Abstract
In recent modernity era, especially between big war and the annihilation of communism, the most important political division in democratic countries has been the duality of Right/Left. Often the two biggest rival parties, apart from their different names, have been representing two tendencies, the social ...
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In recent modernity era, especially between big war and the annihilation of communism, the most important political division in democratic countries has been the duality of Right/Left. Often the two biggest rival parties, apart from their different names, have been representing two tendencies, the social democracy and the liberal democracy. The main difference between these two positions has been about functionality and ethicality of welfare state. Our question in this article is the following: From the point view of social and economic mechanism, the intersection of democratic countries is closer to system of preferences of social democracy or liberal democracy? It is to corroboration that, somewhat contrary to the twentieth century, a scientific-experimental and realistic approach to the social planning makes these two positions convergent in a pragmatist framework, and, despite of a propagandist atmosphere of challenge, their theoretical and ideological differences are leaving their seriousness and functionality. The conflict of Tax versus services is transferring from an ideological and ethical principle to a subject for a limited and temporary examination among a group of experts. The existence of welfare state is no more a problem, it is its ranges and limitations which is a subject of discussion and decision. Even the domain of disagreement here is to reduce.
Somaye Hamidi; Hashem Ghaderi
Abstract
Opinion on the concept of state has a deep root in the history of western political thought. Although there have been brief and marginal studies in this area in ancient Greece, we notice more attention to the concept of state and its coordinates since the Renaissance. Germany, during eighteenth century, ...
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Opinion on the concept of state has a deep root in the history of western political thought. Although there have been brief and marginal studies in this area in ancient Greece, we notice more attention to the concept of state and its coordinates since the Renaissance. Germany, during eighteenth century, is one of the most important arenas on this concept. As one of its thinkers and contemporary of Hegel, Schopenhauer has also paid attention to the issue of state during his discussions. The problem of the present study is the nature of state in Schopenhauer's political thought. The hypothesis of the present paper is that Schopenhauer's theory of state as opposed to Hegelian thought, rejects the totalitarian and the Hegelian ideal state on one hand, and, based on the rule of the concept of evil and how he views metaphysics in its philosophical apparatus on the other hand, takes on a minimalist and protective nature.
Political Science
Bahram Akhavan kazemi; Fatemeh Forootan
Abstract
The main issue of this article is about the relationship of work and Coronavirus and the changes and transformations that have been created in the field of work due to the occurrence of this global risk and, as a result, have transformed the role of the government; changes that, according to Ulrich beck's ...
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The main issue of this article is about the relationship of work and Coronavirus and the changes and transformations that have been created in the field of work due to the occurrence of this global risk and, as a result, have transformed the role of the government; changes that, according to Ulrich beck's interpretation, by removing the standards and certainties of work, such as working in a specific place as a factory or an office and during specific hours of the day, have caused the destandardization of work and turned the global society into a risk global society and caused citizens to rethink the internal and international role of governments. Indeed, Coronavirus By forcing governments to adopt policies such as quarantine, forced suspension of jobs, limiting social interactions and reducing relations with other countries not only led to the closure of many businesses and unemployment of many people, but also by creating the need for a decisive role of the government in order to support different classes of different societies around the world to deal with this pandemic, it widened the scope of government's influence and the field of its social interventions. So, according to the findings of the research, which are the result of documentary studies by using the historical-adaptive approach to compare two different types of government in China and the United States, it can be inferred that with the outbreak of Corona, the liberal model of government is being replaced by a stronger government that is not a type of Chinese authoritarianism, but is an embedded liberalism that combines economic freedom with domestic social support. Some Important works have been written about the political and social consequences of Corona, among which we can mention Francis Fukuyama's article (2020) entitled "Pandemic and Political Order". The author claims that this crisis, like other global crises such as: The Great Recession, World Wars, the 11th September attack, has special consequences which its political dimensions are even more important than its economic effects; Therefore, this pandemic can lead to the intensification of nationalism, isolationism and an attack to the liberal political order. Farhad zivyar and reza khodabandelou(2019) in an article entitled " corona and reproduction of authoritarianism in democratic states" claim that successful experience of authoritarian states such as china in dealing with coronavirus can turn the global desire in to the accumulation and concentration of power and therefore, the closure of democratic space. But what distinguishes this article from other works that have been written in this field is its focus on the work and risks that have occurred in this arena by the occurrence of Corona that has changed the citizen's attitude about the role of government and the philosophy of its existence. In addition, although these works give priority to authoritarian states in drawing the political order of the post-coronavirus world, in this article, authoritarianism has its own criticisms that reveal the necessity of moving towards a middle path in the frame of embedded liberalism. So, it can be concluded that although since four decades ago, the best government is the one that restricts its field of intervention in society and only provides military security in the country, but in the risk situation, not only governments have found an opportunity to expand their interventions in the society, but also citizens have come to the conclusion that their egalitarianism concerns and their comprehensive security may be more important than their liberal desires. So, they prefer governments that deal with this pandemic and its harmful effects in different aspects with a wider range of power. The weak performance and inefficiency of the United States of America as the leader of the neoliberal agenda of the role and duties of the government on the one hand and the success of Chinese authoritarianism in dealing with this pandemic, verifies the accuracy of this matter. Of course, it does not mean that the Chinese authoritarian system is uncritical and perfect and its acceptance by other countries in the post-corona world is inevitable; Because China, due to the special features of its political system, such as complete controlling the flow of information, may be condemned of intervening the private sphere and totalitarianism. Therefore, it seems that balance is a requirement of dynamism, and this dynamism can be seen in the performance of Denmark government, which seeks to create a balance between international economic freedom and domestic social protection. So it's possible that the political order in the post-Corona world should be based on an embedded liberalism that maintains its economic independence and stands on its own feet in the international arena despite being affected by the flow of global communications and exchanges.
