increase of radicalism and terrorism, the involvement of foreign powers, and the need to deal with increasing combined threats, etc., are the necessary reasons for the use of hard power at the disposal of Ankara. Contract. Turkey's activity in this sense is mainly based on four pillars:- Presidential system with extensive executive power and centralized decision-making process;- a domestic defense industry that increasingly meets the needs of the armed forces locally;- Trying to have strategic autonomy as a great regional power;- A professional army with a long history in multi-front combined wars. (found)The theoretical framework of the current research is based on the theory of "soft power" (theoretical framework) and in terms of methodology, the "process tracing" method has been used from the subsets of case analysis. (Method) In general Four types of "mechanism" definitions have been presented, each of which is concerned with [mostly political-social] issues from a specific dimension:Mechanism as the cause of an effect [the effect of choosing a certain set of preferences and requirements on social outcomes]; 2. mechanism as a mediating process, event, or variable [discovering the nature, substance, or internal structure]; 3. Mechanism as an indeterminate causal process [causal sequences linking events; causal patterns that occur repeatedly and are easily recognized, but operate under generally unknown conditions or with unknown results]; 4. The mechanism is an intangible thing that creates the result [events that change the relationships between some elements and components of the set; A set of interconnected components or elements that create an effect that does not exist by itself in any of the elements alone].In the current study, the definition of the fourth type, that is, "mechanism as an intangible thing that creates the result"; has been exploited. In this way, the main hypothesis is that Turkey's soft power supply mechanisms are considered as a set of interconnected components or elements that create an effect that by itself Does not exist in any of the elements alone. In other words, mechanisms such as Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency, Public Diplomacy Coordinating Organization, Yunus Emre Institute, Turkish State Radio and Television Organization, Anadolu Agency, Organization of Turks Abroad and Related Communities, International Organization of Turkish Culture, Administration of the Office of Religious Affairs, Maarif Foundation, Red Crescent, Armed Forces, etc. are an interconnected and at the same time separate complex that the realization of Turkey's soft power depends on their individual and collective actions.
The State
Mazaher Ziaei
Abstract
Background and ContextNumerous studies have indicated that the state instability existence in past of countries has not only delayed their development but also influenced their current level of development. The study of political instability in the Eurasian region during the agricultural era (3000 BC ...
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Background and ContextNumerous studies have indicated that the state instability existence in past of countries has not only delayed their development but also influenced their current level of development. The study of political instability in the Eurasian region during the agricultural era (3000 BC to 1600 AD) encompasses a significant portion of the history and the contemporary world geography. It can serve as a basis for examining political instability in the history of Iran. Many scholars have considered the proximity to the Central Asian nomadic societies as one of the factors contributing to instability in Eurasian countries. Some of them argue that the history of these tribes' interactions with neighboring regions forms the core of Eurasian history. There are also a limited number of quantitative studies that have encompassed various aspects of these tribes impacts on neighboring communities. There have been numerous studies on the effects of these tribes on Iran as well, but none of them have covered this temporal and geographical scope.Objective of the ResearchThe main objective of this research is to investigate political instability in Eurasia, particularly in Iran, during the agricultural era. It focuses on the Central Asian nomadic influence tribes on the creation of political instability in Eurasia. The research utilizes this framework of interactions and gathered information to periodize political instability in the history of Iran.Research MethodologyIn this study, political instability is perceived as a low average lifespan of states and a high coefficient of variations (standard deviation-to-mean ratio). The study considers Continental Eurasia (including Europe and Asia, excluding their islands) as the studied region and the agricultural era 3000 BC to 1600 AD as the studied period. To assess the timing and extent of Central Asian tribes' influence on political instability in Eurasian states, a total of 432 Eurasian states in the study period were identified. Subsequently, the time and extent of Central Asian tribes' impact on political instability were examined by applying three categorizations to these states: 1) Regional categorization based on the importance of the region each government could have for Central Asian tribes, dividing into Central Asia, unimportant region, less important region, and highly important region. 2) Since the period of significant influence of these tribes on Eurasian developments occurred between 500 BC and 1600 AD, states that existed before 500 BC were classified as belonging to the first period, while others belonged to the second period. 