Abolfazl Delavari
Abstract
Purpose: Political instability is an issue that has always been attracted attention rulers and scholars. in recent decades to research on this subject has been developed. In Iran, the studies and researches on this topic are increasingly expending. However, this studies and research are not yet accurate ...
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Purpose: Political instability is an issue that has always been attracted attention rulers and scholars. in recent decades to research on this subject has been developed. In Iran, the studies and researches on this topic are increasingly expending. However, this studies and research are not yet accurate and methodically adequate. In additional, descriptive and explanatory theoretical framework or model that applied in this research are very old and inappropriate. For example, in most of these studies Saunders model used to belong to 197o. However, in recent decades has been occurred Significant changes in the socio - political sphere and patterns of political instability in the world. In addition, after revolutionary Iran's political opening and complicated political conflicts have increased the need for this type of studies. This paper is based on the premise that systematic and exact study of political instability require critical encounter with existing literature and to rethink the concepts, indicators, model and tools of measurement and analysis. Therefore the purpose of this article is to describe aspects of political instability.Design/Methodology/Approach: In this article in one hand criticized the concepts and indicators of political instability based on the inductive model (Ideal Type of political stability and instability). On the other hand, attempted to provide clarified concepts and useful indicators for assessing political instability based on the evidences of recent changes in the internal and external political environment. Therefore, in this Article we useful both axiomatic and Quasi experimental Methods.Findings: In this article, distinction political instability from synonym concept and categories such as political dynamic, political changes, political disorder, and political collapse. This article shows that a comprehensive and updated descriptive model of political instability must to be contains not only the indicators of of challenges and changes in Government and political regime but also political leaders and actors Such as rapid changes in political norms, attitudes and policies. Also in this model political instabilities have been separated and classified based on criteria such as type (violent or nonviolent), source (internal or external of polity or country) and target (structures or norms or actors or policies) of destabilizing evidences. And in measurement of level and dimensions of political instability we must attention on severity, extent. and frequency of destabilizing events.Originality/Value: This article concluded that political instability has both objective and subjective aspect. In measuring and explaining of political instability we must consider both of objective factors (such as political perceptions and culture, historical backgrounds and experiences of the political actors) and subjective factor (such as socio economic cleavage and political conflict) . We also must consider the changes and processes such as globalization, virtualization and mediatization of politics.
Hamid Sajjadi
Abstract
In Iran, a major part of the supporting measures of government to prevent social problems and support vulnerable groups and persons with disabilities, is offered through the Social Welfare Organization. Despite attracting the cooperation of civil society organizations in support of the disadvantaged ...
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In Iran, a major part of the supporting measures of government to prevent social problems and support vulnerable groups and persons with disabilities, is offered through the Social Welfare Organization. Despite attracting the cooperation of civil society organizations in support of the disadvantaged people and a wide range of agreements with other institutions, along with various services offered to the target population, Iran’s Welfare Organization still faces major shortcomings in achieving its goals. These challenges become more acute in the face of growing social damages. Therefore, evaluation of the management model of the Welfare Organization in order to address deficiencies and overcome the challenges is essential. In the present study, applying a qualitative method, the data are collected via interviewing and studying documents and evidences. Then, having adopted the thematic analysis method, the data were described, organized and analyzed. During the analysis of findings, eight categories related to the performance of Welfare Organization were identified. The extracted categories were drawn and presented in the form of a paradigmatic model as the functional challenges of the Welfare Organization of Iran. In the end, proposed strategies were presented in the form of three broad concepts of ‘the need to shift the approach, focusing on monitoring and surveillance and strengthening civil institutions and outsourcing.
Elaheh Sadeghi
Abstract
Gender policy in contemporary Iran has experienced many fluctuations, but it has generally brought about significant changes in the status of women. The question of this article is focused on political factors, especially the role of state, in these changes. Using a historical–comparative method, ...
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Gender policy in contemporary Iran has experienced many fluctuations, but it has generally brought about significant changes in the status of women. The question of this article is focused on political factors, especially the role of state, in these changes. Using a historical–comparative method, the present research shows that gender policy in contemporary Iran was influenced by three variables: the strength of the women’s movement, the state’s tendencies, and other positions of social forces. Moreover, gender policy has emerged under three distinct paradigms. First, the conservative paradigm, which stemmed from the weakness of the women’s movement concomitant with the traditionalist state as well as the resistance of conservative forces, has not succeeded to make considerable changes to the status of women. This paradigm can be seen in the years preceding the constitutional movement (1891–1905), during 1941–1951 (the 1320s Solar Hijri), and in some periods following the Islamic Revolution (1981–1988). The second paradigm, called authoritarian reform, resulted from the weakness of the women’s movement concomitant with the authoritarian state as well as the diminished resistance of conservative forces. This paradigm, seen in the years 1921–1941 and 1963–1978, caused significant changes in the legal status of women. Not accompanied by the participation of women, these changes could not firmly entrench themselves and at times relapsed into the previous stage. Third, the paradigm of democratic reform resulted from the women’s movement concomitant with the reformist state as well as the balance between modern and traditional social forces. This paradigm emerged in the early years following the constitutional movement and in the two post-Revolutionary periods known as construction and reformist, introducing relatively profound and lasting changes to the status of women.
Alireza Samiee Esfahani
Abstract
The main goal of the upcoming research is to analyze and read a piece of the history of "dominance and change" in Iran in the two decades of 1340 and 1350 AD, which in practice can be said to be a representation or a comprehensive mirror of the totality of state-society relations in the history of Iran. ...
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The main goal of the upcoming research is to analyze and read a piece of the history of "dominance and change" in Iran in the two decades of 1340 and 1350 AD, which in practice can be said to be a representation or a comprehensive mirror of the totality of state-society relations in the history of Iran. It is contemporary. Investigating the capacity of enforcing “Social control” and finally the ability and will of "social transformation" and the obstacles facing it, based on the theory of “limited State” or government within society" Jul. S. Migdal, is at the center of the discussion of this article. According to Migdal, in order to have a correct and accurate understanding of the government in the third world, one must avoid the transcendental approach and the myth of the "perfect" government desired by the statists, which puts the government in front of the society and is based on the algebraic zero-sum game between the government and society is, he avoided and paid attention to the approach of the government is a part or a piece of society. In clearer words, this view requires changing the focus of analysis from the government as an independent bureaucratic organization (structural view) to a "process oriented" view of the government in society. With this description, the main question of the research is why the politics of Mohammadreza Shah Pahlavi's social transformation in the form of the White Revolution (in the 40's and 50's) did not reach the desired result and finally the second Pahlavi faced a crisis of dominance? The findings of the research show that despite having a relatively high level of social control, the second Pahlavi government could not provide a more attractive and efficient survival strategy for the social forces and the necessary resources to support to mobilize the desired social transformation policy, therefore, it inevitably turned to the survival policy.