Abolfazl Delavari
Abstract
Problem: The continuation and increasing intensification of the Contentious politics in contemporary Iran, which is an endless revolutions chain, coups, movements, uprisings, and political rebellions, have shown questions about the grounds and roots of this type of politics. In existing studies, the ...
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Problem: The continuation and increasing intensification of the Contentious politics in contemporary Iran, which is an endless revolutions chain, coups, movements, uprisings, and political rebellions, have shown questions about the grounds and roots of this type of politics. In existing studies, the roots of political conflicts in Iran have been attributed either to the state or social cleavages. As far as the role of the state is concerned, it is usually focused on its structural aspects. This article omits the discussion about the structure of the state and focuses only on the functioning of the stateQuestion: The question of the article is: What is the relationship between the continuation and intensification of Contentious politics in contemporary Iran with the practical priorities and orientations of the state in different periods of the contemporary Iranian history?Hypothesis: The hypothesis of the article is that the continuation and intensification of the Contentious politics has been caused by the imbalances and crises caused by the practical priorities and orientations of the state in different periods of contemporary Iranian history. Method: In this article, the method of secondary analysis of historical data is used. Based on the data available in the historical sources, first, the process of the state's performance and priorities in different periods of contemporary history have been identified. Second, the process of accumulation of conflicts and conflicts arising from these performance and priorities has been shown. Third, the relationship between the two mentioned trends is shown. Finally, by using the "ideal type" method, an attempt has been made to design and present a model of the state, which seems to be able to reverse the process of conflict politics in Iran and lead to reconciliation politics.Findings: The findings of the research indicate that over the last two centuries, five different models of state (in terms of orientation and performance) have been effective, which are: self-rebuilding state, nation-building state, developmental state, redistributor state and expansionist state. Of course, this does not mean that the ruling states have only one of these functions at any time; Rather, there has often been some kind of overlap in two or three functions, but at each point, one orientation and function has been the priority and focus of the state's attention. "Self-rebuilding state" appeared in a defective and discrete form during the Qajar era, but in a serious and effective way in the first decade of Reza shah’s rule (1921-40). The "nation-building state" also emerged weakly in the years after the constitutional movement, but seriously and effectively in the last decade of the Reza shah’s rule (1931-41). "Developmental state" emerged faintly in the second decade of Reza shah’s rule (1931-41), and seriously and effectively in the last fifteen years of Mohammad Reza shah’s rule (1962-78), and in the years after The Islamic revolution also took place in some periods such as the presidency of Rafsanjani (1989-96). The "redistributive state" appeared faintly in the last fifteen years of Mohammad Reza shah’s rule (1962-78) and more seriously and effectively in the first decade after the Islamic revolution (1979-88). Finally, the "expansionist state" appeared first in the last years of Mohammad Reza King’s rule (1973-78) and then more seriously and widely in the years after the revolution, especially in the last two decades (2001-2022).Analysis and Discussion: The analysis of the findings of the article showed that: in each of these five models of state, although they had some progress in realizing their main goals and priorities, but in addition to the historical delay in the desired orientation, there were failures in the same orientation. Selecting of the orientations have resulted of disproportionate strategies and policies by each of these states has also created new problems, conflicts and criticisms. In other words, the five patterns of the state have created a vicious cycle of crises, conflicts, instabilities and political violence and a chain of interruptions and breaks in the process of political, social and economic developments and It has resulted in the accumulation of crises in today’s Iran.Conclusion: The results of the article showed that the way out of the current state of Iran is the establishment of a state Patterns that can be called a "conciliatory state". Such a state must first of all emerge from within a comprehensive social contract. Then, based on democratic and efficient institutional arrangements and a coherent legal system, the main priority and goal should be to solve the conflicts affecting the country. This state should accept pluralism and competitive mechanisms in different political, economic, social and cultural fields. This state instead of authoritarian interventions in different fields, should be the guardian of territorial integrity and people's security, and only where the competitive mechanisms face problems with inadequacies and conflict of interest, it should intervene in the framework of democratic laws and mechanisms to compensate for, settle differences and conflicts Resolution, and establish and reproduce social balance and political stability.