3) By combining the previous two categorizations, the states were grouped into four categories: (I)Central Asian states, (II)unattractive states, (III)low unattractive states, and (IV) highly unattractive states.Descriptive analysis, Two-sample Kolmogorov–Smirnov test (KS2), and categorical regression were used for data analysis and inference.FindingsThe findings regarding regional categorization show the significant differences in the lifespan of states among regions. The average lifespan of states in unimportant regions is more than 3.5 times that of highly important regions, and the coefficient of variation for highly important regions is higher than for other regions. Regression results confirm the model and regression coefficients validity, indicating that this four-group categorization explains 29% of the variations among states.Statistical analysis demonstrates a significant difference in the mean lifespan of states between these two periods. Specifically, the average lifespan of states in the first period in the Region Two, a significant region, is nearly eight times higher than the states in second period of that region. Additionally, the lifespan of states, particularly in Iran, has decreased during the agricultural era.These analyses also reveal significant differences in the average lifespan of states within the categorized groups, with coefficient determination of 0.429. The mentioned item indicates that this model accounts for a significant portion of the variations in the lifespan of the examined states.Moreover, Iran's status in terms of the number, average lifespan, and coefficient of variation of states is examined within different groupings, and the KS2 test confirms that Iran's belonging to specific groups and the irconcordance lack of other groups, except for its concordance with Central Asia.Several supplementary studies on Chinese history, the timing of the beginning and end of the agricultural era, and the period of Central Asian tribes' influence provide further support for the stability of the results.ConclusionThe statistical analysis results show an inverse relationship between the average states lifespan and the level of threat from Central Asia in various categories of states. Evidently, the agricultural-era states' political instability was significantly affected by the invasions of Central Asian tribes. The four-group categorization explains approximately 43% of the variation in states’ lifespans. Notably, this level of explanation is achieved with only four categorical variables.Regarding Iran, the findings indicate that the political instability of Iranian agricultural-era states was also influenced by interactions with Central Asian tribes. The periodization of Iranian history can be established as mentioned bellow:(up to 600), (600 to 1000), (1000 to 1250), and (1250 onwards), with distinct events in the second period onwards attributed to Central Asian tribes, such as the emergence of the Seljuks and the Mongol invasions. The results demonstrate that political instability in Iran was higher than the average for other regions, with an average government lifespan of 90 years during the fourth period, which lasted for approximately 550 years, slightly exceeding the average lifespan of a human today.
Abolfazl Delavari
Abstract
Problem: The continuation and increasing intensification of the Contentious politics in contemporary Iran, which is an endless revolutions chain, coups, movements, uprisings, and political rebellions, have shown questions about the grounds and roots of this type of politics. In existing studies, the ...
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Problem: The continuation and increasing intensification of the Contentious politics in contemporary Iran, which is an endless revolutions chain, coups, movements, uprisings, and political rebellions, have shown questions about the grounds and roots of this type of politics. In existing studies, the roots of political conflicts in Iran have been attributed either to the state or social cleavages. As far as the role of the state is concerned, it is usually focused on its structural aspects. This article omits the discussion about the structure of the state and focuses only on the functioning of the stateQuestion: The question of the article is: What is the relationship between the continuation and intensification of Contentious politics in contemporary Iran with the practical priorities and orientations of the state in different periods of the contemporary Iranian history?Hypothesis: The hypothesis of the article is that the continuation and intensification of the Contentious politics has been caused by the imbalances and crises caused by the practical priorities and orientations of the state in different periods of contemporary Iranian history. Method: In this article, the method of secondary analysis of historical data is used. Based on the data available in the historical sources, first, the process of the state's performance and priorities in different periods of contemporary history have been identified. Second, the process of accumulation of conflicts and conflicts arising from these performance and priorities has been shown. Third, the relationship between the two mentioned trends is shown. Finally, by using the "ideal type" method, an attempt has been made to design and present a model of the state, which seems to be able to reverse the process of conflict politics in Iran and lead to reconciliation politics.Findings: The findings of the research indicate that over the last two centuries, five different