The State
Majid Ostovar
Abstract
Although Iran's contact with developments in the Western world can be found in the European travelogues of Iranians during the “Safavid” and “Qajar” periods, But Iranians' dealings with the West go back to the Iran-Russia War.When Iran's military forces were defeated by Russia, ...
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Although Iran's contact with developments in the Western world can be found in the European travelogues of Iranians during the “Safavid” and “Qajar” periods, But Iranians' dealings with the West go back to the Iran-Russia War.When Iran's military forces were defeated by Russia, “Abbas Mirza”, the war commander and Qajar crown prince, decided to increase Iran's military power by hiring military, medical and technical experts from Europe and sending a number of Iranian students to the West. As a result, from the beginning of the 19th century, reforming the educational system and importing technology and hiring military experts from Europe were the first actions of the crown prince to modernize Iran. So, from the beginning of the 19th century, reforming the educational system and importing technology and hiring military experts were among the first actions of the Crown Prince for modernization in Iran. The link between Iran's modernization and westernization created consequences and opposition in the country, and the traditional and religious system of education in Iran did not reflect it, and Iran's modernization faced complex obstacles. After “Abbas Mirza”, the other efforts of Iranian reformers in modernizing and reforming education in Iran continued with the establishment of “Daral-Funu”, School of Political Sciences, Missionary and “Rushdieh” schools until the formation of the constitution in 1906. But Iran could not benefit from a modern government and a coherent education system. This goal was postponed until the establishment of an absolute government during Reza Shah's period, and it was with the emergence of his government that the modernization of Iran in various dimensions with a focus on modern education became the fundamental goal of the new government.So far, many Researches have examined the performance of the first Pahlavi government and his modernization policies in Iran, but the studies have mainly focused on the government's identity building policy and less attention has been paid to the mutual effects of modernization and modern education in Iranian society. By examining the studies, the distinction and innovation of the current research is the explanation of modernization and education in the first Pahlavi government by relying on the theory of elitism. Based on this, the current research has tried to discuss and investigate the educational policies and measures of the first Pahlavi government, considering the cultural trends of modernization, such as the expansion of educational institutions and bureaucracy, nationalism and secularism. Therefore, the aim of the current research is to analyze the modernization and education in the first Pahlavi period and the fundamental change of Iranian society. The main question of the current research is; what changes did the performance of Reza Shah's government in the field of modernizing the educational system bring about in Iran? In order to investigate this issue, the current research has been investigated through descriptive and historical analysis. Historical analysis is a method that examines past records and documents to understand the past. In this research, by examining the actions and historical documents of the first Pahlavi government, an attempt has been made to analyze the modernization and educational policies of this period.As the findings of the research show, the constitutional failure in the formation of the centralized government of Iran was the basis for the emergence of the Pahlavi I absolute government and Reza Shah's authoritarian modernization in the country. Focusing on the political and military forces and the structure of the army, court and bureaucracy under modernization from above, his government started measures to transition Iran from traditional to capitalist and modern. One of the most important actions of this authoritarian modernization was the expansion of education in Iran. Accordingly, education in Iran during the first Pahlavi period was not only based on learning science, but had a dual function. On the one hand, the formation of citizens interested in the land of Iran in the direction of serving the country and loyalty to the king and the political system was considered, and on the other hand, the educational structure of the country in the service of modernizing the administrative apparatus in order to supply the strength of the newly established bureaucracy, nationalism, secularism and Westernization was placed. Although this view strengthened the central and inclusive government in Iran, the country's education system faced many challenges that continued for decades. The modern educational system, like the traditional educational system, relied on maintaining a large amount of information and strengthening memory and theoretical sciences that prepared citizens for administrative and managerial positions. As a result, since the beginning of the establishment of this educational system, we have witnessed quantity instead of quality and the efforts of graduates to gain status and prestige in the government and society.In such an arrangement, the cultivation of people with critical rationality and demanding citizenship is not considered, and the school, as a man-making factory, finds the task of making people in line with the ideological beliefs of the ruling regime. Emphasizing this demand, Reza Shah asked students and graduates to be obedient and patriotic people who serve the ideals of the political system. Because the first Pahlavi modernization lacked flexibility and acceptance of reforms from below, and with modernization from above, he followed educational policies in Iran and spread Pahlavi ideology in the society in this way. This ideological construction was indifferent to religious and local traditions and focused on the combination of Iranism and secularism in order to build a new Iran. On this basis, the new educational system was also used to build the ideology of modernization from above and did not pay attention to the educational functions and its compatibility with the local conditions of the Iranian society.
Mojtaba Maghsoudi
Abstract
War and peace are the reality of all ages of human societies, including multicultural societies centered on the institution of state. Whether peace is the product of state action or whether peace is a political reality and something that can be made or something that is unconscious and assumed, all these ...
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War and peace are the reality of all ages of human societies, including multicultural societies centered on the institution of state. Whether peace is the product of state action or whether peace is a political reality and something that can be made or something that is unconscious and assumed, all these questions try to examine the role of states in this context as the largest official political institution in peace. On each side of these questions, theorists and experts have been placed and have used various data and documents to base their assumptions. Some, perceiving peace as the absence of war, have considered states as the main agents of peace building in any society, and others have reduced the role of states in this regard by basing peace on the subconscious expansion of a particular culture. The role and responsibility of social forces, civic institutions and elites are emphasized.This article seeks to answer the question of what is the role of states in peacebuilding and reconciliation, especially in societies with cultural diversity? And what are the characteristics of these states? The article, in terms of nature and method, is descriptive-analytical research and the data collection tool is using the library method and the analysis of the findings in the framework of the qualitative analysis method is on the agenda. It emphasizes that addressing the issue of peace is not separate from addressing social-institutional responsibility and the continuation of the political fabric of states, and that despite the unique nature of any conflict, conciliatory states have a number of characteristics. Common such as; They have appropriate institutional capacities, inclusiveness, democracy and media, party and identity diversity, and a balanced economy.
Enayatollah Yazdani; Mostafa Qasemi
Abstract
Purpose: The aim of the present paper is to examin the features and characteristics of a failed state with emphasis on the failed state in Libya. The paper seeks to answer the following questions: "Under what conditions does a state end in failure? And what are the criteria of a failed state?" With regard ...