Afshin Eshkevar Kiaei
Abstract
In this research, according to Michel Foucault's methodology to understand the nature and dimensions of the state, we analyze the Seljuk state. In this method, instead of starting with the theories of the state and also putting the state in the center, we have started our work by considering the state ...
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In this research, according to Michel Foucault's methodology to understand the nature and dimensions of the state, we analyze the Seljuk state. In this method, instead of starting with the theories of the state and also putting the state in the center, we have started our work by considering the state as the microphysics of power and then we have placed the state in a technology and field of power. This technology of power was formed from the strategies and tactics specific to its time (not from reductionist theories). The main question of the article is, based on Foucault's view of the state, what power relations and technology were actualized in the Seljuk state? According to the historical and concrete needs of this period, the Seljuk Sultan had to provide the conditions to maintain justice and peace in all Islamic lands and on the other hand, considering that the institution of religion was the link between the sultan, the caliph, the bureaucrats and the people, it should be preserved; Therefore, the Seljuk state became the arena for actualizing the power technology of "security, religion and caliphate". This technology consists of various elements and strategies, such as knowledge/power relations, religion/power relations, Sultan/Caliph relations, and bureaucratic institutions, which this article deals with in its various dimensions.
Afshin Karami
Abstract
Wall construction is a common phenomenon in human societies and cannot be considered unprecedented. When a wall is built, it contains a message at every scale and every level. The message of separating "us" from "them", "self" from "other", "desirable" from "undesirable", the message of creating boundaries ...
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Wall construction is a common phenomenon in human societies and cannot be considered unprecedented. When a wall is built, it contains a message at every scale and every level. The message of separating "us" from "them", "self" from "other", "desirable" from "undesirable", the message of creating boundaries and fencing of belongings and assets. The countries of the world are strengthening their international borders to an unprecedented extent. These walls are artifacts of the new age in international relations and a new concept of the idea of borders. This article considers the wall a global phenomenon; A phenomenon that is spreading and developing in the globalized world, mainly due to the feeling of insecurity of the State. Along with the walled discourse, new security requirements are emerging across States' geographical borders. These requirements can change States' relations with their neighbors and the way they treat immigrants and citizens of other countries. The question of the present study is whether the discourse of border walling and fencing can lead to increased security? And what challenges the discourse of fencing and Walling will pose to States, institutions, and immigrants. In this research, an attempt is made to deal with different dimensions of the discourse of walling and fencing and its political-geographical consequences are analyzed.
Hojjat Kazemi
Abstract
The main objective of this article is to describe and analyze the mechanism of establishment of the Iranian States between the Seljuks' formation and the Qajar dynasty's end. The article is based on a critique of the two theories of Oriental Despotism and Orthodox Marxism; It seeks to provide a different ...
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The main objective of this article is to describe and analyze the mechanism of establishment of the Iranian States between the Seljuks' formation and the Qajar dynasty's end. The article is based on a critique of the two theories of Oriental Despotism and Orthodox Marxism; It seeks to provide a different perspective to explain the process of establishing the state in Iran by using Ibn Khaldoun's discussions about the conflict between primitive and Civilized communities. Based on this, the article believes that the pattern of state establishment in traditional Iran will be understood when this process is placed in the context of the fundamental conflict of Iranian history between tribal groups and sedentary communities. With such a basis, the article's point of view is that the model of the establishment of the traditional state should be analyzed in terms of the centrality of tribes as state-building actors. The findings of the article show that among the multitude of tribes inside and outside the Iranian plateau, some tribes, due to the emergence of charismatic leaders among them, succeeded in overcoming the division inherent in tribal life and forming a coalition that was the product of a "great Asabiyyah". Conquering through force and compromising through the promise of sharing in the spoils were two central factors in the joining of the tribes to this coalition. Charismatic leaders took the great Asabiyyah in the tribal alliance beyond the limited attitude of scattered looting and turned it towards conquering different regions. This process established the initial and unstable form of the tribal state, one that becomes an imperial state in its next evolution.
Mohammad Salar Kasraie
Abstract
The purpose of this article is to review and criticize the theories of government in Iran (first Pahlavi period). There have been extensive researches about the government in the first Pahlavi period. In these researches, traits such as; Modern state, modern absolutist, pseudo-patrimonialism, autocracy, ...
