دانشگاه علامه طباطبائیدولت پژوهی2476-28061120150906Comparative Look at the Metaphysical Foundations of State Theory in Ancient Iran and Chinaبررسی مقایسهای مبانی متافیزیکی نظریهی سیاسی در ایران و چین باستان121150910.22054/tssq.2015.1509FAدال سیونگیودانشگاه هانکوکJournal Article20150427Abstract <br />Brushing aside the development of conceptual elements of Iranian and Chinese cosmologies, as yet we can generally specify their certain identity as a system. The main question is that what kind of relation has there been between political theory and metaphysical foundations in ancient Iran and China and how can we conceptualize this relation? <br /> <br />Chinese Cosmology <br />In Chinese cosmology, the universe is the kingdom of dynamics, vital force and spiritual theme and its values incline toward the good. The good has its origin in God, being or nature. However, there needs human attempt for its achievement. In one of the first ideas of Chinese cosmology, the universe consists of nine elements. The eighth element includes various signs which elaborate on King’s duties and guides him. The untimely emergence of signs is an alert to king so that he change his behavior. Harmony and balance are the main aspects of Chinese cosmology. This principle implies that all forms of individual life should be considered valuable. The complete fulfillment of our being and of other beings is possible in regard with fairness, justice and unselfishness. This principle implies total equality of all forms of individual life and maintaining its life and dignity in all forms. This means that all of them are entitled to be treated with kindness. <br /> <br />Iranian Cosmology <br />There is some form of cosmic circle in Iranian cosmology which involves the conflict of good and evil. This conflict ultimately leads to the conquest of good over evil. In fact, the higher stage of human perfection and is accomplished in Resurrection. The cosmic circle in Iranian cosmology leads to Resurrection and perennial annihilation of evildoers, and the rule of Ashe and the ultimate kingship of Ahura Mazda. In this cosmology, The King is considered the chosen of heavenly gods. The king considered himself as director of gods’ affairs. Therefore, the kings can attempt to set up justice. Also, in Iranian beliefs, there is an interesting parallel between social degrees and cosmological hierarchies. Mitra and Verone were the symbol of religious caste, Indere the symbol of warriors caste, and Nasite the symbol of producers caste. Of course, in old Chinese myths, the system of social configuration had a divine dimension too. In one of old Chinese myths, humans which is composed of yellow clay turn into nobles, and humans which is composed of dust turn into the people. <br /> <br />Conclusion <br />The Iranian dualistic thought involves the conception of the promised man and political leader as a authority which is connected with Resurrection. But, Chinese thought is monistic the evil forces don’t have a fundamental status in it. In Chinese wisdom, political leadership belongs to the learned the learned leader doesn’t have an status in Resurrection and final deliverance.چکیده <br />اگر کیهانشناسی عصر آگاهیِ اسطورهای را پایهی نخستینِ شکل متافیزیک و بنیادِ رشد یک جهانشناسی منسجم بهشمار آوریم، هم در تمدن چین و هم در تمدن ایران باستان نظریهی سیاسی با یک منظومهی متافیزیکی در پیوند انداموار قرار گرفته است. باتوجه به شباهتهای قابل توجهی منظومههای کیهانشناسی در میان نخستین اقوام تمدنساز همچون چینیها، هندیها، مصریها و ایرانیها مقایسهی مبانی متافیزیکی نظریهی سیاسی تمدنهای باستانی میتواند موضوع جالب توجهی در مطالعات حوزهی اندیشهی سیاسی باشد. این نوشته نگاهی فشرده و تطبیقی به مبانی متافیزیکی نظریهی سیاسی در کیهانشناسی چین و ایران دارد. پرسش اصلی این است که در دو تمدن کهن چین و ایران نظریهی سیاسی با مبانیِ متافیزیکی آنها چه رابطهای داشته است و در مقامِ مقایسه این ارتباط را چگونه میتوان مفهومبندی کرد؟ این مطالعه میتواند به درک بهتر ما از سرشت اندیشه سیاسی در دوره آغازین تمدن بشر کمک کند.دانشگاه علامه طباطبائیدولت پژوهی2476-28061120150906Genealogy of the Power Distribution at Naseri Age;