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Purpose: The aim of the present paper is to examin the features and characteristics of a failed state with emphasis on the failed state in Libya. The paper seeks to answer the following questions: "Under what conditions does a state end in failure? And what are the criteria of a failed state?" With regard to the situation in Libya after Gaddafi and the Libyan scene involved in multiple matters, the country can be regarded as a failed state. With the beginning of the Islamic awakening in Tunisia, crisis-prone countries such as Libya faced the awakening of the Muslims. In Libya, after 9 months of conflict between Gaddafi forces and the revolutionaries, the anti-government forces finally gained victory in August of 2011. Following the victory of the Libyan revolutionaries, a new stage began in the socio-political life of the country. At first, it seemed that the process of nation-state building in the country would be taken slowly and with slight ups and downs. However, despite such hope and earlier efforts, after the collapse of the Gaddafi government, not only a powerful state did not take the stage in Libya, two governments, two parliaments, two prime ministers and two ministers entered the scence. During these years, Libya has been torn in fighting between two groups, one of which claimed that they are the genuine revolutionary forces and the other claimed that they have been trying to restore the country to the path of revolution. In the true sense of the word, there is still no government in Libya, and the governments established after the revolution in this country have inherited the inefficiency of Gaddafi's failed state, and are now proceeding along the path of state failure. Considering the situation in post-Gaddafi Libya and many other factors, this country could be regarded as a failed state. Libya is now a country with a government so weak that is unable to provide even its own security. Design/Methodology/Approach: This paper is formed and based on the failed states theory, using the destructive method for exploring failed state indexes in order to examine the failed state in Libya in the post-Gaddafi era. Findings: The new achievement of this paper lies within the situation that when there is no ability to perform functions such as security, welfare, civil society, democracy and legitimacy, the government is in a state of bankruptcy and one is faced with a phenomenon known as a failed state. The situation in Libya is an example of such a state. Tribal tendencies, regionalism, weakness of state institutions, and insufficiencies in various areas such as proper military structure, consensus among the elites and the state, democratic culture and civil society, elites, religious scholars and leaders, control over lands, infrastructure for economic, and foreign intervention are all signs of a failed state in the country. Originality/Value: The failed state is a political body that has disintegrated to a point where basic conditions and responsibilities of a sovereign government no longer function properly. Loss of control, instability, inability to provide public services and interact with other states are the main characteristics of a failed state which is the case of Libya.
History
Alireza Ashtari Tafreshi
Abstract
Qawanin al-Wizarah is one of the most significant works of Abul Hasan al-Mawirdi, a policy theoretical scholar of the 5th century AH, in which he presented a constructed image of the government; however, this image is not purely theoretical, but also that is to a great amount image of government with ...
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Qawanin al-Wizarah is one of the most significant works of Abul Hasan al-Mawirdi, a policy theoretical scholar of the 5th century AH, in which he presented a constructed image of the government; however, this image is not purely theoretical, but also that is to a great amount image of government with its essential working parts and process. Understanding the relationship between the variables active in the writer's thoughts and society with the content of this work is the main problematic issue of the current research. Despite the importance of Qawanin al-Wizara in the heritage of Islamic political thought and Islamic statesmanship, this work has been less studied by contemporary researchers when it has been more in the shadow of al-Mawirdi's more well-known other work, Ahkam al-Sultaniyyah, so usually scholars have not paid enough attention to Qawanin al-Wizarah`s significance. For this reason, the current research aims to identify the main characteristics of an efficient government in this important work of statesmanship. This research by applying the thematic analysis method has tried to explain the main factors of an efficient government in Qawanin al-Wizarah. This study has been done through a library method when its main concentration has been on the Arabic text of Qawanin al-Wizarah. A Part of the achievement of this research is the understanding of more than 300 themes of Qawanin al-Wizarah the work has been mainly constructed; The result of their analysis shows the division of themes into the categories of crisis themes, crisis causes, crisis solutions, and efficient government or crisis-free (ideal) government by them the work has been presented.Our final step is the attempt to understand the achievement of thematic analysis of the text through the conceptual approach of Thomas Spragens in his book Understanding Political Theory (New York, 1976). By this last step, it becomes clear that al-Mawirdi considered the political crisis of the 5th century AH as the lack of structural, behavioral, and program procedures for government administration, as the main issue of Spragens is finding political-social crisis behind motivations of writing every original book in political theory.In this step, it became clear that al-Mawirdi employed all his themes in his book to solve the crisis, when he carefully drew dozens of structural models, organizational behavior, and government programs for the ruler, Wazir, and some other main figures of government to use them to be well guided throughout the way of governing. Spragens believes that the model of "disorganization - trying to return to order" causes the emergence of political thought in the mind of political thinkers to transition from crisis to ideal.It seems that al-Mawirdi considered disorder to be the cause of the inefficiency of the government, and he made it possible to achieve an efficient government through a theoretical production of organizational order. From the early Islamic period, the experience of the government system in Sassanid Iran was transferred to the Islamic Caliphate and caused its prosperity. But during al-Mawardi`s lifetime, the government system had suffered from internal problems and degeneration;The historical books of this period are full of all kinds of narrations about very ridiculous conflicts between government officials, such that due to a little annoyance and greed, the leaders of the government used to draw swords at each other, and the government treasures were easily looted. The Turkish generals, who were considered the special and main troops of the caliph, were also the main threat against the government structure.In this period, the dominance of the Turkish generals over the usual routines of the Abbasid caliphate, which was previously based on the regulations of Iranian Sassanid manner, had caused the deterioration of the government's performance. Thus, the hierarchy and structure, professional ethics, and organizational behavior were also destroyed in court. In such circumstances, the Qawanin al-Wizarah, focusing on the themes of regulations, had been a theoretical support to overcome this internal degeneration of the government and a response to the needs of the author`s era. The final result of this research has analyzed the relationship between the era and the text which was the solution to the crisis that had been the reproduction of the concept of efficient government.
Ebrahim Eltejaei
Abstract
Purpose: Among the widespread views on the role of government in economy, an intermediate view introduces the most important priority for government as creation of institutional infrastructures. According to this view, the government has to create necessary institutional framework to facilitate markets ...