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The purpose of this article is to review and criticize the theories of government in Iran (first Pahlavi period). There have been extensive researches about the government in the first Pahlavi period. In these researches, traits such as; Modern state, modern absolutist, pseudo-patrimonialism, autocracy, dictatorship, pseudo-modernism, oriental tyranny, Iranian tyranny, dependent, neo-authoritarian, etc. have been used. The multiplicity and diversity of these concepts indicate the multiplicity and significant conceptual differences, which are debatable. The main question is, how can these views be proposed and criticized, and what is the alternative for the title of government in this period? The purpose of this article is to present and criticize these conceptual differences and contradictions, as well as to review the presented views that can strengthen the theoretical and experimental literature of this historical period. In this article, I have used the meta-study method to achieve this goal. The obtained results show a diversity of views and based on the criteria used in this article, few of the reviewed writings have a clear understanding of the concept of the state, its functions and special tasks in the new era, and the authors in many cases Due to the confusion of concepts, there is little difference between the words; Government, governance, and regime are not considered to be three different but related institutions. Based on the theoretical foundations of the government as well as the historical documents of the examined period, the government in Reza Shah's period from different aspects; including: historical background; economic, social, cultural fields; And the special tasks and actions have a significant affinity with the absolute government.
Elaheh Sadeghi
Abstract
Gender policy in contemporary Iran has experienced many fluctuations, but it has generally brought about significant changes in the status of women. The question of this article is focused on political factors, especially the role of state, in these changes. Using a historical–comparative method, ...
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Gender policy in contemporary Iran has experienced many fluctuations, but it has generally brought about significant changes in the status of women. The question of this article is focused on political factors, especially the role of state, in these changes. Using a historical–comparative method, the present research shows that gender policy in contemporary Iran was influenced by three variables: the strength of the women’s movement, the state’s tendencies, and other positions of social forces. Moreover, gender policy has emerged under three distinct paradigms. First, the conservative paradigm, which stemmed from the weakness of the women’s movement concomitant with the traditionalist state as well as the resistance of conservative forces, has not succeeded to make considerable changes to the status of women. This paradigm can be seen in the years preceding the constitutional movement (1891–1905), during 1941–1951 (the 1320s Solar Hijri), and in some periods following the Islamic Revolution (1981–1988). The second paradigm, called authoritarian reform, resulted from the weakness of the women’s movement concomitant with the authoritarian state as well as the diminished resistance of conservative forces. This paradigm, seen in the years 1921–1941 and 1963–1978, caused significant changes in the legal status of women. Not accompanied by the participation of women, these changes could not firmly entrench themselves and at times relapsed into the previous stage. Third, the paradigm of democratic reform resulted from the women’s movement concomitant with the reformist state as well as the balance between modern and traditional social forces. This paradigm emerged in the early years following the constitutional movement and in the two post-Revolutionary periods known as construction and reformist, introducing relatively profound and lasting changes to the status of women.
Ali Mokhtari; Reza Dehbanipour
Abstract
Prior to the 2011 Egyptian revolution, scholars would assess the state–society relations in Egypt in the age of globalization as ineffective, considering any change impossible. However, popular movements in the Middle East and the easy collapse of state indicated that the state–society relation ...
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Prior to the 2011 Egyptian revolution, scholars would assess the state–society relations in Egypt in the age of globalization as ineffective, considering any change impossible. However, popular movements in the Middle East and the easy collapse of state indicated that the state–society relation was not passive. In an attempt to re-examine state–society relations, this research focuses on why and how the state–society relations in Egypt, which had been based on authoritarian hegemony, underwent rupture and crisis. Moreover, it tries to explain how the state has managed to deal with the transformation of civil society. The findings show that despite the state’s incomplete and reductionist approach to globalization, the decrease in the state control over economy, in public services and the increase in inequality crisis all have led to class divisions, unemployment, and inflation. The loss of the elements integral to state hegemony led to the emergence of discontented and insurgent political subjects, which made the state insist on its repressive, non-ideological, and undemocratic functions. Due to the weakness in reproducing its power in civil society and the failure to realize the change in the subject’s sensibility–behavior schemata, the state failed in the face of the immediate movement of people, and emerging sociopolitical forces overthrew the state with the help of new media facilities.
Hamid Hakim
Abstract
Owing to their lasting and permanent effects, geopolitical factors play a significant role in the politics and behavior of state. Given Tajikistan’s geopolitics, it is important to consider geopolitical factors and their effects in order to understand and predict policies and behavior of the state ...