Governance, Changing and Progressionحکمرانی، دولت و توزیع قدرت در گفتمان «ترقیِ» ایران عصر ناصری2356151010.22054/tssq.2015.1510FAشجاعاحمدونددانشیار علوم سیاسی دانشگاه علامه طباطباییمجتبییاوردکترا- دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی00000000000000000000Journal Article20150210Abstract <br />The progressive changes in nineteenth century led Iranian governance to the distribution of absolute political power. It meaningfully was a minimal cession of the traditional authority of the king institution and its power that could be accomplished either conscientiously and non- conscientiously. This article has been based on this assumption: seeking for and pursuing improvement of the undesirable conditions, and generally, looking for "progression", need to accompaniment of two agent, both the political system (government) and scientific (intellectual) efforts. Basing on that assumption, in this article, we are going to show and demonstrate the government's roles and practices, to achieve the "progression". Undoubtedly, we can’t pursuit our goal with a mere glance on, and a superficial research about the nineteenth century evolutions. In another hand, no government likes to divide its unification and has no tendency to reduce its traditional capacities. Any changing, and any movement to modern "progressing", especially at the first stages, can’t be a continuous and permanent process without the government's supports and interferences. But, whereas in the primitive stage to modernization, the old administrative system (bureaucracy) is one of the original and elementary obstacles, every prosecution to modernization of the society and state is depended on the proportional changes in the government by itself. Problematically, in traditional Iranian state, the King was the "Zhellollah" (the God's shadow); it means that, the King had the topmost place in the hierarchical pyramid of power; in fact, the Kingdom as a traditional, legal and accepted institution in Iran was the comprehensive and fully qualified status of power. Thus, wherever this powerful institution is the most important bearer for modern "progress", its unified, centered and integrated authority has been effected by the uncharitable and serious element of modernity. We are looking to confirm and verify this claim in this article. To access such goal, we need an approach which can be explanatory; so, we need the Genealogy method of Michel Foucault. Genealogy approach can nicely and deliberately explain the coalition of the government's unconscious operation and conscious function in studious unit. <br />We will show that such combination has been done within a complete coalition of awareness and non- awareness. It was full of awareness, because the general will of the government was going to accept emblems of western-modern changing, to adapt and perform it in the traditional society of Iran. So the government attempts to do it by itself. But it was higher than traditional King’s efforts and capacities. The government made decision to distribute and cession parts of its power just for ongoing social changing. The non-conscientious or undesired conclusion of power dispersion in the politics area was the genesis of a will to establish a constitutional government. In fact, the extensive portion of this matter was not only the consequence of intellectual or thinking pioneers efforts but also was a production of the government progressive actions.چکیده <br />حکمرانیِ ایرانی در سدهی نوزده میلادی، سرآغاز شکلگیری گونهای دیگر از حکمرانی، متفاوت با دورههای پیشین بود. نوعی تغییر در سبک حکومتگری، که در نیمهی دوم قرن و در عصر پنجاه سالهی ناصری، با بهکارگیریِ مفهوم نظری و عملیِ «ترقی» برای توصیف آن از سوی نیروهای چندگانهای که خواهان «ترقی» بودند، در یک گفتمان مفصلبندی شد؛ گفتمان «ترقی» و تغییر در حکمرانی، به کانون نوشتارها و کردارهای آن دوره مبدل شده بود. در این مقاله، قصد ما آشکار ساختن نقش (آگاهانه و ناآگانهی) حکومت در انطباق خود با شرایط و تحولات جدید و میزان انبساط آن در پذیرش انطباق با تحولات است. تغییرات نوخواهانه در طول سدهی نوزده در ایران، حکمرانیِ ایرانی را به سمتوسویی کشاند که به میزانی از توزیعِ قدرت مطلقهی سیاسی تن در دهد؛ شکلی از واگذاریِ حداقلیِ بخشی از اختیارات سنتی نهاد پادشاهی در سطوح جدید بوروکراتیک. این تغییرات که همچون افزونهای بیرونی بر اقتدار مطلق و دیرینهی آن حادث و اضافه شده بود فراتر از ظرفیت و امکانهای نهاد سنتیِ پادشاهی بود؛ از اینرو، برای تحقق آنها ناگزیر به چشمپوشی از بخشهایی از اختیارات سنتی خود گشت.