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Purpose: Among the widespread views on the role of government in economy, an intermediate view introduces the most important priority for government as creation of institutional infrastructures. According to this view, the government has to create necessary institutional framework to facilitate markets and private sectors’ operations. This important role is more vital for developing countries especially oil-dependent ones. A century ago, many obstacles against growth were visible in Iran. Among them, the most important ones were the lack of suitable institutional frameworks for market economy to operate efficiently. This paper is to investigate proceedings of Iranian government to establish institutional infrastructures during four decades since 1940. Methodology: This paper has a combined approach of historical and empirical analysis to identify the main proceedings of Iranian government to set up Economic Institutions during near four decades between 1940 and 1978.These years were concurrent to the beginning of economic development process at national levels. Findings: Investigations show that after unsuccessful, interrupted and sporadic efforts of statesmen during the 19th century and first quarter of 20th century, during the second quarter of 20th century, government volition formed to reconstruct and establish modern institutions and to spread them into national sphere. During the next three decades, the government focused on establishing new economic institutions. Among them, six proceedings are the most important: (i), Establishment of Plan Organization, (ii), Nationalization of oil industry, (iii), Land Reform, (iv), Establishment of Revaluation Loan Fund and Specialized Banks, (v), Establishment of the Tehran Stock Exchange and the Central Bank of Iran and finally, (vi), Implementing five long-run development and economic construction plans (including two 7 year plans and three 5 year plans). Value: This paper is to show the most important economic institutions established by the Iranian government at the mentioned period. This article showed that the government of Iran at the mentioned period proceeded to the establishment of important economic institutions each of which had their own sizable impact on Iran's economy. The main feature of these institutions is that, there were many arguments for and against them. It seems that among these institutions, land reform, nationalization of oil industry, establishment of Plan Organization and five long-run development and economic construction plans have got the most arguments for and against, respectively. Even today, many years after the birth of these institutions (although some of them have been transmuted), those arguments are continued. This paper's originality is to show the most important economic institutions established by the Iranian government at the mentioned period.
Roz Fazli; Mohsen Aliheidary
Abstract
After coronavirus pandemic in the early months of 2020 in the world, Alain Badiou, French Marxist philosopher, tried to analyze the issue on behalf of the government in an article. He declared that the bourgeoisie state must pay attention to more general interests at the same time it takes care of the ...
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After coronavirus pandemic in the early months of 2020 in the world, Alain Badiou, French Marxist philosopher, tried to analyze the issue on behalf of the government in an article. He declared that the bourgeoisie state must pay attention to more general interests at the same time it takes care of the interests belonging to its class. He defined the situation as a confrontation with a public enemy. The realistic efforts of Alain Badiou as an idealistic philosopher in understanding the French state was unexpected for all his colleagues and critics. This article tries to explain how the coronavirus pandemic is neither a philosophical nor a metaphysical situation through the criticisms of Alain Badiou's recent stance in the epidemic situation, and why Badiou's recommendations to Emmanuel Macron administration do not meant to justify ineffectiveness of Neoliberal policies confronting with the coronavirus pandemic. In order to find the answer, we try to define Badiou's philosophical approach and understand its relation to the concept of "event" as the central concept in his philosophical discourse and it goes on to examine how the Corona pandemic situation is not a philosophical event or situation, and that Allen Badiou's political stance against Macron's government in the current context, despite his conservative form, is further understood in his radical philosophy. Finally, the proposal of this political philosopher - moving towards a model similar to the welfare state - with the economic foundation and political model of the current hegemony in the capitalist world, is considered as a possible solution in the face of the corona situation.
Behrooz Sedghi shamir
Abstract
Khawaja Nasir and his contemporary, Thomas Aquinas, are two prominent philosophers and theologians belonging to Abrahamic religions (Islam and Christianity). Considered as rationalistic and proactive, both scholars discussed religion and state in their works. The question arises as to whether they view ...
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Khawaja Nasir and his contemporary, Thomas Aquinas, are two prominent philosophers and theologians belonging to Abrahamic religions (Islam and Christianity). Considered as rationalistic and proactive, both scholars discussed religion and state in their works. The question arises as to whether they view the formation and administration of state as an exclusively religious–divine issue or a natural one related to the civil nature of mankind. Using a descriptive–analytical method, this paper tries to analyze Khawaja Nasir’s and Aquinas’ viewpoints in order to answer the above question. The data shows that both Aquinas and Khawaja Nasir consider the legitimacy of state as a matter of nature conditional on justice and wisdom regardless of whether state is divine or conventional. For Khawaja Nasir, the administration of Utopia is not limited to the prophets and imams—who are distinguished by divine inspiration—but the scholars who are distinguished by the power of reason are also entitled to the administration of Utopia. According to Thomas Aquinas, any government that acts justly and rationally is in the public interest and in line with human nature, so it must be obeyed.
Seyed Jalalaldin Faraji
Abstract
Today, the rapid growth of cities and massive migrations towards them has resulted in wide cultural diversity in urban environments, and this issue has made the local governments who are responsible for the management of cities face a serious problem, that is why the management a city in big cities will ...
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Today, the rapid growth of cities and massive migrations towards them has resulted in wide cultural diversity in urban environments, and this issue has made the local governments who are responsible for the management of cities face a serious problem, that is why the management a city in big cities will no longer be able to achieve success with the traditional and usual methods of the past in providing one-way services. For this reason, management science theorists believe that management theories and paradigms should be used to manage cities as best as possible, one of which is quantum management.The general purpose of the current research is to investigate the causal relationships between the variables of quantum management and the components of smart governance of urban culture, so the research is applied in terms of its purpose and descriptive in terms of the method of data collection. To achieve this goal, two methods of thematic analysis and fuzzy Delphi have been used. The practical tool for data collection was a structured and semi-structured questionnaire, and data analysis using the fuzzy Delphi method showed that among the seven skills of quantum management, quantum feeling has the least effect, while quantum existence and quantum action have the highest effect. It has an impact on the smart governance of urban culture in the management of local governments.Research MethodologySince the purpose of the research is to investigate the role of quantum management in moving towards the smart governance of urban culture; therefore, the research is applied in terms of purpose and descriptive in terms of gathering information of the survey type. In the meantime, library and field methods have been used together to collect data. It is based on the field method of structured interviews and the selection of scientific and executive experts has been done using the snowball method. This method is especially used when it is difficult for the researcher to know the right people (Benis, 2004). Based on this, 16 experts were selected for interview. In this way, 9 university professors and 7 executive experts active in the field of culture and urban management were interviewed. The interviews continued until theoretical saturation was reached. In fact, no new material was recorded from the 13th interview onwards, but for more certainty, three more interviews were conducted to saturate the theory. From the point of view of data analysis, thematic analysis and fuzzy Delphi method have been used. In this way, the primary data was collected and organized using thematic analysis method, and in the next step, the data was evaluated using the fuzzy Delphi method. The fuzzy Delphi method was invented by Kaufman and Gupta in the 1980s (Cheng and Lin quoted by Jafari and Montazer, 2016). The application of this method in order to make decisions and reach consensus on issues where the goals and parameters are not clearly defined, leads to very valuable results. One of the biggest advantages of the fuzzy Delphi technique compared to the traditional Delphi technique for screening indicators is that one step can be used to summarize and screen the variables (Habibi et al., quoted by Rahdari and Nasr, 2016).ConclusionIn general, in this article, using thematic analysis and fuzzy Delphi method, and using the views of selected experts, the influence of quantum management indicators on the components of smart governance of urban culture was discussed, and finally, according to the results obtained from Among the 28 proposed indicators, 15 have had a great impact on the smart governance components of urban culture, which have received a de-fuzzified average tolerance threshold higher than 0.7, and they are:The effect of quantum operation on electronic democracyThe impact of quantum action on CI strategyThe effect of quantum presence on behavioral skillsThe effect of quantum presence on CI consciousnessThe effect of quantum existence on electronic democracyThe impact of quantum thinking on CI strategyThe effect of quantum view on the knowledge of cultural intelligenceEffect of quantum gaze on CI behavioral skillsThe effect of quantum trust on the knowledge of cultural intelligenceImpact of quantum trust on CI strategyImpact of quantum trust on public expenditure on ICT premisesand expansion of ICT and online public services and website accessThe effect of quantum thinking on the development of ICTThe effect of quantum cognition on CI consciousnessThe effect of quantum cognition on CI strategyThe effect of quantum cognition on the knowledge of cultural intelligence According to the findings, it has been concluded that among the seven quantum management skills of managers, the quantum feeling skill has less impact on the intelligent governance of urban culture in multicultural cities than the other 6 skills. This is despite the fact that quantum existence and quantum action had the highest impact on the intelligent governance of urban culture. Therefore, the growth and development of any city affected by the view of city managers with a quantum approach can lead to many developments in the field of smartening cities and moving towards smart governance of urban culture in local governments.