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Owing to their lasting and permanent effects, geopolitical factors play a significant role in the politics and behavior of state. Given Tajikistan’s geopolitics, it is important to consider geopolitical factors and their effects in order to understand and predict policies and behavior of the state in Tajikistan. This is also of special importance due the proximity of Tajikistan to the Islamic Republic of Iran as well as myriad commonalities between the two. Adopting a descriptive–analytical method and relying on library research, the present study aims to analyze the politics and behavior of the state in Tajikistan by investigating the effects of Tajikistan’s geopolitics on the state. The hypothesis is that the geopolitical characteristics of Tajikistan are factors causing tension for the country and creating, directly or indirectly, threats, instability, and insecurity which all affect the politics and behavior of the state in Tajikistan. This has led to the state’s authoritarianism and centralism in the domestic arena and its dominated, submissive character in the foreign arena.
Mahboubeh Karim Doost Balalami; Hadi Noori
Abstract
The present study focuses on the issue of "What is the framework for the construction and nature of the native governments of the Iranian plateau in terms of power and the influence of its social foundations on the power structure and what is its relationship with Mesopotamian governments?" The aim is ...
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The present study focuses on the issue of "What is the framework for the construction and nature of the native governments of the Iranian plateau in terms of power and the influence of its social foundations on the power structure and what is its relationship with Mesopotamian governments?" The aim is to describe the structure of political power and its relationship to social groups in pre-Aryan and Mesopotamian civilizations. The framework of analysis is based on two types of unilateral (vertical) power structure and bilateral (horizontal) power structure. The research method is a comparative type that compares macro social units to discover differences and similarities between communities, and first and second hand documentary methods have been used to collect data. The results show that all the indigenous civilizations of the Iranian plateau had a horizontal political structure, and it is only in Jiroft that the possibility of a centralized state can be stated. In the Mesopotamian realm, the Akkadian and Assyrian civilizations had a vertical political structure, and the Sumerian and Babylonian civilizations had a horizontal structure in the first period, which changed the nature of the vertical structure in the second period. The result of the research is that we can talk about the existence of two different political traditions in the two civilizations of the Iranian plateau and Mesopotamia, the first of which was based on the division of power and the second based on the concentration of power.
Mohsen Shafiee Seifabadi; Ali Bagheri Dolat Abadi
Abstract
Today, the coronavirus has become a pandemic and a major international concern. The virus has been able to give states powers that would not normally be possible. It has created many restrictions for them, either. In this regard, the purpose of this paper is the comparative study of the performance of ...
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Today, the coronavirus has become a pandemic and a major international concern. The virus has been able to give states powers that would not normally be possible. It has created many restrictions for them, either. In this regard, the purpose of this paper is the comparative study of the performance of the Iranian and Singaporean states dealing with the coronavirus, the political-social future of these two nations and the final status of the virus within the framework of future research method. Therefore, the question that arises is, "what has been the performance of Iran and Singapore dealing with the coronavirus, and what would be the political-social future of these countries and the final status of this virus?" The results show that Singapore's performance in confrontation with the coronavirus is faster, more planned, more legal and more transparent than in Iran. In terms of the future of both states, five scenarios can be proposed, which are in three categories: A) The Favorable Future: The End of Corona, Reduction of Job Costs for States and Improving the Knowledge System of Citizens. B) Probable Future: 1. Corona's gradual defeat, the emergence of the crisis of unemployed youth and maximum pressure on the State. 2. Gradual control of Corona, expansion of influence and intelligence dominance of States. 3. Corona's survival, the centralization of power and the closing of democratic space. C) Possible future: long-term failure of Corona, economic crisis and maximum pressure on the people and the emergence of social protests.
Morteza Mardiha
Abstract
In recent modernity era, especially between big war and the annihilation of communism, the most important political division in democratic countries has been the duality of Right/Left. Often the two biggest rival parties, apart from their different names, have been representing two tendencies, the social ...
Read More
In recent modernity era, especially between big war and the annihilation of communism, the most important political division in democratic countries has been the duality of Right/Left. Often the two biggest rival parties, apart from their different names, have been representing two tendencies, the social democracy and the liberal democracy. The main difference between these two positions has been about functionality and ethicality of welfare state. Our question in this article is the following: From the point view of social and economic mechanism, the intersection of democratic countries is closer to system of preferences of social democracy or liberal democracy? It is to corroboration that, somewhat contrary to the twentieth century, a scientific-experimental and realistic approach to the social planning makes these two positions convergent in a pragmatist framework, and, despite of a propagandist atmosphere of challenge, their theoretical and ideological differences are leaving their seriousness and functionality. The conflict of Tax versus services is transferring from an ideological and ethical principle to a subject for a limited and temporary examination among a group of experts. The existence of welfare state is no more a problem, it is its ranges and limitations which is a subject of discussion and decision. Even the domain of disagreement here is to reduce.
Somaye Hamidi; Hashem Ghaderi
Abstract
Opinion on the concept of state has a deep root in the history of western political thought. Although there have been brief and marginal studies in this area in ancient Greece, we notice more attention to the concept of state and its coordinates since the Renaissance. Germany, during eighteenth century, ...