models of state (in terms of orientation and performance) have been effective, which are: self-rebuilding state, nation-building state, developmental state, redistributor state and expansionist state. Of course, this does not mean that the ruling states have only one of these functions at any time; Rather, there has often been some kind of overlap in two or three functions, but at each point, one orientation and function has been the priority and focus of the state's attention. "Self-rebuilding state" appeared in a defective and discrete form during the Qajar era, but in a serious and effective way in the first decade of Reza shah’s rule (1921-40). The "nation-building state" also emerged weakly in the years after the constitutional movement, but seriously and effectively in the last decade of the Reza shah’s rule (1931-41). "Developmental state" emerged faintly in the second decade of Reza shah’s rule (1931-41), and seriously and effectively in the last fifteen years of Mohammad Reza shah’s rule (1962-78), and in the years after The Islamic revolution also took place in some periods such as the presidency of Rafsanjani (1989-96). The "redistributive state" appeared faintly in the last fifteen years of Mohammad Reza shah’s rule (1962-78) and more seriously and effectively in the first decade after the Islamic revolution (1979-88). Finally, the "expansionist state" appeared first in the last years of Mohammad Reza King’s rule (1973-78) and then more seriously and widely in the years after the revolution, especially in the last two decades (2001-2022).Analysis and Discussion: The analysis of the findings of the article showed that: in each of these five models of state, although they had some progress in realizing their main goals and priorities, but in addition to the historical delay in the desired orientation, there were failures in the same orientation. Selecting of the orientations have resulted of disproportionate strategies and policies by each of these states has also created new problems, conflicts and criticisms. In other words, the five patterns of the state have created a vicious cycle of crises, conflicts, instabilities and political violence and a chain of interruptions and breaks in the process of political, social and economic developments and It has resulted in the accumulation of crises in today’s Iran.Conclusion: The results of the article showed that the way out of the current state of Iran is the establishment of a state Patterns that can be called a "conciliatory state". Such a state must first of all emerge from within a comprehensive social contract. Then, based on democratic and efficient institutional arrangements and a coherent legal system, the main priority and goal should be to solve the conflicts affecting the country. This state should accept pluralism and competitive mechanisms in different political, economic, social and cultural fields. This state instead of authoritarian interventions in different fields, should be the guardian of territorial integrity and people's security, and only where the competitive mechanisms face problems with inadequacies and conflict of interest, it should intervene in the framework of democratic laws and mechanisms to compensate for, settle differences and conflicts Resolution, and establish and reproduce social balance and political stability.
Ghasem Khorami
Abstract
This article is to consider analyzing the reasons of industrial sector slowdown in the economy and weakening the status of owners of infant industries during the first decade of the Islamic Republic of Iran from a neo-institutional perspective. For this purpose, “institutional-ideological” ...
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This article is to consider analyzing the reasons of industrial sector slowdown in the economy and weakening the status of owners of infant industries during the first decade of the Islamic Republic of Iran from a neo-institutional perspective. For this purpose, “institutional-ideological” and “pre-institutional” conditions have been analyzed through historical context to clarify the institutional-historical mechanism leading to weakening of the industrial bourgeoisie and declining of the position of industry and industrial capitalism in the political economy of Iran. The methodological approach of this article is of the type of qualitative historical analysis in which documentary data extracted from official economic and statistical reports, memoirs, written works, and especially conversations with elites (governmental policy-makers and private industrialists active in the period under review), as well as historical, economic, and political analyses by other researchers and experts have been considered and utilized. The study shows that at the time of formation of post-revolutionary governmental and economic institutions in Iran, a set of interrelations institutional and pre-institutional factors in historical evolution and transformation shaped a path-dependent process in decision making institutions and mindset of decision makers in respect of economic policies of the country which was in contradiction with industrial capitalist development. This approach was one of the main factors inhibiting industrial growth and development in the country during the following decades.
Mohsen Khalili
Abstract
The task of an intelligence agency is to monitor the ideas and behaviors of groups that are in conflict with the established system and are trying to overthrow the existing system. Monitoring opponents of the political system is not the sole task of an intelligence agency; Rather, it is the task of an ...