Hamid Sajadi
Abstract
A great volume of studies and researches are conducted for evaluating Iran's five-year development plans, with the main purpose of overcoming obstacles and realizing the goals of national strategic plans. Considering the large volume of studies on evaluation of development plans, on the one hand, and ...
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A great volume of studies and researches are conducted for evaluating Iran's five-year development plans, with the main purpose of overcoming obstacles and realizing the goals of national strategic plans. Considering the large volume of studies on evaluation of development plans, on the one hand, and the inconsistencies and contradictions of the findings on the other hand, the method of meta-synthesis is adopted by the researcher as an efficient method for systematically summarizing and analyzing the wide range of results. For this purpose, published and unpublished qualitative literature in the context of development programs, dated between 1992 and 2015, were selected. Having reviewed the full-text of these articles, reports and texts, the ones which accurately examined the weaknesses as well as the facilitators of national development programs were chosen and compared with each other. The data were first analyzed via adopting thematic analysis approach and then were reanalyzed through encoding method. The results of the analysis of obstacles against development programs were extracted and interpreted within thirteen themes and five codes of facilitators, namely, convergence and integration of higher education with social system while linking knowledge and industry, promoting balanced development, limiting government in the development process, strengthening social system as the context of development and expansion of international interactions. The findings ultimately suggest the necessity of promoting development through a dynamic systemic approach.
reza soleimani
Abstract
The political analysis of contemporary Iran indicates that cognition of history of Governmentality transition (rational mentality of the State), has serious impact on mentality of social forces towards government. Iranian constitutional revolution had created first doubts about monarchical state and ...
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The political analysis of contemporary Iran indicates that cognition of history of Governmentality transition (rational mentality of the State), has serious impact on mentality of social forces towards government. Iranian constitutional revolution had created first doubts about monarchical state and took traditional images about it under question. However, social and political disorders and anarchies at the period of post-constitutional revolution, reformed “governance crisis”, bounded will of transition in governmental rationality and moving to new governmental rationality. This new governmental rationality, reinforced situation for reappearance of totalitarian structure in Reza Shah discipline. Consequently, a new mentalities of monarchy had been affected clergy image and convinced them to adhere sympathetically for revival of absolute government as well as their sympathy for liberty and law in the years of constitutional revolution. Therefore, Iran social and political changes could be modeled in Graph of Sine which is full of willingness to change or acceptance of the authoritarian state. Main question of the article is that: what evolutions clergy mentality has experienced toward Monarchy, as the legitimate state, at the period of post-constitutional revolution? The main hypothesis, in the framework of Foucault concept of “Govern mentality”, is that clergy mentality of Monarchy legitimacy has been experienced three phases: adherence, criticism, and finally opposition. Accordingly, main goal of the article is to discover transition of clergy mentality of Monarchy, from post-constitutional revolution to Islamic Revolution.
Mehdi Nasr
Abstract
Nowadays, 'justice' has almost become a forgotten concept. Global inequalities as a received contemporary neoliberal order is taken for granted. As a political concept, 'State', however, has a better situation. Using genealogy as a method, this article tries to show the concomitance of these two concepts ...
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Nowadays, 'justice' has almost become a forgotten concept. Global inequalities as a received contemporary neoliberal order is taken for granted. As a political concept, 'State', however, has a better situation. Using genealogy as a method, this article tries to show the concomitance of these two concepts in their origin. The classical principles of justice, namely political freedom and the principles of distributive justice as well as respect for equality of the nature are the existing principles in thinking of state, both the ancient and the modern ones. In its origin, state presupposes the principles of justice to engender political identity of human being. This is beyond a moral preaching. Relativism, however, is going to be criticized. Instead, it emphasizes on the common origin and source of these two political concepts. Of course our narration of political situations is different from the modern subjectivist ones. So we try to separate and distinguish justice and state from subjectivist concepts, the very concepts which have been criticized very much. Instead, we try to prove that even with the presuppositions of those philosophies critical of modernity also the principles of justice and state remain in their place and we should vindicate them in the contemporary political spheres.
Majid Rouhi Dehboneh
Abstract
Middle East, especially the Arab world since 2011 has been a great deal of transformation. The changes that the "Arab Spring" or "Islamic Awakening" is mentioned rather than to build new state to build the foundations of a regional order, lead by the arrival of variables and factors such as entry Takfiri- ...
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Middle East, especially the Arab world since 2011 has been a great deal of transformation. The changes that the "Arab Spring" or "Islamic Awakening" is mentioned rather than to build new state to build the foundations of a regional order, lead by the arrival of variables and factors such as entry Takfiri- Terrorist groups, dynamics ethnic Kurds, Turkey's quest game in the Middle East, Saudi efforts to change the balance of power, the Obama doctrine and global and regional challenges faced by the recent wave of crisis and instability that is unprecedented in its kind Course of events shows that the Middle East after the Islamic Awakening of the confusion among the various levels (local, regional and international) suffers. That much of this confusion is the question of the state and national state crisis. Accordingly, this article seeks to theoretical explanation of why this confusion and instability in the Middle East after the changes in 2011. In this context using the approach of "regional security complex" and application analysis levels (local, regional and international) attention has systematically tried this approach turmoil, governments, regional dynamics, patterns of friendship and enmity, conflicts and power structure in the region explain and analyze
Parvaneh Salatin
Abstract
In recent decades, studies of the role of government in economy have had a shift from the concentration on the size of government and its tasks to the quality of government intervention. This change of attitude to state in economy has given rise to a new vision of good governance. Good governance requires ...