دانشگاه علامه طباطبائیدولت پژوهی2476-28061120150906Weberian Definition of the Stateمفهومبندی وبری دولت5880151110.22054/tssq.2015.1511FAاحمدگل محمدیاستادیار گروه علوم سیاسی دانشگاه علامه طباطبائیJournal Article20150425Abstract <br />In past decades of Iran, we have been witnessed a controversial disputes over nature of the state and its functions. After Islamic revolution, a new kind of statism was established upon a vague idea of the state. This vague and even contradictory idea of the state influenced reconstruction process of political system through defining institutions and organizations, and also policymaking processes. This ambiguity not only has resulted in some undesirable social, economic and cultural consequences but also has made difficult any critical evaluation of such institutionalization and policy making. Because of some ambiguity in defining of what is the state and what it must do, criticizing and evaluating of the state in Iran is difficult. <br />Considering very important role of the state in social life and such enduring disputes, purpose of this article is conceptualizing the state according Weber’s outstanding definition: the organization which monopolizes legitimate violence over a given territory. In other words, it aims to argument for Weberian definition of the state through analyzing this definition. <br />Methodologically, we use thematic analysis method for identifying essential features (or necessary conditions) of the state as a kind of institution. Based on such analysis, this article’s finding is that the state is a “special political institution”. Accordingly, first of all, the state is a kind of institution like other institutions that societies construct and reconstruct for guarding and improving social life through defining and enforcing rules. Secondly, this institution is not just an institution but a political institution that principally and mainly deals with political power. Being a political institution distinguishes the state from other social institutions that are not political. Moreover, this political institution is a special kind that deals with political power in a special manner. This feature distinguishes the state from other political institutions like gangs. Alternatively, the state uses political power or violence territorially (or in a given territory), exclusively (by trying to prevent others from any kind of using violence) and legitimately (by claiming such legitimacy). So, firstly and principally, the state is a political institution not an economic or cultural. <br />Such findings may be very important for settling down controversial disputes over functions of the state in societies like Iran and especially for arguments against defenders of such vague statism. By resorting to such conceptualization, we can reveal ambiguities and even contradictions in official positions concerning nature of the state and its functions in Iran. In more concrete level, such a perspective will be helpful for evaluating and criticizing general and special policies originated from such a vague statism. For example, from this perspective, we can criticize economic and cultural policies that takes its legitimacy from a vague and even contradictory definition of the state. In addition, introducing this idea of the state will have cultural effects and will provide a very useful different perspective for ordinary people. If we accept that the state is first of all and principally a political institution for securing security by ordering force and political power using, legitimating of statism will be more difficult.چکیده <br />در حالی که دولت از مهمترین نهادهای زندگی اجتماعی و شاید مهمترینِ آنها به شمار میآید موضع چندان روشنی دربارۀ ماهیت یا چیستی آن وجود ندارد و مواضع موجود نسبتا کلی و مبهم هستند. از آنجا که چنین ابهامی پیامدهای ناپسندی در زمینۀ سیاستگذاریهای کلان و ارزیابی آنها دارد در این نوشتار میکوشیم موضعی نسبتا مشخص دربارۀ چیستی دولت اتخاذ کنیم. بنابراین پس از نیمنگاهی انتقادی به ادبیات موجود و بیان استدلالهایی دربارۀ لزوم و امکان تعریف دولت، با توسل به تعریف وبر از دولت، بهعنوان نهاد مدعی اعمال انحصاری زور مشروع در قلمرو معین، دولت را «نهاد سیاسی خاص» تعریف میکنیم. آنگاه بر اساس این شئون سهگانۀ دولت، عناصر لازم و کافی آن را بازشناسی میکنیم و نشان میدهیم که این عناصر با چه نسبتی دولت را شکل میدهند. البته به ماهیت متناقض دولت و عناصر تکمیلی آن هم اشاره خواهیم کرد.دانشگاه علامه طباطبائیدولت پژوهی2476-28061120150906The Theory of State in Political Thought of