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The task of an intelligence agency is to monitor the ideas and behaviors of groups that are in conflict with the established system and are trying to overthrow the existing system. Monitoring opponents of the political system is not the sole task of an intelligence agency; Rather, it is the task of an intelligence agency to fight subversive opposition groups. Information institutions are an important part of a political system. The fundamental theory of the establishment of the state and the political-legal system determines the policy of the intelligence agencies. When two words are mixed, the breadth of a compound double word is lost and they are limited and conditioned by each other, and the word that is combined with the other word loses its semantic / functional independence. In this article, the political theory of the Intelligence and Security Organization of Iran is considered a lexical fusion due to the dual structure of government (republic and Islamic). Whenever a theory is chosen from among the various political theories that underlie the theoretical basis of government and is the basis for the actions of government and its institutional subdivisions (including intelligence agencies), the government and the intelligence agency are limited to theoretical underpinnings. Using Bernard Crick's model, the author tries to show how a change in the fundamental political theory of a state can led to a change in the character and actions of a country's intelligence organization.
Mohammad Taghi Ghezelsofla
Abstract
The present descriptive-analytical research has been conducted in an attempt to find the requirements of governance in the "post-…” era. Today, major developments in epistemology and fundamental changes of ideology have seriously changed the political affairs. These two transformations have ...
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The present descriptive-analytical research has been conducted in an attempt to find the requirements of governance in the "post-…” era. Today, major developments in epistemology and fundamental changes of ideology have seriously changed the political affairs. These two transformations have made the institution of the state and its governance in the development era the most important priorities of policymaking and theorizing. In response to the question raised, this article is organized in two sections: in the first section, after explaining the logic of transition to the “post-…” era and the reasons for finding the importance of governance, the most important requirements of governance in the age of development have been proposed by emphasizing the moral/native conditions of Iran as one of the countries on the path of development. For this purpose, a critical normative theoretical approach has been used considering the governments responsible for preparing "fundamental goods”. The results of this research show that issues such as rethinking the philosophy of development, paying attention to the idea of alternative development, improving the quality of the development-oriented government, and the teleology of governance in the age of development with local requirements are some of the most important issues that should be on the agenda of governments seeking development, including the government of Iran.
Jalil Dara; Mozhgan Rezaeyan Esfehani
Abstract
The experiences of the new industrialized countries such as south Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Malaysia in the process of industrialization , have highlighted the role of government in industrialization. But something that has been remained as a question and would be the subject for many researches is how ...
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The experiences of the new industrialized countries such as south Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Malaysia in the process of industrialization , have highlighted the role of government in industrialization. But something that has been remained as a question and would be the subject for many researches is how to play that role for government.Confirming that there are many confusions about the role of government in development and industrialization in Iran ; the aim of this article is to compare the role of government in Auto-industry in Iran and South Korea base on institutionalism approach and Evans’ pattern of developmental state (autonomy embedded in society) , and it uses the comparative method in order to find an answer for this core question : despite this fact that Iran and South Korea has established their Auto-industry almost in the same time , but why Korea has been much more succeeded than Iran in the world stand. Findings in the article has supported this hypothesis that the main reason for inefficient and backwardness of Auto-industry in Iran is unbalanced and heterogeneous roles of the government in Iran which are played in this sector of industry , in comparison to well-played developmental roles by south Korea’s government.
Amir Massoud Shahram Nia; Kheirollah Kheiriasl
Abstract
Studies on the ineffectiveness of political parties in Iran, mainly analyze the historical, cultural, social and economic factors. Usually, little institutional studies are carried out in this field and the party politics is completely neglected. In this article, we examine, from an institutional point ...
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Studies on the ineffectiveness of political parties in Iran, mainly analyze the historical, cultural, social and economic factors. Usually, little institutional studies are carried out in this field and the party politics is completely neglected. In this article, we examine, from an institutional point of view, the political party politics of the political system and its impact on the ineffectiveness of political parties in Iran. Political systems adopt their own party politics with different approaches and, on this basis, can make different effects on the life of political parties in countries. Therefore, in this article, the approach of party politics of Islamic Republic of Iran is compared with that of Federal Republic of Germany. The basic question here is, what is the difference in political party politics in Iran compared to party politics in Germany and how do these differences affect the life of political parties in Iran? According to this article, the approach adopted in Iran's political party politics is a controlling and restrictive approach, and this has made it difficult for the political parties to form, grow, and effectively operate and it causes them to be ineffective. At the end of the article, there are some suggestions in favor of good political party politics in Iran. We believe that the approach of political party politics in Iran should be modified in a way that support parties.