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In recent decades, studies of the role of government in economy have had a shift from the concentration on the size of government and its tasks to the quality of government intervention. This change of attitude to state in economy has given rise to a new vision of good governance. Good governance requires a broad approach to the transparent involvement of a wide range of groups including the government, civil society and private sector. In this respect, the quality of governance reflects the ability of governments to formulate and implement effective policies to improve business environment, economic development, and entrepreneurship expansion; therefore, the main purpose of this article is to find the answer to this important question: What is the impact of the quality of governance on entrepreneurship in selected countries? The present study is an applied research in terms of purpose and referential, in terms of research method, nature and the method of dealing with the problem. In this study, reference is made to the statistical data of the World Bank and the World Entrepreneurship Observer. Multivariate regression and panel data and Excel and Eviews soft wares have been used to model the factors affecting entrepreneurship. The results of fixed effects model estimation over the period 2000-2016 showed that governance quality has a positive and significant effect on entrepreneurship in the selected countries. The effect of governance quality on entrepreneurship in the group of innovation-based selected countries with high income is higher than the group of efficiency-based ones with medium income. Creating effective institutions, governments can provide an environment suitable for regulating the economic relations of individuals in a low-cost manner. In this way, entrepreneurship can be reinforced and developed.
Ali Abbasi Shavazi
Abstract
It’s been almost 14 years from the time when Iran’s nuclear program was set forth in the international organs including IAEA and the United Nations Security Council and it is one of the most important internal problems for Iran and international environment. The main question of this essay ...
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It’s been almost 14 years from the time when Iran’s nuclear program was set forth in the international organs including IAEA and the United Nations Security Council and it is one of the most important internal problems for Iran and international environment. The main question of this essay is the impact of the nuclear developments on the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. To answer this question from the theoretical viewpoint the realist approach to security was used in order to find the parameters of security and to provide the parameters of national security as well. Besides the SWOT method was used to analyze the data and the TOPSIS method was used too. On the basis of the SWOT method we studied the impact of the nuclear developments on the security by surveying four tests of internal points of strength and weakness and international opportunities and threats. Therefore the hypothesis of the present research is that there is a significant relationship between the points of weaknesses and the threats of Iran’s nuclear developments and the decrease of the level of national security. In the end on the basis of the hypothesis of the present research if the Islamic Republic of Iran reduces the internal points of weaknesses and encounters the international threats in the nuclear case in a correct and reasonable way it will be able to improve its security or on the contrary through lack of efficiency in these areas the country’s security would be endangered. The present research is done by using Delphi technique on the basis of completing a questionnaire by 36 persons of experts and elites of International Relations and nuclear negotiations.
Shayan Karami
Abstract
This paper intends to analyze the consequences of the distribution of natural resources (land and water) in the political and social structure, to present rent management theory as an alternative approach to explaining some of the historical events and the political and social issues of Iran. The main ...
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This paper intends to analyze the consequences of the distribution of natural resources (land and water) in the political and social structure, to present rent management theory as an alternative approach to explaining some of the historical events and the political and social issues of Iran. The main issue of the paper is the explanation of the consequences of the distribution of the natural resources in Iran during the Qajar period. The data was collected from the National Documents Archives and other library resources, and by historical method, the rent analysis was analyzed. The findings show that, in Iran's economic history, the government is placed as the largest distributor of natural resources (land and water) on the supply side, and society (capital and labor) is placed as the largest consumer, on the demand side. The structure of political and social institutions, based on the model of the implementation of social justice, in the distribution of natural resources, monolithically consolidates. This pattern has been one of the main factors behind the creation of rents and the establishment of rents management institution in the government. During the Qajar period, Thiol, conversion, the difference in prices and the salaries and wages of the princes, have been the most important channels for the distribution of rents, split from the rent government agency. These canals were blocked after the Constitutional Revolution, with the decisive action of the first parliament. The state rent agency was one of the main factors in the ineffectiveness of the tax system, the continued decline in government revenue, and the prevalence of bribes and corruption. The ultimate goal of distributing rents has been the exemption from tax payments. Other important consequences of rents include the transfer of major economic privileges and the occurrence of a constitutional revolution.
Seyedeh Fahimeh Ebrahimi
Abstract
In Transoxiana political and social history in the Islamic period, there are moments of collision between the primitive and present biospheres, one of the most recent of which is the rise of the Uzbek nomadic rule and their extensive migration to the Iranian world and finally the formation of political ...
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In Transoxiana political and social history in the Islamic period, there are moments of collision between the primitive and present biospheres, one of the most recent of which is the rise of the Uzbek nomadic rule and their extensive migration to the Iranian world and finally the formation of political structure and dual office (tribal-urban). In the present paper, using Weber's sociological approach (traditional authority theory), which depicts the evolution of power and domination in traditional societies, we traced the periods of Uzbek political rule, up to the 13th / 19th century with the ambiguity of "What are the Uzbek nomads like?" "Have they experienced traditional authority and sovereignty in the evolution of their political life?" We claim that “the traditional Uzbek authority, due to the hybrid social system (urban and primitive) and the predominance of the tribal structure, is in constant challenge and tension between different species, simultaneously experiences a multi-layered structure (from gerontocratic, patriarchal and patrimonial authority), and finally, with the rise of the last dynasty of this race (Menghites), for some reason, its patrimonial layer is established." The result of the research completes the above claim in such a way that the extended patrimonial authority of Menghiti approaches sultanism (which is a kind of patrimonial domination) due to the dictatorship of the emirs of this dynasty in the process of establishing their political authority.
The State
Mazaher Ziaei
Abstract
Extended AbstractIntroductionInvestigating how the Safavid state emerged and flourished in today’s Iran territory is very useful for understanding Iran's history and current situation. Interpreting states' evolution over time requires a theory that considers the dynamics of the internal relations ...