Allameh Sadrنظریۀ دولت در اندیشۀ سیاسی علامه صدر81112151610.22054/tssq.2015.1516FAمحمدحسینجمشیدیاستادیار گروه روابط بینالملل دانشگاه تربیت مدرسJournal Article20150302Abstract <br />The purpose of this paper is to explain concept, nature and features of the state and the political system in Allameh Shahid Sayyed Mohammad Baqer Sadr’s thought. Among contemporary Emami thinkers, he is one of the thinkers that examined the question of the state with accuracy and attention to the principle of human nature, spirituality and Islam. He believes that it is inevitable for man and is the basis for civilization. He also explains the government due to the major crisis of contemporary human which he calls it crisis of social and political system. Therefore it is important for us to investigate his theory. <br />From belief in monotheism, divine justice, and human dignity Sadr derives three maxims: the absolute sovereignty of God over the world, human freedom and the need to devise collective destiny of man by himself. But the result of the acceptance of these three principles is "caliphate" and succession of man on earth instead of God and its political dimension through the formation of "state" which is undeniable due to requirements of human society. <br />So the main question of this paper is that in political thought of martyr Sadr, what is the state and does it have any status? <br />In response to this question, I study his theory about the state, on the basis of the logical reconstruction of the formation of thoughts. Methodology of this paper is logical reconstruction and analytical explanation, with regard to the question of nature and features of state theory in his thought, for presenting his theory in a coherent and logical format. On this basis, by reviewing his works, we find that in thought of martyr Sadr the state is a human and historical necessity that in its complete form is manifested in the Islamic state. So, the Islamic state is a religious necessity for realization of Islam and is a civil and civilizational necessity to bring people to perfection and well-being which is based on the principle of human nature and Creation and his needs.چکیده <br />اندیشمند شهید سید محمد باقر صدر بر مبنای باور به توحید، عدل و کرامت انسان، سه اصل حاکمیت مطلقۀ خداوند بر جهان، آزادی انسان و در نتیجه ضرورت تدبیر سرنوشت جمعی انسان به دست خودش را استنتاج میکند. اما نتیجۀ پذیرش این سه اصل، باور به خلافت و جانشینی انسان در زمین از سوی خدا ست، که بعد سیاسی آن از طریق تشکیل «دولت» در جامعۀ بشری به عنوان ضرورتی انکارناپذیر صورت میگیرد. بر این مبنا پرسش اصلی این مقاله این است که در اندیشۀ سیاسی شهید صدر، دولت چیست و چه جایگاهی دارد؟ بر مبنای منطق شکلگیری اندیشۀ شهید صدر و بررسی آثار وی در مییابیم که دولت در اندیشۀ شهید صدر یک ضرورت انسانی و تاریخی است، که شکل کامل آن در قالب دولت اسلامی تجلی یافته است. لذا دولت اسلامی هم برای تحقق اسلام دارای ضرورت شرعی است و هم برای رساندن انسانها به کمال و سعادت و رفاه، دارای ضرورت مدنی و تمدنی است، که مبتنی بر اصل تکوین و فطرت انسانی میباشد.دانشگاه علامه طباطبائیدولت پژوهی2476-28061120150906The Legal Nature of DAESH in International Law: State or Non-State Actor?ماهیت حقوقی داعش در حقوق بینالملل: دولت یا بازیگر غیردولتی؟113131151710.22054/tssq.2015.1517FAسید قاسمزمانیدانشیار دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه علامه طباطبائیJournal Article20150225Abstract <br />Purpose: Contemporary international law has faced many new challenges. The expansion of modern objects as State-terrorism and the growth of new subjects such as new actors could be considered as some recent aspects of this evolution. In this framework the event of non-state actors because of some problems has changed the allocation of rights and duties and the balance of power between different actors in international community. Although in this environment, the states are still the most significant component of international law and international relations, the modern phenomena could cause new conceptions. The most widely accepted source for definition of statehood is the Montevideo Convention of 1933, which includes the traditional preconditions. According to this convention there are four criteria for States such as a permanent population; a defined territory; government; and the capacity to enter into relations with other entities. The purpose of