Mohsen Shafiee Seifabadi; Ali Bagheri Dolat Abadi
Abstract
Today, the coronavirus has become a pandemic and a major international concern. The virus has been able to give states powers that would not normally be possible. It has created many restrictions for them, either. In this regard, the purpose of this paper is the comparative study of the performance of ...
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Today, the coronavirus has become a pandemic and a major international concern. The virus has been able to give states powers that would not normally be possible. It has created many restrictions for them, either. In this regard, the purpose of this paper is the comparative study of the performance of the Iranian and Singaporean states dealing with the coronavirus, the political-social future of these two nations and the final status of the virus within the framework of future research method. Therefore, the question that arises is, "what has been the performance of Iran and Singapore dealing with the coronavirus, and what would be the political-social future of these countries and the final status of this virus?" The results show that Singapore's performance in confrontation with the coronavirus is faster, more planned, more legal and more transparent than in Iran. In terms of the future of both states, five scenarios can be proposed, which are in three categories: A) The Favorable Future: The End of Corona, Reduction of Job Costs for States and Improving the Knowledge System of Citizens. B) Probable Future: 1. Corona's gradual defeat, the emergence of the crisis of unemployed youth and maximum pressure on the State. 2. Gradual control of Corona, expansion of influence and intelligence dominance of States. 3. Corona's survival, the centralization of power and the closing of democratic space. C) Possible future: long-term failure of Corona, economic crisis and maximum pressure on the people and the emergence of social protests.
Davoud Feirahi
Abstract
Iranshahri is a new version of the old heritage that, despite its traces in the pre-constitutional period, is especially due to the developments in the constitution and the national government. When the National Government (1905) was established in Iran, it led the constitutional leaders to find a "place" ...
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Iranshahri is a new version of the old heritage that, despite its traces in the pre-constitutional period, is especially due to the developments in the constitution and the national government. When the National Government (1905) was established in Iran, it led the constitutional leaders to find a "place" where they could set up tents of this nationality but be safe from the winds and storms. Some of these thinkers saw this "suitable place" in "ancient Iran" and tried to "revive" it. These ideas have had ups and downs so far, and its current expression is tied to the thoughts and works of Professor Seyed Javad Tabatabaei. In this article, while explaining "Iranshahri" according to the latest book of Professor Tabatabaei, some positive and negative aspects of this idea have been examined. In his opinion, Iran was not a part of the Islamic history and world, but also in the area of "Inside Out". The area that although "we have not yet been able to draw its coordinates", is, and we have the "intuition" and recognize. Therefore, an independent theory is required to explain Iran's transformation logic. In this writing, we have tried to investigate this thought and some of its important material
Mahdi Abbasi Shahkooh
Abstract
This article, using the method of historical sociology and the sociology of knowledge, attempts to address the power relations between society and government in Iran before the emergence of the Pahlavi state. Powerful social masters such as the royal family and their relatives, clergies, landowners, ...
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This article, using the method of historical sociology and the sociology of knowledge, attempts to address the power relations between society and government in Iran before the emergence of the Pahlavi state. Powerful social masters such as the royal family and their relatives, clergies, landowners, merchants and marketers, and ultimately local rulers and head of tribes who had a high degree of control and regulation in society, made the Iranian society to be web like. The power of the leaders of the society prevented the government from fulfilling its reformative demands and policies. The constant struggle between the state and society led to ways of achieving "compromise" by the state. "Encouraging strife" in networked society has been another way for the government to overcome this inability. This paper analyzes the structure of Iranian society and the power of the pre-modern state from the Safavid era to the beginning of the Constitutional era based on Migdal's theoretical model and seeks to answer the question: “What pattern of power relations between the state and society in pre-modern Iran did it follow?” The purpose of this study is to examine the sociological power relations of the governments with social forces from a historical perspective in order to understand the reason for the problem of the weakness of the political power of the modern state in Iran. In this article, the results suggest a kind of confrontation and contrast between governments and social forces in which government is disintegrated and the network community struggles to survive the government and social rivals.