Read More
Opinion on the concept of state has a deep root in the history of western political thought. Although there have been brief and marginal studies in this area in ancient Greece, we notice more attention to the concept of state and its coordinates since the Renaissance. Germany, during eighteenth century, is one of the most important arenas on this concept. As one of its thinkers and contemporary of Hegel, Schopenhauer has also paid attention to the issue of state during his discussions. The problem of the present study is the nature of state in Schopenhauer's political thought. The hypothesis of the present paper is that Schopenhauer's theory of state as opposed to Hegelian thought, rejects the totalitarian and the Hegelian ideal state on one hand, and, based on the rule of the concept of evil and how he views metaphysics in its philosophical apparatus on the other hand, takes on a minimalist and protective nature.
Ahmad Kaleghi Damghani; mohsen jamshidi
Abstract
Reconstruction and redefinition of classical concepts is one of the main features of post-structuralist thinking. French philosopher Gilles Deleuze has also toke part to this redefinition of classical concepts. One of the concepts Deleuze redefines and rebuilds in his thinking is the concept of state. ...
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Reconstruction and redefinition of classical concepts is one of the main features of post-structuralist thinking. French philosopher Gilles Deleuze has also toke part to this redefinition of classical concepts. One of the concepts Deleuze redefines and rebuilds in his thinking is the concept of state. Deleuze's method for redefining concepts, including the concept of state, was to embed them in a new ontological framework. By using a different ontology, Deleuze rebuilds different concepts. In this sense, Deleuze has put different concepts in the form of a single ontology by creating a philosophical system and using a unified and systematic approach. The main feature of this ontology is its reliance on the relationship between actual and virtual. For this purpose, in this paper, the author shows how the state theory rebuilt by Deleuze uses his theory of movement in terms of similar ontological structure. This same ontological structure is the relation between actual and virtual. Accordingly, the state like movement will be analyzed at three different levels: the level of points and place-time, the level of intrinsic motion and internal intercourse, the level of communication with the virtual. The significance of this redefinition for such an ontological structure is that the dominant institutional and static approach in the political analysis is radically transformed.
Mehdi Zibaei
Abstract
It was expected in the light of Arab Uprisings that the authoritarian regimes gave way to the democratic ones and this changing had led to raising the potent states. But, it was resulted in forming the incapable state within the Arab republics and consolidating regime of the oil-rich monarchies. On the ...
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It was expected in the light of Arab Uprisings that the authoritarian regimes gave way to the democratic ones and this changing had led to raising the potent states. But, it was resulted in forming the incapable state within the Arab republics and consolidating regime of the oil-rich monarchies. On the one hand, shaping failed states in Syria and Yemen put the Middle East regional system on the verge of collapsing. On the other hand, quelling protests by Saudi and Bahrain regimes showed that in these societies there is not any organic relation between authorities and crowd. By and large, the modern state not only bears central authority in the home but is the first actor in the international milieu. It has a significant role in keeping order within the country and forming the balance of power in the international realm. Therefore, by taking more information about the quality of relationship between the Arab uprisings and state as an entity one makes more perception over the Middle East international relations. This essay seeks to comprehend the impressions of Arab uprisings on the state that went through changes. Again, this work is tried to study this relation through the Historical Sociology of International Relations (HSIR)' lenses.
Mehdi Nasr
Abstract
Nowadays, 'justice' has almost become a forgotten concept. Global inequalities as a received contemporary neoliberal order is taken for granted. As a political concept, 'State', however, has a better situation. Using genealogy as a method, this article tries to show the concomitance of these two concepts ...
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Nowadays, 'justice' has almost become a forgotten concept. Global inequalities as a received contemporary neoliberal order is taken for granted. As a political concept, 'State', however, has a better situation. Using genealogy as a method, this article tries to show the concomitance of these two concepts in their origin. The classical principles of justice, namely political freedom and the principles of distributive justice as well as respect for equality of the nature are the existing principles in thinking of state, both the ancient and the modern ones. In its origin, state presupposes the principles of justice to engender political identity of human being. This is beyond a moral preaching. Relativism, however, is going to be criticized. Instead, it emphasizes on the common origin and source of these two political concepts. Of course our narration of political situations is different from the modern subjectivist ones. So we try to separate and distinguish justice and state from subjectivist concepts, the very concepts which have been criticized very much. Instead, we try to prove that even with the presuppositions of those philosophies critical of modernity also the principles of justice and state remain in their place and we should vindicate them in the contemporary political spheres.
Mahdy Haddady; Mohamad Setayeshpur
Abstract
Nowadays, many wrongful acts have been committed in the international community that multiple states play role in its commission. In spite of recognizing Independent Responsibility as the cornerstone basis for allocating international law of responsibility, International Law Commissions (hereinafter ...