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Extended AbstractIntroductionInvestigating how the Safavid state emerged and flourished in today’s Iran territory is very useful for understanding Iran's history and current situation. Interpreting states' evolution over time requires a theory that considers the dynamics of the internal relations of individuals in the government organization and the mutual effects the society in the economic, political, and social fields over time. A look at the mass of studies about the Safavids shows that despite the many efforts made, there are still many differences of opinion about the causes of the emergence, peak, and decline of the Safavid era. It is expected that the use of more comprehensive theories in interpreting state developments will contribute to the coherence of interpretations of common understanding in this field.Recently, three experts centered on Douglas North, the joint winner of the 1993 Nobel Prize in Economics, have presented a conceptual framework for development, which they claim can be used to interpret and analyze the written history of mankind and the relationship between historical developments and development.BackgroundThe North et al. conceptual framework attracted the attention of Iranian researchers and it has been used in the research (Ziaei, 1402) to interpret the developments of the Sasanian state from the beginning to its fall, and in (Qarakhani et al. 1400) for the Pahlavi state. One research, with the same theoretical framework was conducted by (Ostad and Heydari 1400) for the Safavids, although its title seems to include the entire Safavid period, its purpose is to investigate the causes of the downfall of the Safavids. Also, in the theoretical framework of North et al., the changes in the government are the changes in the coalition, which can be analyzed by the principle of double balance, as described in the theoretical part, but in this research, this capacity is neglected and in some cases, the concepts of other theoretical frameworks are used.GoalThe aim of this is to use the conceptual framework of the "natural state" to provide a new interpretation of the progress of Safavid dynasty from the beginning to the end of Shah Abbas I's reign, which is expected to be more comprehensive and coherent than the existing interpretations.MethodologyThe period from the Safavid sect era to Abbas I is divided into seven periods.From endowment management to country government (1300-1499)From the coalition of warriors to the government of an empire (1514-1499)The containment of Qazalbashan by the break down Ismail (1514-1524)War of the elders in the presence of the child king (1524-1533)Stable and durable coalition (1576-1533)Civil war and shaky alliances (1576-1589)The perfect coalition (1629-1589)For each period, at first, the related part of the theoretical framework is presented, then state evolution is interpreted according to the combination of the coalition’s members, their relative political power, and environmental conditions.FindingsThe results show that the initial coalition of the Safavid state, which was formed by the absolute dominance of the Shah and the strong role of the Qizelbashs and Sufis, with some ups and downs reached its peak during the period of Abbas I. This coalition includes the king, wardens, governors of kingdoms and Khalsa states, pastoral and professional soldiers, jurisconsult, bureaucrats, courtiers, and on its margins were merchants, architects, doctors, and some other elites. The geographical size of the Safavid state during the last conquests of Ismail I and the time of the death of Abbas I did not differ much, and except for around the beginning of the kingdom of Abbas I, it had little fluctuations during this period.The characteristics of the Safavid coalition are: 1) The axis of this coalition was a dynasty with a long history was urban, with a religious attraction among the society and especially acceptance among the military of the alliance. It had economic, political facilities and military command experience. This family was always above all, more or less the manifestation of the hopes of the members, the arbiter and the speaker of the conflicts and the controller of all the members of the coalition. In other words, the axis of the coalition was often "people of religion", "people of the sword", "people of the pen" and "people of economic accounting" at the same time.2) Although the military force always played an important role in the coalition, it was fragmented and as a result, one of them couldn't dominate the entire coalition. They were basically the defenders of the coalition and they competed to the extent that the coalition would not fall apart.3) The composition of the members, their role and power were such that it provided various military and economic rents to the coalition and to some extent provided the growth of some economic activities. The whole coalition and especially its axis, unlike most of the great Mongol and Turkish empires, was not alien to agriculture, urban life and trade, but promoted trade and urbanization.ConclusionAccording to the theory of "natural state" by North et al. the relation of the Safavid coalition to the development of Iran It can said:- The Safavid state was not an absolute European state or a national state, but the rule of a single government over the current territory of Iran for more than two hundred years accelerated and facilitated the achievement of a centralized state in the following years.- The role of religion in this coalition has been much more complicated than in Europe, and it seems that each of the different points of view in this field has only dealt with a part of these complexities.- From an organizational point of view, no organization was formed outside the state, but the juris consults had an organization parallel to the state to some extent- In terms of the government's support for organizations outside the government, it can be said that no organization of this kind was formed, but the scholars recently had an organization that was somewhat parallel to the government.- The dominance of the militaries, especially nomads, in the coalition and the consecration of officials and individuals caused the discussion on the powers of the coalition members, especially the restrictions on the king's powers, to not lead to official and written agreements like what happened in Europe.
Mohsen Dianat
Abstract
One of the most important issues in political sociology, Diaspora and its functions is to strengthen ethnic nationalism in plural societies.Kurdish uprising in Kurdish nationalism and identity conflict has mutual relation with Diaspora. Indeed, this paper examines and shows deep relationship between ...
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One of the most important issues in political sociology, Diaspora and its functions is to strengthen ethnic nationalism in plural societies.Kurdish uprising in Kurdish nationalism and identity conflict has mutual relation with Diaspora. Indeed, this paper examines and shows deep relationship between Diaspora, nationalism and conflict in Kurdish field by way of analytic method. Diaspora community as a strategic Agent is the harbinger of nationalist movement and the creator of the strategic status for creating national discourses. The opportunities structure and the emergence of kurd elites in the Diaspora as the main Agent for conflict and nationalism plays a key role in contemporary Middle East. The research method is analytic-descriptive, and data gathering procedure is based on library findings. The elite diaspora in western societies has an impact on conflicts and seeks to brand identity and nationalism and geopolitical identity of Kurdistan as a distinct geographical unit.
Political Thought
Reza Javid
Abstract
IntroductionThe Takyeh Dowlat, a significant architectural structure from the Naseri period, played a crucial role in the development of political theology during both the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah and the Constitutional Revolution in Iran. Allegorically, the building can be seen as representing the ...