Vahid Sinaee; Abol-Ghasem Shahriari
Abstract
The outbreak of World War II and the occupation of Iran on the pretext of the presence of German troops in this country had unfortunate consequences. The end of Reza Shah Administration meant the beginning of a new era in which absolute authority did not exist anymore. The deterioration of conditions ...
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The outbreak of World War II and the occupation of Iran on the pretext of the presence of German troops in this country had unfortunate consequences. The end of Reza Shah Administration meant the beginning of a new era in which absolute authority did not exist anymore. The deterioration of conditions in the country prompted Iranian thinkers to speculate about Iran for the post-Shah era. One of these thinkers was Ahmad Kasravi. According to his many years of experience in the Iranian politics and his life experiences, Kasravi achieved to reconstruct the theory of government in post-Reza Shah Period. Hence; this article will examine the nature and specifics of post-Reza Shah Administration in Ahmad Kasravi’ thought. In order to answer this question using qualitative content analysis method, Kasravi's writings have been investigated from 1942 to 1945. The findings indicate that Kasravi, considering the existing conditions and pursuing a realistic approach, selected an elitist government and recalling what occurred during Iran’s Constitutional period and Reza Shah reign, he believes that neutrality in foreign relations, formation of an independent army, trying to inform people and considering Iran’s cultural conditions in legislation are this elitist government’ duties.
ali Karimi(maleh)
Abstract
The present theoretical- analytical article aimed at the study of the characteristics of wicked problems & the strategies applied for their management according to the ideas of Rittel and Weber. Based upon some statistical data and secondary analysis method, the article presents some manifestations ...
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The present theoretical- analytical article aimed at the study of the characteristics of wicked problems & the strategies applied for their management according to the ideas of Rittel and Weber. Based upon some statistical data and secondary analysis method, the article presents some manifestations of wicked problems in contemporary Iran. From the pathological standpoint, the main reason for the wickedness of policy problems is stemmed in the historical and continuous gap and persistent cleavage between state and society. Inspired by theoretical approaches presented in the conceptualization section, it sounds that the collaborative strategy is necessary for the wise and successful management of wicked problems. The strategic implication of this statement is the necessity for whole and profound revision of traditional patterns of state-society relations in Iran and its transformation to participatory, deliberative, collaborative, dialogue-based, non-hierarchical, decentralized and citizen-oriented relationships which its fulfillment in turn necessitates the transformation of state’s functions and the nature of the structure of power in one hand and the behavioral change of citizens in the other hand.
Shahrouz Shariati
Abstract
Geographical continuities, intraregional requirements, underdevelopment, and energy issue are among the issues which can justify the convergence of the Iran-Iraq economic relations; Iran and Iraq both are among Middle Eastern countries whose fundamentals of power and political legitimacy have been ...
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Geographical continuities, intraregional requirements, underdevelopment, and energy issue are among the issues which can justify the convergence of the Iran-Iraq economic relations; Iran and Iraq both are among Middle Eastern countries whose fundamentals of power and political legitimacy have been formed on the basis of religion. These two countries have many convergence grounds including Kurds issue, cooperation with OPEC, cultural and religious subjects, and the problem of foreign intervention. But despite the convergence factors, there are some factors such as capturing the regional consumer markets and production and the sale of oil that place the two countries against each other. This article by political economy approach and using a theoretical framework which is based on "the rentier state theory" and "integration theory" will assess the internal problematic of integration between Iran and Iraq by studying the structure of power in the region, and it will deal with the feasibility assessment of the convergence grounds of these two countries. This essay will show that domination of rentierism over the two countries’ state is the most significant obstacle for regional integration. Finally, the article will present some proposes which can help the promotion of economic cooperation and integration between Iran and Iraq in the region.
Seyed Shamseddin sadeghi; Loghman ghanbari
Abstract
One of the main concerns of political Sociology of Iran is how to enter the path of political development. In other words, it means by which way we can achieve the political development: from the top and by the dominant political elites (reformation), from the bottom and by the presence and entrance ...