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Nowadays, many wrongful acts have been committed in the international community that multiple states play role in its commission. In spite of recognizing Independent Responsibility as the cornerstone basis for allocating international law of responsibility, International Law Commissions (hereinafter ILC) draft Articles on Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts (2001) (hereinafter ARSIWA) and its draft Articles on Responsibility of International Organizations (2011) (hereinafter ARIO) have recognized that attribution of acts to one actor does not exclude possible attribution of the same act to another state which is called Derivative Responsibility. Aid or Assistance, Direction and Control, Force and Circumvention of an International Obligation are the only four situations in the scope of derivative responsibility. Despite recognizing these, it is not expressly clarified what kind of relationship exists between them, or how to allocate these two responsibilities as secondary obligation and or how the related contribution is. In the situation of aid or assistance, each one is just responsible of its aid or assistance, so if the wrongdoer commits more internationally wrongful acts, the state in question is just responsible for the aid or assistance and not more; in the situation of direction or control, joint responsibility is applicable; in the situation of force, the forcing party is responsible; so the forced party is not responsible at all; And in the last one, circumvention is not justifiable at all; so the state in question cannot and must not escape from its primary obligation.
Mohammad Taghi Ghezelsofla
Abstract
The emergence of the term of aesthetics in the late eighteenth century was neutral in the sense of pleasure. Since the mid-nineteenth century with Hegel's theory on the “End of Art” and the emergence of ideology and modern art, the relation between elegance and politics has come ...
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The emergence of the term of aesthetics in the late eighteenth century was neutral in the sense of pleasure. Since the mid-nineteenth century with Hegel's theory on the “End of Art” and the emergence of ideology and modern art, the relation between elegance and politics has come to be substantial. This relation also in the first half of the twentieth century in the totalitarian communism and fascist regimes was considerable. In this paper, the fundamental question is how the idea of aesthetic in the politics solidifies the legitimacy and strength of the government.This article tries to review the mechanisms of aesthetics in Fascism that only serves as a control technique by eliminating the solipsism of culture and art theory. In order to ascertain the hypothesis of some elements of fascist aesthetics such as praising the state, aesthetic refinement of violence and technology will be discussed. Research findings show that the objective phenomenon has aided the aesthetic refinement of state power, the strengthening of war and violence, and the support of speed and technology to meet the goals of totality government. In this Paper, we used the theoretical framework of critical aesthetics and the article has been written in descriptive-analytic style.
Seyed Mohammad Tabatabaei
Abstract
Following the national revolutions which caused the creation of a new formation of state known as nation-state, we have witnessed the practical implementation of Theories of Separation of Powers. Ever since, the functional principles of organizing power in the modern state were based on the new theories ...
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Following the national revolutions which caused the creation of a new formation of state known as nation-state, we have witnessed the practical implementation of Theories of Separation of Powers. Ever since, the functional principles of organizing power in the modern state were based on the new theories about the separation of powers and their different perceptions. As a matter of fact, in order to prevent the centralization of power and to build a better organization of political affairs on the basis of Theory of Separation of Powers, the nation-states tried to the divide political power into three branches: the executive, the legislative and the judicial powers and separate them on the basis of their structures and functions. The present paper will attempt to identify the cause and the extent of remoteness or closeness of the ternary shapes of the combination of powers, relative or complete separation of powers of the known principles of democracy. The basic argument of the present research is based on the point that the true and complete implementation of the principle of “check and balance” among the ternary branches has caused more limitation on the power and constructive interactions; as a result, in a lenient system of the contribution of powers we witness the creation of a kind of “power equation” and “democratic balance” through the relative separation of powers.
Shahrouz Shariati
Abstract
Geographical continuities, intraregional requirements, underdevelopment, and energy issue are among the issues which can justify the convergence of the Iran-Iraq economic relations; Iran and Iraq both are among Middle Eastern countries whose fundamentals of power and political legitimacy have been ...
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Geographical continuities, intraregional requirements, underdevelopment, and energy issue are among the issues which can justify the convergence of the Iran-Iraq economic relations; Iran and Iraq both are among Middle Eastern countries whose fundamentals of power and political legitimacy have been formed on the basis of religion. These two countries have many convergence grounds including Kurds issue, cooperation with OPEC, cultural and religious subjects, and the problem of foreign intervention. But despite the convergence factors, there are some factors such as capturing the regional consumer markets and production and the sale of oil that place the two countries against each other. This article by political economy approach and using a theoretical framework which is based on "the rentier state theory" and "integration theory" will assess the internal problematic of integration between Iran and Iraq by studying the structure of power in the region, and it will deal with the feasibility assessment of the convergence grounds of these two countries. This essay will show that domination of rentierism over the two countries’ state is the most significant obstacle for regional integration. Finally, the article will present some proposes which can help the promotion of economic cooperation and integration between Iran and Iraq in the region.