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IntroductionThe Takyeh Dowlat, a significant architectural structure from the Naseri period, played a crucial role in the development of political theology during both the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah and the Constitutional Revolution in Iran. Allegorically, the building can be seen as representing the end of the Constitutional Revolution and the emergence of a new government. So far, most research on the Takyeh Dowlat has focused on descriptive accounts of its construction, emphasizing its spatial and architectural features, as well as its social and ritual functions. In an attempt to move beyond the mere architectural analysis and social descriptions, the present study aimed to apply Walter Benjamin’s historical theory and methodology to interpret the building as a historical allegory of political theology spanning the pre-Constitutional, Constitutional, and post-Constitutional periods. The study sought to examine the Takyeh Dowlat as an allegory for the rise and fall of political theology, analyzing the building’s allegorical dimension and contrasting it with its symbolic grandeur. The allegorical interpretation was discussed concerning the formation of the Constitutional Revolution in Iran. The results highlighted the tension between the allegorical and the symbolic, with the Takyeh Dowlat symbolizing the emergence of new conquerors while simultaneously serving as an allegory for destruction and decay. This allegorical reading of political theology is historically significant, not only during the Constitutional era but also in subsequent periods, as it continued to influence the history and politics of Iran.Materials and MethodsThis research adopted Walter Benjamin’s approach of allegorical reading of history. Benjamin contrasts the allegorical reading with the symbolic interpretation of history. Symbolic history centers on conquerors, imbuing them with glory, mystery, and a sense of transhistorical significance. In the symbolic view, history finds a linear and unifying process that connects histories of triumphs. In contrast, allegory engages with themes of destruction and decay, focusing on the neglected and thus aligning itself with the defeated. The allegorical reading views history through fragments, ruptures, and ruins, inevitably turning our attention to the defeated and the deprived. Concerning the present study, Naser al-Din Shah’s political will to build the Takyeh Dowlat and establish its associated ceremonies and rituals can be considered as a form of symbolizing theology for political exploitation. If so, in the later periods, the building would take on an allegorical dimension due to the potential possibility of liberation. For this purpose, Benjamin’s method proved useful by addressing both the possibility of salvation in theology and the destruction and decay of worldly happiness and salvation.Results and DiscussionNasir al-Din Shah developed an interest in theaters during his travels to Western countries. On returning to Iran, he sought to replicate them. Facing opposition from religious scholars, he decided to construct a building dedicated to religious performances. Through the rituals held in this space, he recognized the influence of theology on the masses. After Nasir al-Din Shah’s death, the building became a site for public protests during the Constitutional Revolution. Many mass protests mirrored the rituals previously held there, infusing the revolution with a theological color. In this way, the building played an important role in transforming religious rituals into a social movement. Following the victory of the Constitutional Revolution, however, the Takyeh Dowlat was largely forgotten. With the rise of Reza Khan, it regained attention. The Constituent Assembly convened there, and Reza Khan took his oath as king within its walls. Afterward, the Takyeh Dowlat, having sunk into obscurity once more, was destroyed during the Second Pahlavi.ConclusionThe Takyeh Dowlat can be viewed as an allegory of political theology. During the Naseri period, it was intended to symbolize the ruling religious policy, but during the Constitutional Revolution, it became an allegory of revolutionary liberation. In the post-constitutional era, the Takyeh Dowlat represented the decay and destruction of the ideals of the Constitutional Revolution, serving as the place where new rulers and conquerors established their dynasties.
Hamidreza Rahmanizadeh Dehkordi
Abstract
Purpose: The relationship between cyberspace and democracy has been one of the most controversial issues during the last two decades. The main question particularly lies in the fact whether cyberspace can restrict the authoritarian state. The study aims, in the first step, to examine the arguments for ...
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Purpose: The relationship between cyberspace and democracy has been one of the most controversial issues during the last two decades. The main question particularly lies in the fact whether cyberspace can restrict the authoritarian state. The study aims, in the first step, to examine the arguments for and against some basic concepts which are related to the question of the study and those debates including “virtual civil society”, “virtual public sphere”, “state accountability” and “creating some spaces for resistance”. Then, Non-Democratic Sides of Cyberspace were examined and it was revealed that they are not related to cyberspace per se. These features arise from political, social and economic structures; but cyberspace can represent them, at the best. In other words, internet should be looked at as a tool or a medium, not as a goal per se. Design/Methodology/Approach: In this article, the main arguments for and against the democratic sides of cyberspace were examined and some evidence was given for each. Then, it was indicated that all of them are a part of truth. To understand the concrete reality on cyberspace we should refer to context (social, economic structures) which is known as structural approach. Findings: Our thesis can be summed up by one typical statement: "structures and actions determine the political and social system and internet and cyberspace can only act as a catalyst". No evidence could be found to show us that activity in cyberspace can make a great change in political, social relations and structures, on the contrary, there is clear-cut evidence that the state and social, economic institutions, have used this tool in promoting and achieving their goals. Originality/Value: The two different approaches toward cyberspace and its impact on promoting democracy process are not new. Our contribution to this process, in the first step, is to categorize and analyze them based on their reasons and evidence and more importantly, to show that these two approaches are Two sides of the same coin. To understand the democracy process and nature of the state, we should refer to the concrete context including social and economic structures and not to virtual tools.
Mojtaba Yavar
Abstract
Abstract Purpose: The interpretation of the political sphere in Pahlavi’s age, based on the nostalgia paradigm, is the scope and purpose of this paper. Nostalgia, as the fundamental situation of human mental life, can affect the political area by its own ideas, concepts and operation. In this paper, ...
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Abstract Purpose: The interpretation of the political sphere in Pahlavi’s age, based on the nostalgia paradigm, is the scope and purpose of this paper. Nostalgia, as the fundamental situation of human mental life, can affect the political area by its own ideas, concepts and operation. In this paper, focusing on the period of Pahlavi, We intend to show that legitimacy, which is one of the basic concepts related to the politics, had taken the nostalgic nature. Nostalgia paradigm, consciously and unconsciously, had become one of the established and dominant discourses in Pahlavi’s age. Nostalgia was the point of connection of culture and politics. Nostalgia paradigm was so pervasive that even the formation of theoretical ideas and thoughts of competing sides could be achieved and fulfilled in the same paradigm. The generality of Nostalgia not only included the official, governmental and nationalist discourse, but also the rival Islamist discourses (And some other discourses). Nostalgia paradigm in politics gained credibility and legitimacy for one (government side) and worked in order to delegitimize the existing political system for other (competing discourses). Design/Methodology/Approach: Combining the historical data with the adopted explanatory approach (interpretative-phenomenological approach), this article provides an analysis of the contemporary history of Iran. This combination seeks the means of nostalgia paradigm and uses Jacques Lacan’s psychological theory of the triple order (imaginary, symbolic and real order). Also, it explains the phenomena such as meaning, legitimacy and anti-legitimacy, identity and identification, self and other, and finally, presence and absence. Findings: The problem of this paper is to analyze the relationship between nostalgia and political credibility (legitimation) and finding the answer to these questions: how nostalgia is political? Or, what the appearance of nostalgic acts at the political level and in the realm of politics means? There is a familiar and well-known response to these questions: legitimacy. But, the specific findings of this paper can be formulated as follows: Nostalgia is one of the most dominant paradigms of the intellectual, cultural, political and social life of Iranians in the 20th century; it can be claimed that the political realm became the playing field of various nostalgias. In short, nostalgia was the source of access to legitimacy and also delegitimizing. Originality/Value: (a) Using a theoretical and methodological approach to review politics and political culture in the Pahlavi period. (b) Exploring the nostalgia as the dominant paradigm in the cultural, social and political space. (c) Exploring the political dimension of nostalgia in that period. (d) Exploring the dual Operation of nostalgic paradigm in the course of Iranian history and politics in the 20th century (not only in the discourse of ancient-oriented nationalism, but also in Islamic nationalism).