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One of the main concerns of political Sociology of Iran is how to enter the path of political development. In other words, it means by which way we can achieve the political development: from the top and by the dominant political elites (reformation), from the bottom and by the presence and entrance of masses into the political realm (revolution) or from the outside (international organizations/human rights agencies)? The explanatory claim of this research is that political development is hard to achieve without considering the nature of the political culture of Iran’s mass. In this regard the main concern of the present research is to explain and analyze the effect of the mass political culture on the process of political development in Iran. Considering this important fact, the research is aimed to explain nature of the relation of political development and political culture and the effect of the mass political culture on political development in Iran. The question of the research is what effect the mass political culture has on the process of political development in Iran. In order to answer the question of the research the following hypothesis is evaluated: because of the lack of the required contexts and opportunity due to the State the mass political culture has a deterrent effect on the process of Iran’s political development. The research method is descriptive-analytical on the basis of the framework of historical sociology and collective psychology.
naser pourhassan
Abstract
The nature of the state in Iran is one of the most controversial issues among political science researchers. Unlike new states which were established in the post-colonial era, the state in Iran has a long history, so that it is considered as the first state of history. After the end of the Second World ...
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The nature of the state in Iran is one of the most controversial issues among political science researchers. Unlike new states which were established in the post-colonial era, the state in Iran has a long history, so that it is considered as the first state of history. After the end of the Second World a large part of Iranian state studies focused on the Marxist nature, especially the Stalinist, of the five socio-economic formation. Another part of the state's studies was to criticize and reject the above-mentioned views. The nature of the state in Iran is the main issue of this article. In response to the question of what is the nature of the state in Iran, the following hypothesis has been formulated:with regard to the climatic roots and ecosystem of Iran and the dominance of the Eilat (nomads ), it is possible to formulate a " dawlat -eil"(nomads- state ) for a predecessor Iran, especially from the Seljuk to the end of the Qajar Dynasty . The nomads-state, due to the identity-related, organizational, and military features of the nomads structure, also refers to the formation of the state by the supreme nomads, and includes the nomads that, without being governed, are as quasi Governments ruled over their territory. This hypothesis has been processed by the methodology of historical sociology and the analysis of the nature of the ruling states from Safavid to the end of Qajar by descriptive-analytic method.
Reza mousazade; mahmood ganjbakhsh
Abstract
The way governments deal with the claims of victims of terrorist incidents is one of the most important political issues of the day. Since the Canadian government claims that it fights terrorism the political strategies that govern this government are important in responding to the survivors of the terrorist ...
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The way governments deal with the claims of victims of terrorist incidents is one of the most important political issues of the day. Since the Canadian government claims that it fights terrorism the political strategies that govern this government are important in responding to the survivors of the terrorist events. By accusing the Iranian government, it has done its most important action against one of the victims of terrorism. By using the theory of Barry Buzan in analyzing this action of the Canadian State the findings of this paper show that Canada by utilizing some policies like a particular definition of international terrorism advocating state and regarding Iran as one the biggest countries which advocate terrorism, giving up the diplomatic relation with Iran, repudiating the immunity of Iran’s properties and their seizure in the interests of victims of terrorist attacks in occupies lands is a way of cooperating with the US and Israel. According to Buzan theory about security dilemma and the complexities and contradictions inherent in political choices about that the operation of Canada about the Iranian government's immunity in international law is not defensible. In this article we are looking for answers to this question that "What are the political fields of Canada’s action against Iran?" This review is based on Barry Buzan's theory and was conducted by using descriptive analytical method.
Hamidreza Rahmanizadeh Dehkordi; Mohamad Medi Zanjani
Abstract
Purpose: There are various approaches to study the modern state in Iran including the Marxist approach, Patrimonial approach and the Oriental despotism approach. These approaches, however, often consider the modern state as a full-blown despotism and Reza Shah as an "oriental despot" or an autocrat who ...