Fariborz Aarghavani; Fatemeh Forootan
Abstract
The article’s aim is to study the intellectual bases of formation and continuity of authoritarian state in China. The main question is why china’s political society up to now has helped to form and to continue authoritarian state in this country, while many of the other countries has experienced ...
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The article’s aim is to study the intellectual bases of formation and continuity of authoritarian state in China. The main question is why china’s political society up to now has helped to form and to continue authoritarian state in this country, while many of the other countries has experienced some forms of democracy. This article, to answer the question, by presupposing some factors such as vast territory, agricultural economy and foreign invasion argues that the study of china’s intellectual bases and political thought in three era, ancient- middle and contemporary, shows us that the tradition of authoritarian state in china is deep and it is due to intellectual bases. In other words, political and intellectual thought in various ages has helped to create and reinforce authoritarian state in china. Strong influence of political thought in ancient era, middle era on china’s political action and continuity of Confucius’s tradition and communism are some of the main aspects and factors of the problem. Study of more important political thought about state nature, discussion on some aspects of powerful and authoritarian state in china and introducing china’s political thought in various eras that encourage state power are the main section of the article.
Seyed Asghar Keyvan Hoseini; tayebeh Mohamadikia
Abstract
ISIS could put into reality an idealistic and old-fashioned concept of Caliphate for the first time after the collapse of its last version, Ottoman caliphate. It also tried to turn the theory into an ideology by which the group was excepting to establish a state with the main aim of overcoming the dominancy ...
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ISIS could put into reality an idealistic and old-fashioned concept of Caliphate for the first time after the collapse of its last version, Ottoman caliphate. It also tried to turn the theory into an ideology by which the group was excepting to establish a state with the main aim of overcoming the dominancy of western civilization both over the region and the world. Based on this, the group tried to purpose a new approach toward political Islam idealism and Arab-Sunni fundamentalism in order to make it suitable for an effective fight with its enemy not as partisans but as a state. It shows that the study of the phenomena of ISIS not only as a practice in the range of real politics, but also as an ideological effort in the theoretical sphere is important and notable. There is a theoretical benefit in doing research on the way ISIS state (as an alternative for the westernized states) is formed. Based on this, this paper intended to study the concept of state in ISIS through the application of discourse methodology. After the explanation of the method, it focused on Salafi discourse as a source of ISIS ideology. Then the concept of power in this discourse is explained. Finally it showed how this concept is formulated and articulated within the framework of ISIS discourse to justify both its legitimacy and actions as a state actor.
Mandana Tishehyar
Abstract
Purpose: The East Asian region includes countries that mostly became independent after the Second World War and were established as newborn countries. Although the traditions of governance in most of these countries are as long as history, these nation-states have followed the policies of political development ...
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Purpose: The East Asian region includes countries that mostly became independent after the Second World War and were established as newborn countries. Although the traditions of governance in most of these countries are as long as history, these nation-states have followed the policies of political development as a part of their developmental policies in general during the last decades. While the Western models of development offered a typical pattern for developing political institutions, the East Asian countries, however, have applied their own models of political development in the political structures of their societies. These models are mostly rooted in the Oriental traditions of governance, and they construct a political identity for the citizens, agents and political elites based on cultural and social values.
The main purpose of this research is to analyze the model of political development of the state in South Korea based on political development theories. The question is how South Korean policy-makers have made a unique model of development based on cultural, social, economic and political heritages of this country.
Design/Methodology/Approach: The author will also examine the level of political development of the state in this country based on the criteria of classical theories of political development, such as the role of political elites, urbanization, literacy level, sociocultural features, the economic situation, foreign pressures and the like.
Findings: One of the most important elements that played a key role in shaping the political structure of government in South Korea is regionalization of politics in this country. The author has tried to explain the impact of this phenomenon in the process of political development of the state in South Korea.
Another factor, which has a certain degree of influence on the political culture of the South Korean society, especially among political activists and policy-makers, is the teachings of Confucius. As the mentor of millions of East Asian people, Confucius argues that people should obey the governors and the rules must be responsible for bringing peace and stability to the society. This idea was accepted by many rulers throughout history and prepared a suitable ground for creating semi-authoritarian states ruling over this region for centuries. Still, we can witness the impact of such an approach on the South Korean society. In fact, the influence of the political traditions of governance in the South Korean society is undeniable.
The impression of political competitions between the East and the West blocs during the Cold War and the South Korean tendency toward the Western bloc is also evident in the political development policies of the state in this country.
Value: Regarding the above-mentioned elements, the author argues that the historical features and political culture of the South Korean society have played an important role in the foundation of the structure of political development of the state in this country.