this article is to focus on the different elements of a State and to answer the question whether DAESH could be considered as a State in international law? And Whether DAESH could expand its legal personality in order to be considered as a State? <br /> <br />Design: To answer the main challenges of this essay, it will break up into sections; first, after examining the elements of states in accordance to existing documents and recent practices of various actors, we will consider DAESH, the foundations and the structural basis of creation and its practice in international law. In this section, we will also examine the capabilities by which DAESH may obtain a modern position in international relations. Second, we will consider the characteristic features of DAESH including violation of some fundamental principles of international law such as human rights and humanitarian law. Third, we will scrutinize the role and the responsibility of others before DAESH. In this section, the situations by which international community could overcome the challenges of this new actor in the best manner may also be examined. Finally we will explain the resolutions and the documents issued by some competent organizations such as some human rights organs and also the United Nations and especially those of the Security Council in condemnation of international and domestic practices of this group. <br /> <br />Finding: Many international rules and principles have been violated by DAESH in Syria and Iraq. Some reports and comments by human rights commissions and non-governmental organizations show that DAESH has committed many heinous acts such as murder, extermination, slavery, deportation or forcible transfer, torture, grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions and other rules of international humanitarian law. Many of the crimes could be considered as those criminalized by International criminal court as the crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide. Taking a look at some recent resolutions of the Security Council and paying enough attention to the international and domestic practice of DAESH are some legal facts to prove the premise of this query.چکیده <br />تحولات حقوق بینالملل مدرن به ظهور بازیگران جدیدی در جامعهی بینالمللی انجامیده که هر یک بهنوعی در عرصهی بینالمللی ایفای نقش میکنند. با این وصف، هرچند دولتها همچنان در قامت تابع اولیه و اصلی حقوق بینالملل در عرصههای مختلفِ هنجارسازی و تبعیت از قواعد و اصول حقوق بینالملل خودنمایی میکنند؛ اما ظهور کنشگران غیردولتی در عرصهی بینالمللی نیز منشا تحولاتی جدی در سطوح مختلف حقوق بینالملل شده است. این تحولات گاه زمینهساز تشتت و ابهام در نقش و جایگاه بازیگران و تعیین قلمرو حقوق و تعهداتشان در صحنهی بینالمللی است. ظهور «دولت اسلامی عراق و شام» و یا به اصطلاح «داعش» در صحنهی بینالمللی نیز از این امر مستثنی نیست. ظهور داعش و اقدامات خشونتباری که تحت لوای دولتی اسلامی در عراق و سوریه انجام میدهد، با واکنشهای جدی در جامعهی بینالمللی همراه شده و این پرسش جدی را در اذهان برانگیخته است که ماهیت داعش در حقوق بینالملل معاصر چیست و نقش و جایگاه آن در صحنهی بینالمللی چگونه قابل تعریف است؟ در این مقاله، با تحلیل ماهیت داعش و رویهی بینالمللی نتیجه گرفته میشود که داعش فاقد برخی معیارهای ضروری برای تشکیل دولت است و صرفاً بازیگری غیردولتی است.دانشگاه علامه طباطبائیدولت پژوهی2476-28061120150906The Crisis of the Capitalist Welfare State:
An Analysis of the Views of Claus Offeبحران دولت رفاهی سرمایهداری: تحلیلی بر دیدگاه کلاوس افه133174151810.22054/tssq.2015.1518FAعباسکشاورز شکریدانشیار گروه علوم سیاسی دانشگاه شاهدJournal Article20140406 <br />The main question of this paper is that why capitalist welfare state faces crisis. This question will be discussed from Claus Offe’s point of view. The method of this research is documentary research. Therefore Claus Offe and other main theorists’ books and articles, like Martin Carnoy, John Keane, Clyde Barrow and Leon Lindberg are used for explaining Claus Offe’s opinions. <br />For Offe, in capitalist societies the state develops in response to periodic crises arising from the basic contradiction in capitalist production: the increasing socialization of production and continuing private appropriation. These crises give rise to development of adaptive mechanisms both internal to the market (oligopolization and monopolization) and through expanded state functions. Offe sees the state as