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Purpose: There are various approaches to study the modern state in Iran including the Marxist approach, Patrimonial approach and the Oriental despotism approach. These approaches, however, often consider the modern state as a full-blown despotism and Reza Shah as an "oriental despot" or an autocrat who imposed his will upon the society. The critics of Reza Shah claim that he was a dictator: He secularized laws, forced women to do away with the veil, and introduced Western-style dress for men. They state that during his time, there was hardly any political life in the form of opposition. The press was muzzled; the parliament rubber-stamped the king’s decisions, and some of his political rivals and confidantes were imprisoned, some eliminated. Religious protests were put down robustly, and Reza Shah was ruthless with tribal rebellions. Indeed, his style was very brusque. This study aims to show how a seemingly absolute and autocrat modern state, Reza Shah’s State, could be limited by a number of factors including the existence of strong social forces such as tribes, the state’s incapability to exert absolute force, and the intervention of foreign powers. In other words, there have been some social and economic contexts influencing the modern state. In this situation, the Shah could be forced to make a decision and take an action different from his own will. To prove this claim, this study gives some evidence from various sources, including foreign state documents, books, memories, diaries of foreign financial advisers such as Dr. Millspaugh, eyewitnesses who registered their observations etc. Design/Methodology/Approach: The structural approach is adapted to justify the modern state. In other words, it is shown that to understand the concrete reality of The Modern State, one should refer to the context (social forces, geographic situation, and intervention of foreign forces) and, moreover, one should refer to the state and its ability/inability to exerting absolute force in its territory. Findings: Our thesis can be summed up by one typical statement: Social, economic, and demographic situations (including social forces and geographically large countries with dispersed population), that is what is called as a context and some characteristics of the Modern State (including state inability to exert absolute force on the country), prevent the state from falling into full-blown despotism. The study has summarized the other approaches and compared them to the approach of the present paper for highlighting the different dimensions of this approach. Originality/Value: It is the researcher’s belief that this study throws a new light to the debates on Reza Shah’s state as the first modern state in Iran. The critics of this state assert that it was a full blown despotic state, and the defenders consider it as a reformer-dictator state that laid the foundation of modern Iran and transformed the chaotic and desperate conditions of the time. This study shows that, in spite of the fact that there were some suppressions, some structural impediments prevented the Shah to act on his own absolute will.
Shahrooz Shariati; Mahdi Abbasi Shahkuh
Abstract
Purpose:Before the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty, the Iranian Society relied on entities and associations that were independent to a significant degree; this paper tries to explain the relations between society of Iran and its antagonistic opposition with the government in in the era of Pahlavi ...
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Purpose:Before the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty, the Iranian Society relied on entities and associations that were independent to a significant degree; this paper tries to explain the relations between society of Iran and its antagonistic opposition with the government in in the era of Pahlavi emergence. From this point of view, before the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty, the Iranian Society relied on entities and associations that were independent to a significant degree and Social control were prevented by them. In this regard, for example the Shi’i scholars had the opportunity to criticize the governmental actions due to their financial independence and having the mosque tribunes under their control as well as having the exclusive right to interpret the religious rules. Therefore, Reza Shah who was aware of the power of opposition gradually started to show a negative reaction to them. Therefor Government to achieve its modernization goals did not bear the power of social networks. Using case studies and revision political actions and combining the social Control theories, this paper tries to explain the relations and Competition between the society and oppressive government on social control, in the era of Pahlavi. Design/Methodology/Approach:Case study research is a methodology which refers to the in depth analysis of some historical facts before the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty and some facts about society of Iran in the era of Pahlavi emergence. Findings: The concepts of social control and governance are closely related, from this point of view Reza Shah who was aware of the power of the society in Iran gradually started to show a negative reaction to the oppositions against his suppressive and secular policies and in place of reinforcing a legal authority, he tried to suppress the social movements through threatening, dual game, assassination, conspirators as well as using the militaristic powers. Therefor Government to achieve its modernization goals did not bear the power of social networks. This policy not only was based on Iran cultural and social condition but also created many fundamental problems and specially caused antagonism between tradition and modernity in Iran. Originality/Value: Along with the emergence of modern states, the concept of social control has undergone a fundamental transformation and governmental approaches were ruled to governmental surveillances. This article reviews the concept of social control to re-reading the history of the modern state in Iran. From this point of view, before the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty, the Iranian Society relied on entities and associations that were independent to a significant degree and Social control were prevented by them. Using case studies and revision political actions and combining the social Control theories, this paper tries to explain the relations and Competition between the society and oppressive government on social control, in the the era of Pahlavi.