a mediator of capitalist crises or as a crisis manager. In this context, he addresses two fundamental issues: First, what is the relationship of the state to dominant capitalist class, that how it is guaranteed that the state will represent the social interest of capital, while at the same time appearing to be a neutral arbitrator of competition among capitals and between capital and labor. Second, what are the limits imposed on the state's crisis-management functions by inherent necessity to reproduce capitalist relations of production. <br />Findings of this article are that: Claus Offe rejects two principal theories of the class nature of the state: instrumentalism and structuralism. Offe believes that any particular state policy, serves a particular interest of the state, rather than the class interest as a whole. The capitalist state must and will fulfill four functions to reproduce itself. This is what guarantees its class-specific selectiveness. These four functions are: First, the state cannot order production or control it. State cannot initiate noncumulative production in private enterprises. Second, the actors of the state apparatus depend for their survival upon resources derived from the private accumulation process. Third, the state therefore not only has the authority but the mandate to sustain and create conditions of accumulation. Finally, the state has to conceal and deny the three above functions. These contradictory functions will lead to crisis of the state. <br />Offe's capitalist state cannot resolve economic crises in a permanent way. Although called upon to intervene in the capital accumulation process in a way that will preserve capitalist relations of production and willing – through its own institutional interest - but to do so, it is beset by the interests of individual capitalist obstructing this intervention, and by the demands of the working class and other labor constituencies on whom it relies for its source of power. The state is constantly trying to fulfill its capital accumulation function while maintaining its legitimacy. The contradiction – the functional need to pursue systematic needs of an economic and power structure which successfully resists the fulfillment of those needs - explains why reformist policies of the capitalist state seem to display the cyclical pattern of motion in which no point of balance, compromise or equilibrium is arrived at.چکیده <br /> سوال اصلی این مقاله آن است که چرا دولت رفاهی سرمایهداری در مغربزمین از دیدگاه کلاوس افه با بحران مواجه میشود؟ روش به کار رفته در این مقاله تحلیل اسنادی است و لذا از کتب و مقالات کلاوس افه و نظریهپردازان مطرح در این حوزه برای توضیح نظرات وی استفاده شده است. از دیدگاه کلاوس افه، برخلاف دیدگاههای ساختارگرایانه و ابزارگرایانه، دولت رفاهی سرمایهداری در مغربزمین از استقلال نسبی برخوردار است و به صورت داوری مستقل در مبارزات طبقاتی در فرآیند انباشت سرمایه ظاهر میشود. ولی کارکردهای متعارض این دولت، آن را دچار بحران میسازد. به این ترتیب دولت از یک سو نباید در فرآیند انباشت سرمایه دخالت کند، اما در عین حال باید فرآیند انباشت را تضمین کند و به تقاضاهای طبقات بورژوازی پاسخ گوید. همچنین دولت باید هزینههای عظیم بوروکراسی دولت را از فرآیند انباشت تأمین نماید و لذا به فرآیند انباشت وابسته است. اما از سوی دیگر دولت برای جلب رضایت طبقات فرودست باید سیاستهای رفاهی و توزیعی در پیش گیرد و کارکرد تضمین انباشت سرمایۀ خود را انکار و استتار نماید تا مشروعیتش حفظ شود. چون این کارکردها با هم متعارض هستند، لذا دولت رفاهی با بحران مواجه میشود.دانشگاه علامه طباطبائیدولت پژوهی2476-28061120150906Constitutional State and Mechanical
Governmentalityدولت مشروطه و حکومتمندی مکانیکی176215151910.22054/tssq.2015.1519FAروح اللهاسلامیاستادیار گروه علوم سیاسی دانشگاه فردوسی مشهدJournal Article20150203Abstract <br /> <br />Purpose: Technology of power in political arena changed after Constitutional Revolution. Before this event, governmentality was operating according to despotic system in reality and writing mirror of king in thought for controlling traditional absolute power. Iran in Qajar dynasty experience was under the old method for policy making and ultimately this process resulted in decline. Authoritarian political culture in state and among nation caused failure and thereafter defeat from Russia, losing lands, and increasing protestations of people. At the same time with criticizing traditional political thought, new technology of power became possible. In this paper, I try to analyse method of political thinkers in Iran who drawing world-viewing power mechanisms for transition and reforming authoritarian system. For this aim, I choosed two important and influential pioneer in constitution revolution: Mohammad Ali Foroughi Zoka-ol-Molk and Mirza Mohammad Hussein Na`ini that could design new shape of governmentality in contemporary political history of Iran. For content analysis that are indicators of mechanism of technology power and element of constitutional gornmentality, I refer to the case study text book <em>Constitutional Etiquette</em> Foroughi and <em>Tanbyh-ol-omah va Tanzyh-ol-melah</em> Naini. <br /> <br />Method and theory: Methodology of this research for qualitative analysis of propositions of these two texts is phenomenology. This qualitative method has helped me to close to my subject and focus interpretive understanding toward two thinkers from the comparative perspective old and new power technology. The theoretical framework is governmentality. Governmentality means that thinking about power or technology of power that state applies to subjection and controls citizen. In every age and all state we can see different governmentality. Three types include: authoritarian traditional, mechanic modern and information postmodern. In the traditional governmentality court of king was important resource for policy and politics is personal affair. Epistemological knowledge is abstract to advice characteristic leadership. There is huge gap between objective and subjective or between means and goals of politics. The result of this process is isolation and failure political thought. In the modern and mechanic governmentality, we see the relation between subject and object of politics. Consequence of this event founded bureaucratic state for regular resource, currents and processes of politics .All forms of governmentality used production, distribution and increases power for applying and limiting the art of government. In this theory, politic is art, act and technic for regularization, formulation, institutionalization human behavior. <br /> <br />Finding: for proving the hypothesis of the transition from authoritarian state to mechanistic one, I refer to two main and influential political text from Foroughi and Naini. Form and structure of state in Iran affected the type of constitutional governmentality in the end of Qajar dynasty. Foroughi with technical, exact and detail writing about law and policymaking in state constitution introduced modern formula of state into Iranians and familiarized mind of elite Iranians with mechanical state. Naini, writing about coexistent mutualism between mechanistic state and new narrative of Islam politic, tried to stimulate big clergy Shiite to think of new mechanical state.چکیده <br />شیوههای اعمال و نیز محدود کردن قدرت در سالهای منتهی به مشروطه به ناگاه وجوه نظری جدیدی پیدا میکند. بعد از آن که حکومتمندی متافیزیکی ایران در سلسلۀ قاجار پدیداری بسیار انحطاطآمیز پیدا کرد، وجوه فروپاشی، شکست و تجزیۀ ایران آغاز شد، به نحوی که ایران در همۀ نبردها شکست خورد و مردم ایران یعنی رعیتِ تحت سلطۀ ظلالسلطانها از تحقیر داخلی و خارجی به تنگ آمدند. در این فضای بحرانی که تمامیت ارضی ایران در حال نابود شدن بود، برخی از متفکران ایرانی، شیوههای جدیدی از ساماندهی امر سیاسی را معرفی کردند. سالهای پایانی سلسلۀ قاجار به ویژه هنگام به وجود آمدن مشروطه، برابر است با ورود ایران به عصر فیزیک و مکانیک قدرت که پیش از آن به شکل سیستمی و کارکردی سابقه نداشته است. در شکل فیزیکیِ حکومتمندی، قدرت تبلوری مکانیکی و بوروکراتیک پیدا میکند. یعنی با چینش ساختارها و نهادهای بیرونی، میتوان سیاست را به گونهای در بُعد داخلی و خارجی نظم داد که صلح، رفاه و شادی و قدرت را برای واحدهای سیاسی به ارمغان آورد. در این فصل با استفاده از چارچوب نظری حکومتمندی به دو رسالۀ اوّلیه و پیشرو در زمینۀ مکانیک قدرت در ایران میپردازیم. رسالۀ اوّل متنی فقهی و بومی از آیتالله نائینی است که با محوریت قرار دادن قرآن، زندگی پیامبر (ص) و به ویژه نهج البلاغه الزامات قدرت مکانیکی را ترسیم میکند. متن دوم مجموعه درسهای محمد علی فروغی است که اولین متن قانون اساسی ایران نیز به شمار میآید، چرا که درسهای او در مدرسۀ علوم سیاسی بعدها توسط نظریهپردازان و شاگردانش در قانون اساسی ایران جای گرفت. بهطور خلاصه این پژوهش به ورود حقوقی و فقهی ایران به حکومتمندی مکانیکی–بوروکراتیک یا دولت مشروطه میپردازد.